Damian Shiels's Blog, page 34

Grieving for an Emigrant Son: The Story of the Finnertys of Galway City

This week I will be continuing my county-specific examinations of the Irish experience of the American Civil War, when I give a lecture in Galway City Museum on the impact of the conflict on the Tribesmen (and women!). I come across large numbers of Galway people in my research, and have little doubt that the American Civil War saw more Galwaymen in uniform than any other conflict in history. I decided to take a special look at one of these men and his family this week, particularly as they lived very close to where I will be speaking on Thursday. The letters this Galway soldier wrote home more than 150 years ago are transcribed below for the first time. The family story they reveal takes us from Galway to Liverpool, and via Canada and Illinois, before ultimately culminating in Vicksburg, Mississippi. It is a form of emigrant story now largely forgotten in Galway, but one that would have been familiar to many thousands of the county’s people in the 19th century. 

Eyre Square, Galway City in 1903. This would have been an area the Finnertys knew well (Library of Congress)

Bridget Ridge and John Finnerty were married in the parish of St. Nicholas in Galway City on 14th January 1826. Their son, James, was baptised in the same place on 2nd July 1835. It is unclear how many siblings James had, but they included at least one sister. At some point over the years that followed the family decided their future lay away from the City of the Tribes. John Finnerty took them to England, where they would eventually set up home in Birkenhead. There they were surrounded by many other Irish emigrants, including at least some of Bridget’s Ridge family relations. James spent long enough in England to develop friendships, but in the 1850s the young Galwegian decided to strike out for North America. He may be the 19-year-old ‘James Feenerty’ recorded as arriving in New York from Liverpool aboard the De Witt Clinton on 19th November 1853. (1)

Whatever his date of arrival, by late 1858 James was in Grove Mills, Canada West (modern day Ontario). On 7th September that year he took the opportunity to write back to his parents and sister in Birkenhead, letting them know he was ok. Clearly not a regular writer, James admitted to his family that things were not going quite as he had hoped in his new home. He described how he had suffered from ‘the rumetism’ both that spring and the spring before, and that ‘times is very hard’, particularly due to the price of essentials. Still, if his health was spared he hoped to be able to go home for a visit, though he later wrote ‘I will send you my likeness in my next letter if I can, for I fear that I shall not see you.’ James’s family were obviously suffering from the sense of loss that remains familiar to many split by emigration, as he felt it necessary to tell those at home: ‘I am sorry to see that you are greaving for me…’ One wonders how many homes in Ireland and the United Kingdom had to make do with similar likenesses from America. (2)

It does not seem likely that James managed a visit home. Nearly four years after writing from Canada he was across the border in Chicago, Illinois. On 15th August 1862 he took the decision to enlist in the Union army, becoming a private in Company B of the 72nd Illinois Infantry, often called the ‘First Chicago Board of Trade Regiment.’ At the time James was recorded as a 26-years-old painter (he was 27), was some 5 feet 6 inches in height and had dark hair, grey eyes and a light complexion. It seems that James had been in the employ of English-born painter Francis Rigby in Chicago’s Second Ward (based on a review of the 1860 Census), but had decided he had better prospects in the army. The day before he joined-up he wrote this letter to his mother:

Chicago August 14th 1862

Dear Mother,

I hope you will excuse me for not writing before now as I have been moveing about for I have left Mr. Rigby thinking that I can better myself. I was very sorry to hear of my fathers death on the 18 of March last. How is Bridget getting along and likewise yourself, please write back as soon as you can and I will try and save you a little money.I dont know how things are going on with you in England but they are pretty hard here. I am glad to say I am in good health as stout as ever let me know [how] James Ridge and his mother and sisters are. I suppose you are living in the old place yet. Now dear mother be sure and answer this as soon as you can and send your directions so that my letter can find you. Give my love to Bridget and James Ridges family and receive the same yourself,

I remain your loving son,

James Finerty.

Patriotic letterhead on one of James Finnerty’s wartime letters (Fold3/National Archives)

James seems to have continued his habit of erratic correspondence, having not written home since hearing of the death of his father in Birkenhead a few months previously. This may at least be partially due to the fact that James appears to have been illiterate– the 1858 letter from Canada and the 1862 one from Chicago are in different hands. Despite saying that he was seeking to ‘better himself’ (a common theme in letters from men explaining their decision to enlist) it appears that he may not have told his mother that he intended to do this by becoming a soldier. (3)

By early September James was on the march to Kentucky. His regiment participated in a number of expeditions that October, before being ordered to Tennessee in November. James was at Holly Springs, Mississippi when he next wrote to England, this time to a Mrs. Bailey. In the letter James describes the fate of Cheshire native James Harrison, a 30-year-old who had also listed his pre-war profession as painter, and had enlisted on the same day as James. It seems probable the two had known each other (and perhaps worked together) prior to their service.

Holly Springs Nov the 30) 1862

Mrs Bailey,

This letter finds me in good health hopeing that yours is the same and im sorry to say that Harrison died on the 25 day of Oct he lay sick in the tent with Typhoid Fever 2 weeks till he got so sick that I could take care of him no longer and then he was sent to the hospital were he lay 3 days and I was with him when he died and stoped with him till we laid him out he was buryed next day. Me and Becker made up his accounts and sent the bill includeing the 50$ that he had in the Illinois Saving Bank that is all he had, it was all sent to Becker to be sent home to his father. While we were in Columbus our company was sent on an expedition down to Tennessee, your letter came when I was down there and I did not have time to answer it till now. We left Columbus a week ago Thursday for Lagrange, we left the latter place 3 days ago and we are now 8 or 10 miles south of Holly Spring Miss. Before we left Lagrange there were issued rations for 85000 men and that whole army is in motion, ready to meet the enemy and he is not far off, for they left Holly Springs the day before we got there. It would do you good to see the whole army in squad and companies before there camp fires at night for we have no tents with us, nothing but our blankets and the woods for shelter. It is a grand panorama to see and we enjoy ourselves first rate, a deal better than you would think we would I tell you. There is an awful sight of troops here in the west, the river is literally black with troops Roseincrans [Rosecrans] has a very large army so has Grant and we are with the latter in Quimby [Quinby’s] division. Our whole regiment is out on picket duty today and I think ther[e] is a battle going on about 10 miles from us judgeing from the cannonadeing that we hear and I do not know how soon we may [be] called into it also. I send my best respects to Eliza and the Duke and also to Dick and Dave also to Mr. Rigby and famly and also to sesesh Bill this is all I have to write at presant direct your letter to me,

Co B 72 Reg in Quimby Division by Cairo Ill

Yours truly,

James Finerty. (4)

Siege of Vicksburg by Kurz and Allison c. 1888 (Library of Congress)

As things transpired, the 72nd Illinois were not engaged in battle that November and eventually returned to the vicinity of Memphis, Tennessee. However, they were to be involved in Grant’s efforts to capture Vicksburg in the months that followed. It was as a part of that campaign that James’s regiment fought their first major engagement at Champion Hill, Mississippi on 16th May 1863. But there were bloodier times ahead. On 22nd May 1863 Ulysses S. Grant launched an assault all along the Rebel line at Vicksburg. The 72nd Illinois, as part of the Army of the Tennessee’s 2nd Brigade, 6th Division of the 17th Corps, were in the front ranks. On that fateful morning, the regiment’s Brigadier, General Thomas E.G. Ransom, moved his men forward at about 10am. Under the cover of sharpshooters, they had to scramble through ravines ‘filled with fallen timber and canebrakes’ as they struggled to make headway towards the Rebel entrenchments. Getting to within 60 yards of the works, Ransom massed the men for the final assault. But the Confederates were ready for them. The Yankee charge was met with a ‘continuous blaze of musketry’ poured into their ranks, while Rebel artillery, which enfiladed the line, ‘threw…shot and shell…with deadly effect.’ Although some of Ransom’s men managed to cling desperately to the Confederate works for a few minutes, they were unable to gain a foothold. Grant’s assault failed, and it proved costly to the Illinoisans. Ransom’s brigade lost 476 casualties, 100 of them from the 72nd. Among them was Galway’s James Finnerty. (5)

We don’t know how Bridget Finnerty discovered her son was dead. Perhaps she was sent a letter by one of James’s comrades or officers. Often such communications sought to soften the blow as to precisely how a loved one had died, attempting to downplay the horrors that modern war could inflict. Unfortunately, in Bridget’s case, we know that she discovered exactly how her son lost his life. Although she may have been comforted by the fact his end had come instantly, his fate must nevertheless have shaken her to the core. That she learned graphic detail of his fate is demonstrated in her pension file. Included within it is a newspaper clipping listing the casualties of the 72nd Illinois at Vicksburg. James’s name has been marked with ink where he is mentioned, twice. The second entry was included because of how he died– ‘literally blown in pieces by a shell.’ Though she would never see her son again, 50-year-old Bridget did receive a pension based on his service. From her home in 13 Elden Place, Birkenhead, she relied heavily on the U.S. Consul in Liverpool to help her secure it. The consul wrote to Washington to relate that Mrs. Finnerty was one of ‘many poor persons here who have lost sons or husbands in the war’, demonstrating just what a toll the American Civil War was having on British communities. He described Bridget as a ‘miserably poor widow’ who was among those who were too illiterate to write to the pension bureau herself, and too poor to get anyone to do it for them. Thankfully, and largely as a result of the Consul’s efforts, Bridget Finnerty’s dependent mother’s claim was approved. (6)

The newspaper clipping which Bridget Finnerty included in her pension application. The line which describes the horrible fate that befell her son was marked to prove he had died in battle (Fold3/National Archives)

* I have added minor formatting to these letters for the benefit of readers, but none of the content has been altered in any way. None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) James Finnerty Dependent Mother’s File, New York Passenger Lists; (2) James Finnerty Dependent Mother’s File; (3) Illinois Muster Roll Database, James Finnerty Dependent Mother’s File; (4) Adjutant General 72nd Illinois History, Illinois Muster Roll Database, James Finnerty Dependent Mother’s File; (5) Official Records: 297-99; (6) James Finnerty Dependent Mother’s File;

References & Further Reading

James Finnerty Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC31621

Illinois Civil War Muster Roll Database

72nd Illinois Infantry Regiment History

New York, Passenger Lists, 1820-1957 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2010. Year: 1853; Arrival: New York, New York; Microfilm Serial: M237, 1820-1897; Microfilm Roll: Roll 134; Line: 5; List Number: 1176

1860 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2009. Year: 1860; Census Place: Chicago Ward 2, Cook, Illinois; Roll: M653_164; Page: 472; Image: 474; Family History Library Film: 803164

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 24, Part 2. Report of Brig. Gen. Thomas E.G. Ransom, U.S. Army, commanding Second Brigade, Sixth Division, including operations since April 26.

Vicksburg National Military Park

Civil War Trust Vicksburg Battle & Siege Page

Filed under: Battle of Vicksburg, Galway, Illinois Tagged: 72nd Illinois Infantry, Canadian Irish, Galway American Civil War, Galway Emigration, Illinois Irish, Irish American Civil War, Liverpool Irish, Siege of Vicksburg

The ‘Polopticomorama’: Bringing the American Civil War to Life in Irish Theatres, 1863

When Mathew Brady exhibited his photographic images of the dead of the Battle of Antietam in New York in 1862, throngs went to see the exhibition. The shocking sight of the dead of the conflict caused the New York Times to remark that if Brady ‘has not brought bodies and laid them in our dooryards and along the streets, he has done something very like it.’ Brady’s exposition is by the far the most famous of the Civil War, but it was only one example of an entire industry that revolved around people’s fascination with the fighting. That industry was based on two simple premises– that those at home wanted to get a sense of what the war was really like, and that they were willing to pay for it. Although the photographs of the Civil War are the most enduring legacy of this enterprise, these early ‘immersive experiences’ came in a number of forms. This post relates research I have been carrying out into a remarkable traveling American Civil War experience that sought to bring an interpretation of the fighting to audiences of the Home Front. It is of interest to this site because its creators recognised that they could procure a global audience. In 1863, they crossed the Atlantic to tap into huge interest in the war in Ireland– thousands of people in Dublin, Cork and Limerick, flocked to be a part of it. (1)

Confederate dead in the Bloody Lane at Antietam (the position the Irish Brigade attacked). Exposed by Alexander Gardner, it was images such as this exhibited by Mathew Brady that caused such a sensation in 1862 New York (Library of Congress)

In the summer of 1863, Isambard Kingdom Brunel’s great steam ship the SS Great Eastern arrived in Ireland. Among the cargo unloaded from her hold were the components of a most unusual attraction, which would soon be wowing audiences up and down the island. The exhibition, which arrived ‘in charge of a couple of Yankees,’ boasted that prerequisite for a must-see show, an ‘unpronounceable name.’ It was also figured to be ‘of special and intense interest to Ireland’ due to its subject matter. The brainchild of Clapp, Stanley & Co. of New York, the exquisitely titled ‘Polopticomorama’ had an ambitious aim– to bring the sights and sounds of the ongoing American Civil War to an Irish audience. (2)

The foundations upon which Clapp, Stanley & Co.’s production drew were the moving panorama and the diorama. Intended to be immersive experiences, these forms of entertainment were hugely popular with 19th century audiences. The moving panoramas were giant painted scenes, designed to take viewers on virtual tours of famous locations, such as the Mississippi River. As the panorama moved forward, a narrator would describe the unfolding scene to the crowd. To get an idea of how these panoramas worked you can view a portion of the c. 1850 Panorama of the Monumental Grandeur of the Mississippi Valley (incidentally painted by Irish artist John J. Egan) on a video from The Metropolitan Museum of Art by clicking here. However, the central component of the Polopticomorama that visited Ireland in 1863 was the diorama. Invented in the 1820s by Louis Daugerre (himself a panorama painter and later inventor of the daguerreotype photography process), the diorama’s principal element were large pictures painted on both sides of a translucent material, onto which light was manipulated to create an illusion of three-dimensions, moving images and changing atmospheric conditions. These dioramas were displayed in specially constructed areas (one short-lived example was to be found on Great Brunswick Street, now Pearse Street, Dublin between 1826 and 1828) though by the 1860s they appear to have been more adaptable. But what seems to have been particularly special about Clapp and Stanley’s American Civil War Polopticomrama was the addition of layered elements, including the use of chemicals, to enhance this immersive experience. It certainly made a lasting impression on the show’s Irish audiences. (3)

The SS Great Eastern, which brought the Polopticomorama to Ireland (Memorial University Libraries)

The Polopticomorama seems to have started life in New York in 1863. The principal artist was Minard Lewis, who was originally from Maryland. Lewis had a long history of panorama painting, having worked with Massachusetts painter Truman C. Bartholomew during the 1850s on Revolutionary-War panoramas such as the Battle of Bunker Hill and the burning of Charleston. He had joined the California gold rush in 1849, and the sketches he produced would also later form part of a panorama based on that experience. Minard’s pre-war work also made it to Europe, where it appeared in the Cyclorama von Nordamerika which was displayed in Vienna. By 1860 he was living in New York, which is where he presumably struck up his association with Clapp, Stanley & Co. The Polopticomorama, which depending on reports cost between £20,000 sterling and $70,000 dollars to produce, was being displayed from at least early 1863 in locations such as New York, Pittsburgh, Trenton and Baltimore. Just prior to its unveiling in Ireland, the Dublin Freeman’s Journal shared an American account of the show to whet its readers appetite:

…language fails to describe the sensation produced upon the mind as one gazes upon these terrible battle scenes, where death and destruction fall on every hand, and remembers that it is our own friends and relations who are thus engaged in this deadly strife. And so life-like are the paintings, that one instinctively turns the ear to catch the sound of some familiar voice, and the eye hurriedly scans the features of the passing throng in the hope to recognise some well-known face. The illusion is made so perfect by the aid of mechanical effect, that nothing is left to imagination. The flash of powder and roar of the artillery are distinctly seen and heard as though the audience were on the actual field of battle. (4)

Plan of the Diorama Building, London, 1823 (Almanach des Spectacles, 1823)

The Polopticomorama aimed to show viewers the ‘horrors of the battlefield’ in ‘life-like vividness.’ They were to hear the thunder of the cannon, and see the fire and smoke of the opposing forces. In order to do this the showmen made use of ‘extensive and intricate machinery, mechanical appliances, chemical effects and ingenious dioramic accompaniments’ so that the audience could ‘almost imagine themselves actual spectators of the sublime and stirring scenes represented.’  As with the panoramas, a key feature of the Polopticomorama was a narrative lecture describing the key events. The Polopticomorama appears to have spent a brief period in England before arriving in Dublin in July 1863. American Civil War themed entertainment had the potential to be big business in Ireland. Although perhaps not something that is commonly recognised today, Ireland had an almost insatiable appetite for information on the war. As one newspaper reported, the Polopticomorama promised to be a success because ‘all Irishmen and Irishwomen are interested in this great contest, for even if they have not friends or relatives upon American soil, they must at least feel interested in the great cause of humanity involved in the issues of this tremendous contest.’ (5)

The first Irish venue for the Polopticomorama was the Concert Room of Dublin’s Rotundo. After the opening performance the Freeman’s Journal told Dubliners what they could expect:

The exhibition opens with a view of Washington, Georgetown, and Longbridge, the perfect authenticity of which, as well as all the other scenes represented, is vouched for by the proprietors of the work, which is on the most extensive scale of any similar exhibition ever produced here. The bombardment of Fort Sumter is a very vivid scene of scenic portraiture, and, indeed, the views throughout are depicted with considerable artistic skill, independently of their truthfulness as memorials of the great events which have such a deep and abiding interest for the civilzed world. The other pictures which attract particular attention are the battle of Bull’s Run, burning vessels in Gosport Navy Yard, riots in the city of Baltimore, bombardment of Port Royal, and the representation of the Battle of Antietam. The grand war tableau, with which the second section of the exhibition closes, is also highly interesting, from the fact of its containing a series of “life portraits” of the leading generals of the northern armies. The third section comprises a grand moving diorama of the battle in Hampton Roads, in which the celebrated Merrimac bears a conspicuous part. The different scenes are explained in an intelligent descriptive lecture. (6)

Advertisement for the Polopticomorama in the Daily Ohio Statesman, 11th July 1864 (Daily Ohio Statesman)

The Polopticomorama had a matinée and an evening performance, with advertisements helpfully telling perspective visitors what time they should order their carriages to take them home (the duration was in the region of two hours). Tickets for the show could be bought at establishments such as Bussell’s, Moses’s and Pigot’s. What is particularly striking about performances such as this is the ingenuity employed to attract as many customers as possible, and also to encourage repeat visits. Children were a particular target market. A special offer advertisement told how children would be entertained for as little as 3d, while the educational value of the experience was also highlighted. One report related that children who visited the Polopticomorama in Dublin were ‘made to understand their lessons more readily’ through the use of illustrated books. Indeed, aside altogether from the entertainment value, the writer felt that ‘more information about the American War can be obtained in a few hours at Messrs. Clapp and Stanley’s exhibition at the Rotundo than could be acquired from books in as many months.’ Such was the excitement surrounding the Polopticomorama that the Lord Lieutenant himself had a private viewing with his ADC and Assistant Private Secretary at the Rotundo on 15th August. Never ones to miss a promotional trick, from then on the show was advertised in the papers as ‘under the immediate patronage of His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant.’ The company was determined to keep the show fresh, and as such new scenes were consistently being painted to keep pace with events at the front. After a month on show at the Rotundo it was announced that the management were now in a position to present a new diorama, which had just arrived aboard the ship Persia, and which made the exhibition one-third larger. Indeed the speed with which they could follow with the major events of the war was remarkable– when touring Wisconsin in April 1864 the proprietors boasted that all the major incidents were included, ‘down to Kilpatrick’s Raid,’ a Union cavalry operation against Richmond that had occurred only a matter of weeks previously. (7)

George Howard, 7th Earl of Carlisle and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, who visited the Polopticomorama in 1863 (National Portrait Gallery)

After a tremendously successful run in Dublin, the Polopticomorama readied itself for a move to Cork. In order to drum up some enthusiasm before opening night, coloured engravings of the war were ‘profusely scattered throughout the city.’ The first Cork performance was on the 24th August, with the venue the Theatre Royal on Georges Street (now Oliver Plunkett Street). Doors opened at 1.30 and 7.30, with admission prices ranging from 2s 6d, to 1s 6d, to 6d. As in Dublin, it was a huge success. The theatre was ‘crowded nightly’ with the audiences ‘perfectly carried away with enthusiasm.’ It was recommended that you go early if you entertained hopes of getting a seat. The journalists in Cork were just as impressed as their counterparts in the capital. A writer with the Cork Examiner related that ‘the main feature…is the introduction of flashes of light and puffs of smoke to represent the firing of cannon and the explosion of shells. This effect is introduced into several views of sieges and sea fights, in the Merrimac scene it shows the destruction of two Federal frigates, the contending vessels are made to move over the water while keeping up a vigorous fire at each other, and an almost perfect illusion is produced. The portrayal of the Hampton Roads fight was clearly impressive. One Cork writer remarked they had ‘seldom seen anything to equal this in its way for ingenuity and effectiveness. Ships move about, discharge guns, pour forth volumes of flame and smoke, and advance and retreat and manoeuvre, as if they were real vessels engaged in a real conflict.’ The Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier commented on the ‘masterly performance of some popular airs on the piano’ which added to the drama, concluding that the Polopticomorama was ‘a very unusual treat, well worth seeing, and none should be without seeing it.’ As in Dublin, promoters were keen to accentuate the educational value of the show. Nearly 2,000 children attended a special matinée juvinale performance on 1st September. Different techniques were used to keep people interested in attending; a military band was added to the show for the second last night of the Cork run, while prizes were often also given away to the crowd. Descriptions of some of these ‘valuable presents’ have left us the names of some of those who went to see the Polopticomorama. Mrs. Smith of Matthew Tower on the Lower Road won a ‘beautiful rosewood dressing case’, while Mrs. Bradbier of No.2, French’s Quay, came away with 112 lbs of flour. Catherine Leary of Blackrock got a reversible inlaid miniature pin, a Mr. Edge procured a ‘valuable locket’ and Mr. Burgess of the Citizen Steamers’ Company pocketed an emerald and opal brooch. (8)

The Rotundo in Dublin, which later formed part of the Ambassador (William Murphy)

The next venue on the Polopticomorama’s circuit was Limerick’s Theatre Royal, where it opened on the 7th September 1863. The plaudits kept coming– the Tipperary Vindicator called the show ‘the most splendid work of panoramic art that it has ever been our good fortune to witness.’ It is not clear when the performance left Ireland, but it looks to have stopped off in England once more before re-crossing the Atlantic. 1864 seems to find it touring locations such as Ohio, Wisconsin and Indiana. The Polopticomorama was clearly not unique during the Civil War; a review of contemporary newspapers uncovers many other similar shows, such as Josiah Perham’s ‘Mirror of the Rebellion’ which was to be found in Massachusetts in 1863 (this may also have been the original title of the Clapp & Stanley show) and the ‘Polopticomorama’ of Randolph, Carey & Co. which was touring Illinois in 1864 (it is unclear if this was an associated show, or was simply cashing in on the Clapp, Stanley & Co. success). (9)

Theatre Royal Cork in 1867 (Illustrated London News)

There is some evidence to suggest that not everybody in Ireland agreed with the particularly Federal slant with which the show presented the war. Despite being overwhelmingly positive in the main, the Freeman’s Journal did add that ‘some of the pictures are, perhaps, a little too highly coloured and taken from a Federal point of view.’  The most interesting postscript in this regard though is surely the legal action taken by one Mr. Harold Preston. Preston had filled in as the show’s narrator for a week during the Dublin run in the Rotundo, as the usual lecturer, Mr. Gardiner, had fallen ill. However, Gardiner subsequently refused to pay his substitute, stating that ‘Mr. Preston was incompetent to lecture on the scenes in the Polopticomorama, and often represented as Confederate victories battles which were won by the Federals.’ Whether Preston did this as a result of his own political leanings or through ignorance of the facts is unclear, but in any event the court found in his favour, and ordered he be paid the £2 10s owed to him.(10)

Despite the presence of similar shows in America, there was surely nothing to match the Polopticomorama in Ireland during the war years. Even if some had reservations about its Union-oriented focus, the crowds that swarmed to see the Polopticomrama were, as one Irish paper put it, marks of ‘the absorbing interest felt by all classes in the American war.’ The Polopticomorama presented a unique opportunity for Irish people to learn about the conflict even as the battles still raged. One wonders how many of the visitors attending had family members who were engaged in the deadly actions it depicted. For some it must surely have been an emotional experience. (11)

Advertisement for the Polopticomorama in the Freeman’s Journal (Freeman’s Journal)

(1) New York Times 20th October 1862; (2) Freeman’s Journal 25th July 1863, Cork Examiner 21st August 1863; (3) John J. Egan Panorama, The Diorama in Great Britain Part 1, The Diorama in Great Britain Part 2; (4) Palmquist & Kailbourn 2000: 369, Cork Examiner 19th August 1863, Pittsburgh Daily Post 6th April 1863, New York Herald 20th March 1863, Baltimore Sun 20th April 1863, Trenton State Gazette 24th April 1863, Freeman’s Journal 24th July 1863; (5) Wolverhampton Chronicle and Staffordshire Advertiser 22nd July 1863, Baltimore Sun 20th April 1863, Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier 29th August 1863; (6) The Freeman’s Journal 28th July 1863; (7) Freeman’s Journal 10th August 1863, Freeman’s Journal 1st August 1863, Freeman’s Journal 8th August 1863, Evening Freeman 15th August 1863, Freeman’s Journal 18th August 1863; Milwaukee Sentinel 11th April 1864; (8) Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier 24th August 1863, Cork Examiner 19th August 1863, Cork Examiner 26th August 1863, Cork Examiner 29th August 1863, Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier 25th August 1863, Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier 2nd September 1863, Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier 4th September 1863, Cork Examiner 28th August 1863, Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier 29th August 1863; (9) Tipperary Vindicator 8th September 1863, Cheshire Observer 19th December 1863, Milwaukee Sentinel 11th April 1864, The Highland Weekly News 14th April 1864, Weekly Racine Advocate 27th April 1864, Fort Wayne Daily Gazette 23rd May 1864, Plain Dealer 10th June 1864, Daily Ohio Statesman 7th July 1864, Boston Herald 18th September 1863, New York Herald 30th March 1863, The Pantagraph 9th February 1864; (10) Freeman’s Journal 8th August 1863, Cork Examiner 9th September 1863; (11) Cork Examiner 28th August 1863;

References

Baltimore Sun

Boston Herald

Cheshire Observer

Cork Examiner

Daily Ohio Statesman

Evening Freeman

Fort Wayne Daily Gazette

Freeman’s Journal

Highland Weekly News

Milwaukee Sentinel

New York Herald

Pittsburgh Daily Post

Plain Dealer

Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier

The Pantagraph

Tipperary Vindicator

Trenton State Gazette

Weekly Racine Advocate

Wolverhampton Chronicle and Staffordshire Advertiser

Peter E. Palmquist & Thomas R. Kailbourn 2000. Pioneer Photographers of the Far West: A Biographical Dictionary 1840- 1865.

R. Derek Wood. 1993. ‘The Diorama in Great Britain in the 1820s’ in History of Photography 17, 3, Autumn 1993, pp. 284-295. Online version accessed here.

John J. Eagan Panorama at the Metropolitan Museum of Art

William Murphy Flickr

Filed under: Cork, Dublin, Limerick, Research Tagged: American Civil War Theatre, Dublin Rotundo, Irish American Civil War, Moving Panorama, Polopticomorama, Theatre in 1860s Ireland, Theatre Royal Cork, Theatre Royal Limerick

‘In This Song I Will Make Mention of the Sons of Erin’: Researching Irish Songs from the American Civil War

From early in the American Civil War songs began to emerge focusing on aspects of the Irish experience of the conflict. Many of these tunes remain familiar to us today, but beyond their often rousing lyrics, what were they originally intended to convey? To explore this further I am delighted to welcome a guest post from an expert in the area, friend of the site Catherine Bateson of the University of Edinburgh. Catherine is one of a number of scholars undertaking research into the Irish and other diasporas at Edinburgh; it is also the home of Professor Enda Delaney, author of the important paper Directions in Historiography: Our Island Story? Towards a Transnational History of Late Modern Ireland which has been referenced a number of times on this site, and is a must read for anyone interested in why subjects such as Irish involvement in the American Civil War are not major topics of study in Ireland.* Catherine is engaged in PhD research under the supervision of Professor Delaney, on the topic of American Civil War Songs and Irish American Sentiments. She has kindly agreed to share some of her initial findings with us– it may be that some readers have information that will assist Catherine in this important research.

You, Soldiers brave, pray pay attention: gentle folks, grand condescention,

While in this song I will make mention of the sons of Erin;

Whose brave behavior do excel what pen can write or tongue can tell

The Sixty-Ninth, you know well, are gallant sons of Erin. (1)

So begins The Gallant Sons of Erin, a ballad dedicated to the 69th New York Infantry. It is one of several 69th New York-related songs which comprise an ever-growing collection of song sheets written, produced and circulated by and about the Irish who fought in the American Civil War. The approximately 100 songs I have found and started researching form the foundation of my doctoral research at the University of Edinburgh, which focuses on the sentiments expressed in Irish-related songs from the Civil War and how these ballads, lyrics and the music used to sing them form part of an Irish cultural diaspora in mid-nineteenth century America. They reveal what the war meant to the Irish involved and the impact participation had on the relationship between Irish, American and, ultimately, Irish American identity in the 1860s.

The Gallant Sons of Erin (Library of Congress)

While interning with the British Library’s American collection to produce an online gallery exhibition about Britain and the American Civil War, I came across a beautiful songster scrapbook – a collection of song sheets printed during the Civil War that sing the story of the conflict. This included two dozen or so songs referring to Irish involvement in the war. I spent much time trying to work out the contradictory sentiments they expressed: lyrics were simultaneously pro-Union/nationalist and anti-secessionist, extolling Irish and American patriotism (by which I mean two distinctive identities, not ‘Irish-American’), and demonstrated a will to fight, even songs written in 1862/1863 when the war sacrifice of Irishmen started to have an impact within military and civilian circles.

My doctoral study focuses on two areas articulated in these Irish American Civil War songs. The first part examines the opinions and feelings songs expressed. By looking at the subject matters, songwriters, and the performers who wrote lyrics and sang them, a clearer picture of wartime sentiment articulation can be created and added to contemporary Irish and Irish American accounts and memoirs. So far, I’ve determined there are three main sentiments these songs extoll, with a myriad of other views and attitudes developed from these core sentimental roots. They are:

Songs praising the bravery of the Irish and their service in battle

These make up the bulk of songs I’ve found in archives, which has meant I’ve become well versed in the more military aspects of the conflict! (2) Many relate to the Irish Brigade and the 69th New York Infantry Regiment in particular, such as The Boys of the Irish Brigade and New War Song of the 69th Regiment, written in honour of the 69th New York’s role during the First Battle of Bull Run. Most of the songs I’ve come across recount Irish Union Army service, which is to be expected given the statistical dominance of the Irish in the north east/New York City fighting for the Union. (3)

Songs with lyrics extolling the military service of Irish officers

Closely related to the theme above, many lyrics and songs are dedications to the Union Army’s most well-known Irish generals – Michael Corcoran and Thomas Francis Meagher. Corcoran regularly received his own titled song dedications, for example Return of General Corcoran of the Glorious 69th and Corcoran’s Ball!;

Meagher makes an appearance in the Battle of Bull-Run as the Captain…[with] Irish blood of fame, Who wore the Harp and Shamrock upon the Battle-plain.(4)

Songs about the conflict from soldiers’ point of view

For example, the haunting ballad Pat Murphy of Meagher’s Brigade describes the eponymous Pat – a dashing young blade – waiting on the night before battle…With his pipe in his mouth…And a song he was lilting quite gaily…he sang of the Sprig of Shillaly.(5)

Pat Murphy of Meagher’s Brigade (The British Library)

Aside from the military aspects songs expressed, lyrics also sang of home-front concerns – the perennial No Irish Need Apply motif forms the subtext of several verses, alongside continual anti-nativist rebuttals, though these are few and far between. Most lyrics extoll the continuance of Wild Geese spirit and the legacy of our famed Fathers on the plains of Waterloo. (6) There’s also a fairly strong presence of Irish nationalist sentiment, though it’s too early in my research to say how closely connected this is to the development of Fenianism in 1860s America, and an apparent deep love and patriotism for America, be that Union and the Confederate States. My most recent focus for instance has been on the constant repetition and lyrical connections between the symbolism of the Stars and Stripes in Civil War Irish songs and the green banners of Erin carried by many Irish-connected regiments. As one Irish Brigade ballad articulated: Now Erin’s Green flag is blended Along with the Red, White and Blue. (7)

The Irish Brigade (The British Library)

Such sentiments connect to the second part of my doctoral research: how Irish Civil War songs and the music their lyrics were often set to reveal the maintenance of an Irish cultural diaspora in mid-nineteenth century American culture. In essence, I’m trying to establish two histories: the first of the songs themselves, ie. the lyrics sung, and the second being the history of Irish music dissemination in America, ie. the tunes. This is not just ethnic-Irish related. Several of the songs I look at are set to Scottish, Scots-Irish and American (English) tunes, so I also evaluate the way in with Irish music became American in much the same way Irish soldiers were said to become Americanized during the war. (8) This side of my research extends beyond songs pertaining to the Irish experience. One of the main sources I’ve been focusing on is the Confederate rallying song The Bonnie Blue Flag – a (Confederate) American song, written by a songwriter of Scots-Irish descent, Harry Macarthy, and set to the tune of the Irish ballad The Irish Jaunting Car. The song spread around America, North and South, carrying with in an Irish tune that would have been identified as American. Trying to determine why Macarthy, with his own intriguing ethnic-Irish connections to this song, used The Irish Jaunting Car tune for his Bonnie Blue Flag provides an example of the research I’m conducting into the authors of many of these musical pieces connected to the Irish in the war.

Tying the two strands of my research together is the dissemination of these songs throughout Irish and American military and civilian communities. Letters such as Patrick Kelly’s, which Damian has displayed on this site, provide excellent examples of the way in which soldiers communicated musical practices and sharing with the home-front. (9) Such examples, amidst the thousands of pages of correspondence and memoirs, are not that common: music and song singing was so universal in the nineteenth century that, ironically for such a noisy topic, it does not appear regularly in primary sources. Michael Corcoran’s memoir and letters have become personal favourites, as he writes about the daily activity of song composition while in Confederate captivity. (10) The task of finding soldiers and civilians talking about this subject is almost beyond the scope of my studies (for now). Thus I’d like to gather all the readers of this blog site and those interested in the role of the Irish in the American Civil War to keep their eyes peeled for any music/song references in primary sources, be they Irish-related or from others speaking about Irish culture. I have more than enough songs to be occupying my research needs at present, but any sources like Kelly’s would be gratefully received if passed on.

Hopefully I’ll be able to update you all soon with more of my research findings and arguments! You can follow the progress of this via my Twitter – from time to time I quote some of the best and most amusing lyrics I find, as well as lines relating to certain key anniversaries of Irish military involvement in the conflict. If anything, my research is already recalling a forgotten voice and unique articulation of sentiments about immigration, nationhood, patriotism and identity that has been unheard for one hundred and fifty years, revealing that the whole scope of the Irish experience of the American Civil War can be read and heard in these songs.

*For those interested in reading Professor Delaney’s paper, you can find it in Irish Historical Studies 148, November 2011.

(1) A mini-dissertation spoiler: every lyric I’ve come across strongly supports the suggestion this process of ‘becoming American’ was happening during the war. The songs are an intriguing way in which this was articulated – but I’ll save that for another blog post further along in my research.

(2) On this issue I’m also looking at how Welsh, Scottish and German soldiers in the Civil War engaged with this practice and cultivated their own ethnic music cultural diasporas during the conflict in comparison to the Irish.

(3) The Captivity of General Corcoran, p. 30.

(4) Glorious 69th, British Library, http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/uscivilwar/highlights/songsters/glorious69th.html.

(5) The Irish Brigade, British Library, http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/uscivilwar/highlights/songsters/theirishbrigade.html.

(6) Being a cultural/social historian of the American Civil War before I started by PhD meant I used to gloss over regimental structures and numbers and battle details – I’m happy to say I’ve quickly learned they actually do matter!

(7) I must add the small qualification here that I haven’t really begun researching the Irish in the Confederacy in much detail yet – that’s my priority for the next stage of my PhD research.

(8) Battle of Bull-Run – dedicated to the 69th Regiment, N.Y.S.M., R.L. Wright Irish Emigrant Ballads and Songs (1975), p. 447.

(9) Pat Murphy of Meagher’s Brigade, published by Horace Partridge, Boston, British Library, http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/uscivilwar/highlights/songsters/patmurphyofmeaghers.html. The song has several title variations, including Pat Murphy of the Irish Brigade.

(10) The Gallant Sons of Erin, Library of Congress, http://www.loc.gov/item/amss003406/. The song sheet used to quote from this song actually dedicates the ballad to the 69th New York State Militia, but the lyrics and stories the verses sing relate to the infantry regiment.

Filed under: 69th New York, Guest Post, Research Tagged: 69th New York Songs, Bonnie Blue Flag, Catherine Bateson, Irish American Civil War, Irish Music of the Civil War, The Gallant Sons of Erin, The Irish Brigade, University of Edinburgh

Recruited Straight Off The Boat? On The Trail of Emigrant Soldiers From the Ship Great Western

The medical images of Civil War soldiers taken towards the end of the war are undeniably compelling. Friend of the site Brendan Hamilton has previously explored the story of one of these men in a guest post, which you can read here. It was while researching another wounded Irishman that Brendan uncovered an extraordinary link between him and a number of other emigrant Union soldiers who all shared something in common– they had arrived in New York on the same day, in the same ship. This prompted him to carry out extensive research into these men and their fate, which Brendan shares with us in detail below. In addition to this, I was able to uncover some details as to the men’s origins and emigration. What emerges is a remarkable story which takes us from the manufacturing centres of Northern England to New York, via the Liverpool docks, on the trail of potential illegal recruitment into the Federal army.

The medical image taken of Robert Jenkins after his wounding in 1865, only months after arriving in America (National Museum of Health & Medicine)

The image above is 19-year-old Private Robert Jenkins of Company E, 64th New York Volunteer Infantry. Private Jenkins was wounded in the face at the Battle of Jones’ Farm, during the Petersburg Campaign of the American Civil War. The description that accompanies this remarkable photograph from the National Museum of Health and Medicine notes that the ball entered Robert’s face to the left of his nose, exiting through his cheek.* Robert Jenkins was an Irish immigrant who enlisted in the U.S. Army on 14th January, 1865, relatively late in the war. At Jones’ Farm, his regiment was sent to provide support to the 69th New York and the 28th Massachusetts of the famous Irish Brigade. The latter two units had run out of ammunition and required the 64th to hold their position while they awaited resupply. Jenkins received this wound while helping fellow Irishmen in combat on foreign soil, soil that he himself had only set foot on less than three months prior. (1)

In fact, Jenkins enlisted on the very same day he stepped off the docks in New York City. In researching this man’s past, I stumbled over something quite amazing— a ship manifest revealing that at least 33 European men traveled together to the United States from the port of Liverpool and immediately enlisted in the Union Army. Below is a spreadsheet of recruits who enlisted in the 64th New York Infantry, 10th New York Cavalry, and several other units on or soon after 14th January, 1865. The information is from their muster roll abstracts. All are recorded as having enlisted either in New York City or Brooklyn, and all appear to match men who arrived in New York on the Great Western on that very same day. All of these men but one (Bartholomew Early) appear on the last two pages of the manifest (a portion of which is reproduced below), listed with other men of military age. They appear to have been deliberately recorded in a separate section of the manifest, even though they were not all quartered on the same part of the ship. According to the muster rolls, thirteen were natives of Ireland, ten from England, four from Germany, three from France, one from Scotland, and one from Wales. (2)

Name
Age
Birthplace
Occupation
Unit
Enlisted
Fate


Bornholtz (or Barnholtz), Herman
18
Germany
Painter
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Brown, Joseph
23
England
Wood turner
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Bruce, Andrew
30
Scotland
Laborer
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Brian (or O’Brian), Thomas
30
Ireland
Laborer
Co. H
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Davis, James
26
Wales
Laborer
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out (in hospital)


Fries, Carl (or Friez, Charles)
32
Germany
Soldier
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Jordan, Patrick
21
Ireland
Laborer
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Hawkins, James
21
England
Servant
Co. B
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Hastings, Patrick
20
Limerick, Ireland
Miller
Co. E
14-Jan
Wounded, 25 March, Discharged


Hoben, John
21
Ireland
Baker
Co. H
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Holloway, Harry
27
England
Galvanizer
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Jenkins, Robert
19
Ireland
Tailor
Co. E
14-Jan
Wounded, 25 March, Discharged


Jones, George
23
London, England

Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Kanarens (or Canarns), Alfred
23
England
Laborer
Co. G
14-Jan
Mustered Out (in hospital)


Kirker, William
18
Ireland
Moulder
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out (in hospital)


Mackin, John
25
Ireland
Bricklayer
Co. H
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Mayhew, Harvey
20
London, England
Gunmaker
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Muller, Conrad
24
Germany

Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Salter, William
22
Germany
Clerk
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Scott, Walter
22
Ireland
Clerk
Co. G
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Smith, John
27
Ireland
Servant
Co. A
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Watters (or Waters), Thomas
29
England
Servant
Co. A
14-Jan
Mustered Out (in hospital)


Wells, John
24
England
Laborer
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Winter (or Winters), John
32
England
Engineer
Co. A
14-Jan
Died 31 January near Petersburg


Wood, James
35
England

Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Wood, Harvey (or Henry)
20
Ireland
Baker
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Bulens (or Bulins), Joseph
28
France
Laborer
10 NY Cav.
14-Jan
Transferred 1 NY Prov. Cav.


Ismael, Bizen
20
France
Baker
10 NY Cav.
14-Jan
Transferred 1 NY Prov. Cav.


Ward, James
30
Ireland
Laborer
10 NY Cav.
14-Jan
Transferred 1 NY Prov. Cav. (Awaiting trial)


Early, Bartholomew
18
Ireland

48 NY Inf.
19-Jan
Deserted 6 August


Hickey, Michael
30
Ireland

48 NY Inf.
19-Jan
Wounded, 21 February, Wilmington


Morgan, John
34


6 NY Cav.
14-Jan
Deserted 24 May


Gerard, Prosper J
23
Reims, France

14 US Inf.
23-Jan
Unknown

Table 1. Union soldiers traced to the Great Western.

What is the story behind these men’s service? To uncover this we must first look at the main drivers in the Union recruitment system by January 1865. The enrollment act of 3rd March, 1863, which instituted a policy of conscription into the Union Army, allowed draftees to be exempt if they either paid $300 or provided a substitute to serve in their stead. As a result, prospective substitutes were often offered hundreds of dollars to join the Union Army. Private substitute brokers sprung up in major Northern cities, facilitating such recruitment and raking in profit on commissions. In addition to the money to be made by signing up as a substitute, bounties, a form of signing bonus, were also offered to further encourage new recruits. These could be as high as $1,500. The value of these bounties was often dictated by the need of a particular area to provide sufficient numbers of volunteers to reach their volunteer quota and thus stave off the draft. Clearly, the need for new recruits was severe, and European immigrants offered an attractive solution. We know that the Federal government rarely if ever– as is depicted in the film Gangs of New York and discussed here– engaged in direct dockside recruitment. The notion of directly recruiting recently arrived immigrants at Castle Garden was debated but (at least publicly) rejected by the New York Commissioners of Emigration in July of 1864. However, potential new recruits did not have to travel far if they wanted to enlist. Added to that, substitute brokers and other agents seeking to make money out of potential enlistees operated in close proximity to the port of arrival. In 1865 the New York Times reported on the ‘swarm of bounty swindlers who infest our public-thoroughfares.’ New York based British diplomat Joseph Burnley spoke of the ‘rascalities and swindling practices of the bounty brokers…the distance from the Emigration Depot to this office is about 400 yards, and the number of recruiting and enlisting rooms and booths within that distance is about 7 or 8, with printed notices in both German and English. In the neighbourhood of these booths and rooms brokers and runners swarm; and the unhappy emigrants who land here are necessarily obliged to run the gauntlet of these mantraps and harpies.’ Is it possible that the Great Western immigrants, including Robert Jenkins, were assailed shortly after their arrival in New York, ultimately induced to enlist en-masse by one of these brokers? (3)

Bounty brokers on the look out for substitutes (Library of Congress)

To discover the origin of Robert Jenkins and the other men’s enlistment we must return to Liverpool in 1864. It was there on 15th November that some 200 men arrived in the port to board the Great Western as steerage passengers. The majority, reportedly ‘destitute and half-starved’, had come from different manufacturing districts of Lancashire and were joined by some Irish and Germans at the quayside. However, as was the case in Irish port cities, Confederate agents were ever watchful of such groups. These agents soon discovered that the men’s passage to New York had been paid by an American, reportedly with a view to having them work in a New York glass works owned by Messrs. Bliss, Ward and Rosevelt. The Southern emissaries didn’t believe this for a minute, reportedly telling the men that they were being duped, and would be forced into enlisting the Union army. Apparently this caused around 50 of the men to refuse to embark, but the rest boarded the Great Western regardless. Those men who didn’t go aboard were found accommodation in the local workhouse, some of them saying they had been entrapped. A Confederate attorney in Liverpool, Mr. Hull, reported a breach of the Foreign Enlistment Act to the British authorities, who then refused to clear the Great Western to sail. Indeed, on 17th November British custom agents and police even boarded the vessel with the support of the ship’s Captain, questioned the men aboard, and asked if any of them wanted to leave– apparently only four of the men decided to disembark. One prospective passenger reportedly said that ‘they were determined to go to America or some other country, and not to be left destitute in England any longer’ while another said he was ‘not going back to be put in jail to pick oakum.’ One report stated that there was a German on the ship ‘dressed in a kind of military uniform’ who appeared to exercise authority over the passengers, along with a man from Stalybridge who was addressed as ‘Sergeant.’ After a considerable time held in port, the lack of evidence eventually meant the Great Western was allowed to sail, and she departed for New York with the majority of the steerage passengers aboard. (4)

Were Robert Jenkins and his fellow passengers induced to enlist, having thought they were going to a glassworks, or had they known all along they were to become soldiers? It is unlikely we will ever know with absolute certainty, but the balance of evidence suggests that they intended to join the military. The fact that 50 of the men decided not to go aboard the Great Western when they were approached by Confederate agents suggests not all of them were very keen, but it is of note that the majority still chose to travel even after they had become aware of what might lie in store. Interestingly two of those who stayed in Liverpool reportedly gave affidavits saying they had been promised commissions in the Federal army. It was certainly not the only time this type of event occurred. A previous post on the site examined a similar incident with men from Ireland. When the Great Western arrived in New York, the local newspapers were quick to pick up on the story. The 24th January 1865 New York Times noted that 93 men had arrived on the vessel having ‘left England with the purpose of enlisting in the army.’ Apparently only 42 were deemed physically fit enough to be accepted, though unscrupulous bounty-brokers reportedly succeeded in getting a few others through the process. Many others commented on the arrival of the men. Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper of 4th February 1865 stated that the men had been taken over from England to join the army by a man called Shaw. Leslie’s noted that although the men were supposedly ‘glassblowers’, none of them held that profession, and ‘all of them well understood the errand they were coming on, which was to enlist in the army of the United States.‘ If the report is to be believed Shaw was ultimately disappointed:

‘On arriving in this country the men soon found out, through the runners and harpies that continually prowl around Castle Garden, that they could obtain more than the sum promised by Shaw, and repudiating the fact that for several weeks he had supported them and paid their passages, stood ready to sell themselves to the highest bidder. The bidder was not long wanting, and appeared in the shape of a New York County Supervisor, who offered the men $650 cash each to enlist as substitutes.’ (5)

An extract of the manifest from the Ship Great Western, showing Robert Jenkins and some of the other men who enlisted when they landed in New York (Ancestry.com)

The Leslie’s account may be close to the truth of what happened. The muster roll abstracts for six of the recruits describe them as substitutes. Given their apparent poor circumstances, the prospect of a potential financial windfall, and the fact that military service sped up the naturalization process, it is little wonder that the Great Western passengers found American military service enticing. Many of them went on to defy popular notions of late war substitutes and bounty men during their military service, as all but one of those thus far identified appear to have been honorably discharged or, in the case of John Winter, died in service. In fact, six of them were even promoted to the rank of corporal during their tenure and at least two were wounded in battle. There is nothing here to indicate that these men were shirkers, ‘bounty jumpers,’ or had any serious intention of deserting.  (6)

We are still investigating these men, and we welcome anyone who has any further information to share. In the meantime, here are some details about a few of these off-the-boat soldiers. Robert Jenkins survived his wound and heeded the call to ‘go West, young man.’ He appears on an 1897 register of veterans in the U.S. National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers as having checked in to the Sawtelle, California Veterans Home suffering from dyspepsia and rheumatism. He is single, his occupation, ‘railroader’ and his residence subsequent to his discharge, Glenn’s Ferry, Idaho. Jenkins is listed in subsequent censuses living at the Sawtelle Veteran’s Home in California through at least 1920. He died in 1931 and was buried at Los Angeles National Cemetery. Patrick Hastings, a native of Limerick, served beside Jenkins in Company E of the 64th, and was likewise wounded at Jones’ Farm. Hastings made a career out of soldiering and served in no less than four regiments of the U.S. Regular Army following the Civil War. Subsequent records suggest he may have been as young as sixteen when he enlisted in the 64th New York. He died in 1920 and was buried in Leavenworth National Cemetery in Leavenworth, Kansas. Census records indicate that Henry C. (or Harvey) Mayhew returned to his native England after the Civil War. An ancestry.com profile for him created by Nicolas Jouault indicates that his birthplace was St Pancras, England and demonstrates via census records that he was living in England again by 1871. (7)

Immigrants in Castle Garden, New York in 1866 (Library of Congress)

* The original caption for the photograph erroneously records that Robert Jenkins was a member of the 6th New York Infantry. The 6th were no longer in service by 1865, and no Robert Jenkins is recorded on their muster rolls.

**This Great Western is not to be confused with Brunel’s famous SS Great Western which was broken up in the 1850s. The vessel discussed here was a packet ship built in New York for the Black Ball Line in 1851. To add to potential confusion, the U.S. Navy also had the U.S.S. Great Western in service at this time.

(1) National Museum of Health and Medicine, Official Records: 302-3; (2) New York Passenger Lists 1820-1957, New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts 1861-1900; (3) Moffat 1965, New York Times 24th January 1865, Barnes & Barnes 2005: 251; (4) Wilding to Seward in Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs 1865: 32-36, Frank Leslie Illustrated Newspaper 4th February 1865, New York Times 24th January 1865; (5) Barnes & Barnes 2005: 251, New York Times 24th January 1865, Frank Leslie Illustrated Newspaper 4th February 1865; (6) New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts 1861-1900; (7) National Home for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers 1866-1938, United States Federal Census, U.S. Civil War Pension Index, U.S. Army Register of Enlistments 1798-1914, Nicolas Jouault Website;

References

Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper 4th February 1865. Town Gossip.

National Archives and Records Administration. U.S., Civil War Pension Index: General Index to Pension Files, 1861-1934 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2000.

National Museum of Health and Medicine CP0980, Robert Jenkins.

New York, Passenger Lists, 1820-1957 [database on-line]. Year: 1865; Arrival: New York, New York; Microfilm Serial: M237, 1820-1897; Microfilm Roll: Roll 248; Line: 40; List Number: 31; via Ancestry.com. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2010.

New York State Archives, Cultural Education Center, Albany, New York; New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900; Archive Collection #: 13775-83; Box #: 249; Roll #: 1121-1122; via Ancestry.com. New York, Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2011.

New York Times 24th January 1865. The Draft: Number of Enlistments. Running Men Out of the City. Protection of Soldiers’ Bounties. Substitutes. Fraudulent Enlistments. The County Volunteer Committee. Kings County Quota. The Quota Under the Last Call.

Nicolas Jouault Website.

Official Records of the War of Rebellion Series 1, Volume 51, Part 1. Report of Maj. Theodore Tyrer, Sixty-fourth New York Infantry, of operations March 25.

United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006.

U.S. Army, Register of Enlistments, 1798-1914 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2007.

U.S. Department of State 1865. Papers relating to foreign affairs, accompanying the annual message of the president to the first session thirty-ninth congress. Correspondence: Great Britain. No. 390 Mr Wilding to Mr. Seward, United States Consulate, Liverpool, November 18, 1864. pp. 32-36

U.S. National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers, 1866-1938 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2007.

Barnes, James J. Barnes & Barnes,Patience P. 2005. The American Civil War Trough British Eyes: Dispatches from British Diplomats, Volume 3, February 1863- December 1865.

Moffat, William C., Jr. 1965. Soldiers’ Pay. Cincinnati Civil War Roundtable.

Filed under: Battle of Jones' Farm, Guest Post, Recruitment Tagged: 10th New York Cavalry, 64th New York Infantry, Civil War Conscription, Civil War Substitutes, Federal Draft, Foreign Enlistment Act, Illegal Recruitment, Irish American Civil War

Recruited Straight Off The Boat? On The Trail of Emigrant Soldiers From the SS Great Western

The medical images of Civil War soldiers taken towards the end of the war are undeniably compelling. Friend of the site Brendan Hamilton has previously explored the story of one of these men in a guest post, which you can read here. It was while researching another wounded Irishman that Brendan uncovered an extraordinary link between him and a number of other emigrant Union soldiers who all shared something in common– they had arrived in New York on the same day, in the same ship. This prompted him to carry out extensive research into these men and their fate, which Brendan shares with us in detail below. In addition to this, I was able to uncover some details as to the men’s origins and emigration. What emerges is a remarkable story which takes us from the manufacturing centres of Northern England to New York, via the Liverpool docks, on the trail of potential illegal recruitment into the Federal army.

The medical image taken of Robert Jenkins after his wounding in 1865, only months after arriving in America (National Museum of Health & Medicine)

The image above is 19-year-old Private Robert Jenkins of Company E, 64th New York Volunteer Infantry. Private Jenkins was wounded in the face at the Battle of Jones’ Farm, during the Petersburg Campaign of the American Civil War. The description that accompanies this remarkable photograph from the National Museum of Health and Medicine notes that the ball entered Robert’s face to the left of his nose, exiting through his cheek.* Robert Jenkins was an Irish immigrant who enlisted in the U.S. Army on 14th January, 1865, relatively late in the war. At Jones’ Farm, his regiment was sent to provide support to the 69th New York and the 28th Massachusetts of the famous Irish Brigade. The latter two units had run out of ammunition and required the 64th to hold their position while they awaited resupply. Jenkins received this wound while helping fellow Irishmen in combat on foreign soil, soil that he himself had only set foot on less than three months prior. (1)

In fact, Jenkins enlisted on the very same day he stepped off the docks in New York City. In researching this man’s past, I stumbled over something quite amazing— a ship manifest revealing that at least 33 European men traveled together to the United States from the port of Liverpool and immediately enlisted in the Union Army. Below is a spreadsheet of recruits who enlisted in the 64th New York Infantry, 10th New York Cavalry, and several other units on or soon after 14th January, 1865. The information is from their muster roll abstracts. All are recorded as having enlisted either in New York City or Brooklyn, and all appear to match men who arrived in New York on the Great Western on that very same day. All of these men but one (Bartholomew Early) appear on the last two pages of the manifest (a portion of which is reproduced below), listed with other men of military age. They appear to have been deliberately recorded in a separate section of the manifest, even though they were not all quartered on the same part of the ship. According to the muster rolls, thirteen were natives of Ireland, ten from England, four from Germany, three from France, one from Scotland, and one from Wales. (2)

Name
Age
Birthplace
Occupation
Unit
Enlisted
Fate


Bornholtz (or Barnholtz), Herman
18
Germany
Painter
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Brown, Joseph
23
England
Wood turner
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Bruce, Andrew
30
Scotland
Laborer
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Brian (or O’Brian), Thomas
30
Ireland
Laborer
Co. H
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Davis, James
26
Wales
Laborer
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out (in hospital)


Fries, Carl (or Friez, Charles)
32
Germany
Soldier
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Jordan, Patrick
21
Ireland
Laborer
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Hawkins, James
21
England
Servant
Co. B
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Hastings, Patrick
20
Limerick, Ireland
Miller
Co. E
14-Jan
Wounded, 25 March, Discharged


Hoben, John
21
Ireland
Baker
Co. H
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Holloway, Harry
27
England
Galvanizer
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Jenkins, Robert
19
Ireland
Tailor
Co. E
14-Jan
Wounded, 25 March, Discharged


Jones, George
23
London, England

Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Kanarens (or Canarns), Alfred
23
England
Laborer
Co. G
14-Jan
Mustered Out (in hospital)


Kirker, William
18
Ireland
Moulder
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out (in hospital)


Mackin, John
25
Ireland
Bricklayer
Co. H
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Mayhew, Harvey
20
London, England
Gunmaker
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Muller, Conrad
24
Germany

Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Salter, William
22
Germany
Clerk
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Scott, Walter
22
Ireland
Clerk
Co. G
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Smith, John
27
Ireland
Servant
Co. A
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Watters (or Waters), Thomas
29
England
Servant
Co. A
14-Jan
Mustered Out (in hospital)


Wells, John
24
England
Laborer
Co. D
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Winter (or Winters), John
32
England
Engineer
Co. A
14-Jan
Died 31 January near Petersburg


Wood, James
35
England

Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Wood, Harvey (or Henry)
20
Ireland
Baker
Co. E
14-Jan
Mustered Out


Bulens (or Bulins), Joseph
28
France
Laborer
10 NY Cav.
14-Jan
Transferred 1 NY Prov. Cav.


Ismael, Bizen
20
France
Baker
10 NY Cav.
14-Jan
Transferred 1 NY Prov. Cav.


Ward, James
30
Ireland
Laborer
10 NY Cav.
14-Jan
Transferred 1 NY Prov. Cav. (Awaiting trial)


Early, Bartholomew
18
Ireland

48 NY Inf.
19-Jan
Deserted 6 August


Hickey, Michael
30
Ireland

48 NY Inf.
19-Jan
Wounded, 21 February, Wilmington


Morgan, John
34


6 NY Cav.
14-Jan
Deserted 24 May


Gerard, Prosper J
23
Reims, France

14 US Inf.
23-Jan
Unknown

Table 1. Union soldiers traced to the Great Western.

What is the story behind these men’s service? To uncover this we must first look at the main drivers in the Union recruitment system by January 1865. The enrollment act of 3rd March, 1863, which instituted a policy of conscription into the Union Army, allowed draftees to be exempt if they either paid $300 or provided a substitute to serve in their stead. As a result, prospective substitutes were often offered hundreds of dollars to join the Union Army. Private substitute brokers sprung up in major Northern cities, facilitating such recruitment and raking in profit on commissions. In addition to the money to be made by signing up as a substitute, bounties, a form of signing bonus, were also offered to further encourage new recruits. These could be as high as $1,500. The value of these bounties was often dictated by the need of a particular area to provide sufficient numbers of volunteers to reach their volunteer quota and thus stave off the draft. Clearly, the need for new recruits was severe, and European immigrants offered an attractive solution. We know that the Federal government rarely if ever– as is depicted in the film Gangs of New York and discussed here– engaged in direct dockside recruitment. The notion of directly recruiting recently arrived immigrants at Castle Garden was debated but (at least publicly) rejected by the New York Commissioners of Emigration in July of 1864. However, potential new recruits did not have to travel far if they wanted to enlist. Added to that, substitute brokers and other agents seeking to make money out of potential enlistees operated in close proximity to the port of arrival. In 1865 the New York Times reported on the ‘swarm of bounty swindlers who infest our public-thoroughfares.’ New York based British diplomat Joseph Burnley spoke of the ‘rascalities and swindling practices of the bounty brokers…the distance from the Emigration Depot to this office is about 400 yards, and the number of recruiting and enlisting rooms and booths within that distance is about 7 or 8, with printed notices in both German and English. In the neighbourhood of these booths and rooms brokers and runners swarm; and the unhappy emigrants who land here are necessarily obliged to run the gauntlet of these mantraps and harpies.’ Is it possible that the Great Western immigrants, including Robert Jenkins, were assailed shortly after their arrival in New York, ultimately induced to enlist en-masse by one of these brokers? (3)

Bounty brokers on the look out for substitutes (Library of Congress)

To discover the origin of Robert Jenkins and the other men’s enlistment we must return to Liverpool in 1864. It was there on 15th November that some 200 men arrived in the port to board the Great Western as steerage passengers. The majority, reportedly ‘destitute and half-starved’, had come from different manufacturing districts of Lancashire and were joined by some Irish and Germans at the quayside. However, as was the case in Irish port cities, Confederate agents were ever watchful of such groups. These agents soon discovered that the men’s passage to New York had been paid by an American, reportedly with a view to having them work in a New York glass works owned by Messrs. Bliss, Ward and Rosevelt. The Southern emissaries didn’t believe this for a minute, reportedly telling the men that they were being duped, and would be forced into enlisting the Union army. Apparently this caused around 50 of the men to refuse to embark, but the rest boarded the Great Western regardless. Those men who didn’t go aboard were found accommodation in the local workhouse, some of them saying they had been entrapped. A Confederate attorney in Liverpool, Mr. Hull, reported a breach of the Foreign Enlistment Act to the British authorities, who then refused to clear the Great Western to sail. Indeed, on 17th November British custom agents and police even boarded the vessel with the support of the ship’s Captain, questioned the men aboard, and asked if any of them wanted to leave– apparently only four of the men decided to disembark. One prospective passenger reportedly said that ‘they were determined to go to America or some other country, and not to be left destitute in England any longer’ while another said he was ‘not going back to be put in jail to pick oakum.’ One report stated that there was a German on the ship ‘dressed in a kind of military uniform’ who appeared to exercise authority over the passengers, along with a man from Stalybridge who was addressed as ‘Sergeant.’ After a considerable time held in port, the lack of evidence eventually meant the Great Western was allowed to sail, and she departed for New York with the majority of the steerage passengers aboard. (4)

Were Robert Jenkins and his fellow passengers induced to enlist, having thought they were going to a glassworks, or had they known all along they were to become soldiers? It is unlikely we will ever know with absolute certainty, but the balance of evidence suggests that they intended to join the military. The fact that 50 of the men decided not to go aboard the Great Western when they were approached by Confederate agents suggests not all of them were very keen, but it is of note that the majority still chose to travel even after they had become aware of what might lie in store. Interestingly two of those who stayed in Liverpool reportedly gave affidavits saying they had been promised commissions in the Federal army. It was certainly not the only time this type of event occurred. A previous post on the site examined a similar incident with men from Ireland. When the Great Western arrived in New York, the local newspapers were quick to pick up on the story. The 24th January 1865 New York Times noted that 93 men had arrived on the vessel having ‘left England with the purpose of enlisting in the army.’ Apparently only 42 were deemed physically fit enough to be accepted, though unscrupulous bounty-brokers reportedly succeeded in getting a few others through the process. Many others commented on the arrival of the men. Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper of 4th February 1865 stated that the men had been taken over from England to join the army by a man called Shaw. Leslie’s noted that although the men were supposedly ‘glassblowers’, none of them held that profession, and ‘all of them well understood the errand they were coming on, which was to enlist in the army of the United States.‘ If the report is to be believed Shaw was ultimately disappointed:

‘On arriving in this country the men soon found out, through the runners and harpies that continually prowl around Castle Garden, that they could obtain more than the sum promised by Shaw, and repudiating the fact that for several weeks he had supported them and paid their passages, stood ready to sell themselves to the highest bidder. The bidder was not long wanting, and appeared in the shape of a New York County Supervisor, who offered the men $650 cash each to enlist as substitutes.’ (5)

An extract of the manifest from the SS Great Western, showing Robert Jenkins and some of the other men who enlisted when they landed in New York (Ancestry.com)

The Leslie’s account may be close to the truth of what happened. The muster roll abstracts for six of the recruits describe them as substitutes. Given their apparent poor circumstances, the prospect of a potential financial windfall, and the fact that military service sped up the naturalization process, it is little wonder that the Great Western passengers found American military service enticing. Many of them went on to defy popular notions of late war substitutes and bounty men during their military service, as all but one of those thus far identified appear to have been honorably discharged or, in the case of John Winter, died in service. In fact, six of them were even promoted to the rank of corporal during their tenure and at least two were wounded in battle. There is nothing here to indicate that these men were shirkers, ‘bounty jumpers,’ or had any serious intention of deserting.  (6)

We are still investigating these men, and we welcome anyone who has any further information to share. In the meantime, here are some details about a few of these off-the-boat soldiers. Robert Jenkins survived his wound and heeded the call to ‘go West, young man.’ He appears on an 1897 register of veterans in the U.S. National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers as having checked in to the Sawtelle, California Veterans Home suffering from dyspepsia and rheumatism. He is single, his occupation, ‘railroader’ and his residence subsequent to his discharge, Glenn’s Ferry, Idaho. Jenkins is listed in subsequent censuses living at the Sawtelle Veteran’s Home in California through at least 1920. He died in 1931 and was buried at Los Angeles National Cemetery. Patrick Hastings, a native of Limerick, served beside Jenkins in Company E of the 64th, and was likewise wounded at Jones’ Farm. Hastings made a career out of soldiering and served in no less than four regiments of the U.S. Regular Army following the Civil War. Subsequent records suggest he may have been as young as sixteen when he enlisted in the 64th New York. He died in 1920 and was buried in Leavenworth National Cemetery in Leavenworth, Kansas. Census records indicate that Henry C. (or Harvey) Mayhew returned to his native England after the Civil War. An ancestry.com profile for him created by Nicolas Jouault indicates that his birthplace was St Pancras, England and demonstrates via census records that he was living in England again by 1871. (7)

Immigrants in Castle Garden, New York in 1866 (Library of Congress)

* The original caption for the photograph erroneously records that Robert Jenkins was a member of the 6th New York Infantry. The 6th were no longer in service by 1865, and no Robert Jenkins is recorded on their muster rolls.

(1) National Museum of Health and Medicine, Official Records: 302-3; (2) New York Passenger Lists 1820-1957, New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts 1861-1900; (3) Moffat 1965, New York Times 24th January 1865, Barnes & Barnes 2005: 251; (4) Wilding to Seward in Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs 1865: 32-36, Frank Leslie Illustrated Newspaper 4th February 1865, New York Times 24th January 1865; (5) Barnes & Barnes 2005: 251, New York Times 24th January 1865, Frank Leslie Illustrated Newspaper 4th February 1865; (6) New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts 1861-1900; (7) National Home for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers 1866-1938, United States Federal Census, U.S. Civil War Pension Index, U.S. Army Register of Enlistments 1798-1914, Nicolas Jouault Website;

References

Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper 4th February 1865. Town Gossip.

National Archives and Records Administration. U.S., Civil War Pension Index: General Index to Pension Files, 1861-1934 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2000.

National Museum of Health and Medicine CP0980, Robert Jenkins.

New York, Passenger Lists, 1820-1957 [database on-line]. Year: 1865; Arrival: New York, New York; Microfilm Serial: M237, 1820-1897; Microfilm Roll: Roll 248; Line: 40; List Number: 31; via Ancestry.com. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2010.

New York State Archives, Cultural Education Center, Albany, New York; New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900; Archive Collection #: 13775-83; Box #: 249; Roll #: 1121-1122; via Ancestry.com. New York, Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2011.

New York Times 24th January 1865. The Draft: Number of Enlistments. Running Men Out of the City. Protection of Soldiers’ Bounties. Substitutes. Fraudulent Enlistments. The County Volunteer Committee. Kings County Quota. The Quota Under the Last Call.

Nicolas Jouault Website.

Official Records of the War of Rebellion Series 1, Volume 51, Part 1. Report of Maj. Theodore Tyrer, Sixty-fourth New York Infantry, of operations March 25.

United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006.

U.S. Army, Register of Enlistments, 1798-1914 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2007.

U.S. Department of State 1865. Papers relating to foreign affairs, accompanying the annual message of the president to the first session thirty-ninth congress. Correspondence: Great Britain. No. 390 Mr Wilding to Mr. Seward, United States Consulate, Liverpool, November 18, 1864. pp. 32-36

U.S. National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers, 1866-1938 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2007.

Barnes, James J. Barnes & Barnes,Patience P. 2005. The American Civil War Trough British Eyes: Dispatches from British Diplomats, Volume 3, February 1863- December 1865.

Moffat, William C., Jr. 1965. Soldiers’ Pay. Cincinnati Civil War Roundtable.

Filed under: Battle of Jones' Farm, Recruitment Tagged: 10th New York Cavalry, 64th New York Infantry, Civil War Conscription, Civil War Substitutes, Federal Draft, Foreign Enlistment Act, Illegal Recruitment, Irish American Civil War

‘Tears Ease the Heart’: A Teenage Galwegian Civil War Veteran in Texas, 1866

Many Famine emigrants found themselves on the front lines of the American Civil War. Others watched as the children they had taken to America in search of a new life marched off to war. One couple who endured this was John and Mary Hannon, who saw their underage son, John Jr., ride to Virginia in the ranks of the 2nd Massachusetts Cavalry. Thankfully for them, at the conflict’s conclusion in 1865 he came home. But it was only a few months before he was on the move again, this time for a career out west in the regular cavalry. He quickly made a strong impression on some of his new comrades, but ultimately fate would intervene to cut his military career tragically short.

The balance of evidence suggests that John Hannon’s family emigrated during the Famine, when he was still a young child. His parents had been married on 27th April 1842 and John Jr. was born in Portumna, Co. Galway sometime around 1848. The family ultimately settled in Milford, Massachusetts, where John followed many other Irishmen into the leather trade, spending his early teenage years as a bootmaker. On 22nd June 1864 the young Irishman joined up, enlisting in Company H of the 2nd Massachusetts Cavalry. Although he was recorded as 18-years-old, he was almost certainly just 16; when he re-enlisted in the army two years later, his age was apparently unchanged, but he had grown three inches! The black-haired, hazel-eyed boy rode off to some tough fighting in the Valley Campaign, seeing action at places like Third Winchester and Cedar Creek. He spent the last weeks of the war sick in hospital at City Point and Washington D.C., but survived his service to be mustered out on 22nd June 1865. Not long after his discharge, he was mourning the death of his mother, who passed away later that year. (1)

The Bottoming Room in the Spinney & Co. Factory, Lynn. The leather making industry employed large numbers of Irish people in Massachusetts, including John Hannon (New York Public Library)

Despite the war being over, John was clearly keen on the military life, and decided to try his luck as a horse soldier once again. On 4th April 1866, the 18-year-old (this time he may actually have been 18) enlisted in Boston and became a private in Company E of the 6th United States Cavalry. It was the era of Reconstruction, so before long the Galwegian was on his way to join up with his new unit, stationed in Texas. Given what happened later, it seems probable that John knew some men in the regiment already. One of them was Bostonian Michael F. Ferguson, who had also served during the Civil War, as a Corporal in the 2nd Massachusetts Heavy Artillery. Like John, Michael had also ended his war service in hospital, having been admitted in New Berne with sunstroke. Shortly after arriving at his unit’s base in Austin, John took an opportunity to write home to his father in Milford:

Austin, Texas

June 7th 1866

My Dear Father

Your letter of April 16th came duly to hand and content noticed. I was glad [to] learn that you are well and in good health as this little letter leaves me at present. Dear Father, my Company is going to New Orleans as Body Guard for General Sheridan it may be possible that we will remain there the remainder of our time. Father, New Orleans is a poor place for a soldier to save his money but a gay place to enjoy yourself but never the less I will send you home all the money I can possibly spare we have not been paid off yet, and due respects to all not forgetting yourself,

I remain your obedient son

John Hannon Jr. (2)

Unfortunately for John, having survived the hardships of the Civil War his second spell in the army came to a premature end. On 13th June he was guarding two African-American prisoners who were being taken from camp to the Colorado River to collect water. John was seated on the government wagon as it moved down Congress Avenue, near the Capitol, when the jarring of the vehicle caused his carbine to go off. Placed as it was between the young man’s legs, the bullet entered through his chin and exited the back of his head, killing him instantly. His comrade Michael Ferguson took it on himself to write a series of letters to the boy’s family. One was to John’s sister, Kate:

Austin Texas

June 18th 1866

To Miss Kate Hannon,

The affection I have borne your brother John makes me give you the trouble of these few lines which I hope you will receive as kindly as I intend them. It is but a short time ago that your brother John wrote and posted a letter to his father in that letter he told him all the particulars as to where and [sic.] where he was stationed how he liked Austin where his father was to direct his next letter to. But he had no idea it was going to be his last letter to his father, brothers, sister, but alas it is, so your brother John is dead. I cannot fail to feel the loss you have sustained in the death of a good and indulgent brother. It pierces me to the heart; for I know how great your affliction will be for him and how feelingly you must bemoan his loss. I know you will cry for him but I hope you will not sit in gloomy silence. I do not like that; for I have some where read that tears ease the heart and open a passage for the anguish of the soul. That Heaven may give yous patience under this terrible calamity is the most fervent prayer of his disconsolate friends.

The circumstances of his death are these. On Wednesday he was in charge of two Colored prisoners who were hauling water in a government wagon when from some cause unknown his carbine was discharged, the ball striking him under the chin, severing the jugular vein and passing out through the back part of his head, causing immediate death. He never spoke or murmured after he was struck. He was buried on the following Friday at 2 O’Clock P.M. with military honors in the Soldiers Cemetary.

May his soul rest in peace is the wish of his brother soldiers by whom he was beloved and respected. Enclosed you will find a lock of his hair. I thought you would like to have it as a memorial of your devoted brother. Patrick Cummiskey would have written to you before this but he was ordered away about two hours before the funeral took place, but he was one of the party who sat up with him the night before. Miss Kate I addressed this letter to you on account of the last one being sent to your father. If there is any questions you would like to ask in regard to your brother I would be happy to answer. (3)

Congress Avenue looking towards the Capitol in Austin, Texas. John Hannon died on this street. (Wikipedia)

John’s father wrote back, asking about any monies owed his son, and about the possibility of getting the body home. Michael was quick to seek to dissuade him from this, and to give his opinions about Texas:

…I think it is a foolish idea to undertake to bring his body home as it would cost as much from here to there as the same bulk would from there to China there is no Rail Roads or Steam Boats out in this Godforsaken Country. The climate is exceedingly hot and the only mode of conveyance is teams drawn by oxen the nearest Rail Road Station is 100 miles from where we are to get his body some person would have to start from there here and the expenses would be in the neighborhood of $200 the same back. I dont think the corps[e] could be brought to Milford short of $900. He is buried in a good place where the sun shines bright and clear may his soule rest in peace is the earnest wish of your humble servant. (4)

Unlike his young friend, Michael Ferguson would go on to have a long career in the 6th U.S. Cavalry. He surely though never forget his comrade of just a few weeks in 1866. One of the notes he wrote to John Hannon’s family was a eulogy, ‘To the Memory of John Hannon Jr.’, demonstrating just what he thought of the young emigrant who had met his death in such a tragic accident:

To the Memory of John Hannon Jr

Late of Co E 6th U.S. Cav. died June 13/66

Those who knew him best loved him most. We were of that unfortunate number. Having been intimately associated with him in the purest friendship and social relations and particularly during the bitter and severe ordeal through which his sensitive and noble spirit passed in the service of his country. Infinite gentleness and enduring love were prominent traits of his social character. As a friend gifted in every grace of heart and mind to command devotion and excite admiration; we have never known his superior and those affections that centered in him on Earth sill cluster around him in his beautiful home in the mansion [of] glory. As a patriot he challenged the admiration of his fellow soldiers by periling all for his Country’s rights and glory. As a son and brother the most delicate and beautiful traits of character were revealed. Seldom do we see so kind and warm a soul so full of inborn riches. His heart was the home of virtue, truth, and love. There gathered around him a charm which knit to his heart the most devoted affections of father, brothers & sisters ,but his place in the family circle cannot be filled. hHis immortal hand sweeps the chords of the harp of Redemption.

Requiesant in Peace

Michael F. Ferguson

Co. E 6th U.S. Cavalry

Austin Texas (5)

The President reviewing the cavalry of the Army of the Potomac in 1863 (Library of Congress)

* I have added minor formatting and spelling corrections to these letters for the benefit of readers, but none of the content has been altered in any way. If you would like to read a transcript of the letter as it appears in the original please email me. None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) John Hannon Father’s Pension File, Army Register of Enlistments, John Hannon 2nd Massachusetts Cavalry Service Record; (2) Army Register of Enlistments, John Hannon Father’s Pension File, Michael Ferguson 2nd Massachusetts Heavy Artillery Service Record; (3) John Hannon Father’s Pension File; (4) Ibid.; (5) Army Register of Enlistments, Ibid.;

References

John Hannon Dependent Father’s Pension File WC126589.

John Hannon 2nd Massachusetts Cavalry Service Record.

Michael Ferguson 2nd Massachusetts Heavy Artillery Service Record.

Register of Enlistments in the U.S. Army, 1866.

New York Public Library.

Filed under: Galway, Massachusetts Tagged: 2nd Massachusetts Cavalry, 6th United States Cavalry, Galway Emigrants, Galway Famine Emigration, Irish American Civil War, Portumna Emigrants, Reconstruction in Texas, Valley Campaign

Profiles in Courage: The Irish Dimension to the Medal of Honor

On the 11 September last I was privileged to deliver the annual Lucas Lecture to the Stephen’s Green Hibernian Club in Dublin. I was very grateful to the Club for the invitation, which provided me with an opportunity to share some of my research on the Irish who have received the Medal of Honor. The Guests of Honour at the event were United States Ambassador to Ireland H.E. Mr. Kevin O’Malley and Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs Mr. Charlie Flanagan T.D., while among the audience were Papal Nuncio Archbishop Charles John Brown and a number of senior officers of the Irish Defence Forces, among many others. As I thought the topic of the night’s talk might be of interest to readers, I have shared it below in full, together with the slides that accompanied the presentation.

With U.S. Ambassdor to Ireland His Excellency Mr. Kevin O’Malley at the Lucas Lecture

“PROFILES IN COURAGE”: THE IRISH DIMENSION TO THE MEDAL OF HONOR

Mr. Ambassador, Minister, Archbishop, assembled guests. It was a great honour to be asked to deliver this talk to you tonight on Irish dimensions to the Medal of Honor, and to examine the military connections between Ireland and the United States. It is of course all the more poignant given that we are meeting to discuss this topic on the 14th anniversary of the terrible events of 11 September 2001. During the course of the talk I will look at a number of the Irish men and Irish families who are connected with the Medal of Honor, with reference to locations connected with several of tonight’s guests. As well as examining some of the different actions for which the Medal was earned, I also hope to look beyond, to explore the wider experience of some of the medal’s recipients.

Our story begins on 13 February 1861, two months before Confederate shells at Fort Sumter, South Carolina, signalled the start of the American Civil War. That was the day United States Army Assistant Surgeon Bernard John Dowling Irwin set out on a rescue mission. He was a long way from the rapidly degenerating situation on the nation’s east coast, but he was even further away from his native Co. Roscommon. His situation seemed bleak. Bernard was setting off –into a snowstorm– with just 14 mule-mounted men under his command, and 100 miles to cover. Irwin had volunteered to undertake this effort, which hoped to reach a party of infantry surrounded in Apache Pass, Arizona, by the soon to be renowned Native American chief Cochise, of the Chiricahua Apache. The surrounded soldiers found themselves in their predicament due to the rash actions of their young Lieutenant, George Bascom, in treating with Cochise. What later became known as the ‘Bascom Affair’ would make a dangerous enemy of Cochise, and would ultimately lead to years of war. But that was in the future. For now, Irwin was focused on rescuing Bascom and his men. Across two days he drove on, marching an incredible 65 miles on the first day alone. On the second day they engaged and captured several Chiricahua, along with horses and cattle, before ultimately reaching Bascom and helping to break the siege.

Bernard J.D. Irwin would go on to have an illustrious career; among other achievements, he is credited with establishing the first tent field hospital of the Civil War at Shiloh. But the reason we are discussing him tonight is because of an announcement, made on 24 January 1894, when the Roscommon man was awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor for his efforts in 1861. The date of his rescue mission at Apache Pass meant that Bernard Irwin’s award is the first– by date of action­– of all Medals of Honor. Irwin also became the progenitor of a line that would see continued distinguished military service into the 20th century. More than 50 years after he had rescued Lieutenant Bascom in Arizona, his son George LeRoy Irwin would fight as a General on fields such as the Marne, the Aisne and the Meuse-Argonne during World War One. More than 80 years after his march against Cochise, Bernard’s grandson, Stafford LeRoy Irwin, also a General, would lead a division against the Germans in the Kasserine Pass and go on to command the XII Corps in Patton’s Third Army.

In many ways the Irwin family’s military story mirrors the interaction that the Irish had, and continue to have, with both the United States armed forces and the Medal of Honor. But what of the history of the award itself? The Medal of Honor was instituted on 21 December, 1861, to recognize gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of life and above and beyond the call of duty. It began its history as a naval award, and was initially restricted to enlisted personnel in the United States Navy and Marines. An army Medal of Honor followed on 12 July, 1862, and was likewise restricted to enlisted personnel. The latter award was expanded to include army officers on 3 March, 1863, although naval officers would have to wait until 1915 to become eligible.

The first Medals of Honor issued were to six survivors of “Andrews’ Raid”, an all volunteer mission which was targeted at disrupting rail communications in Confederate held Georgia. These were presented in Washington on March 25, 1863, with the first naval presentations taking place a few days later, on April 3. It was at the latter ceremony that the first Irishmen received the Medal, with nine of the 41 recipients having been born in Ireland.

To date, a total of 3,512 Medals of Honor have been issued. Officially, 258 of these awards have been to men of Irish birth, with many hundreds more to those of Irish ancestry. However, we now know that the figure of 258 Irish-born recipients is inaccurate. Ongoing research is adding more names to this list; William Marvel’s work has demonstrated that the ‘Michael Aheam’ listed as being from France, and awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions in helping to sink the CSS Alabama off Cherbourg in 1864, is actually ‘Michael Ahern’, who was illegally recruited by the USS Kearsarge in Queenstown, now Cobh, Co. Cork in 1863. The United States Medal of Honor Historical Society together with the local history society in Danville, Illinois, have shown that Martin McHugh, a Medal of Honor recipient who earned his award for helping to save crewmates after his vessel was sunk by Confederate fire at Vicksburg, Mississippi in 1863, was not from Ohio as previously thought, but was in fact a Galwegian. Similarly, my own work suggests that Thomas Horan, who received the Medal for his capture of the flag of the 8th Florida Infantry at Gettysburg in 1863, was born in Ireland; whereas his current official place of birth is recorded as unknown. There are indications that there are yet more recipients who await such identification as Irish.

Somewhat surprisingly, there has never been a major systematic study of Irish recipients of the award. We know very little about many of these men, especially those from the nineteenth century. We do not, for example, know the county of birth for most of the Irish recipients.

Of that Irish contingent, the majority earned their awards during the American Civil War. I have identified at least 148 Irish-born recipients for Civil War actions between 1861 and 1865, almost 10% of all medals awarded during this period. This is unsurprising given that some 200,000 Irishmen served during the conflict, 180,000 of them with the Union. Similarly, the fact that an estimated 1 in 5 of the Union navy– more than 23,500 men– were of Irish birth is reflected in the fact that just over 15% of Naval and Marine awards from the conflict were to Irishborn men.

What though of the men behind the awards? I have examined a number of these men’s lives in an effort to find out their stories, and hope to share some of them with you this evening.

The first is that of Menomen O’Donnell, who grew to adulthood in the townland of Drumboarty to the north of Donegal town. He arrived in America at the age of 18 in 1848, at the height of the Famine. Like many of his fellow Ulstermen, Menomen made his home first in Pennsylvania, where he married Mary Bailey in 1850– they would go on to have nine children together. Menomen was soon making a huge success of life across the Atlantic. Moving to Bridgeport, Illinois, he went into farming and stock-breeding, at one point owning over 1,000 acres. The money he made from this allowed for the chain migration of the rest of his family, as he paid for his brothers, sisters, father and step-mother to join him in Illinois from Ireland. Indeed such was his success that he even managed to visit home– for Menomen O’Donnell, America was fulfilling all his hopes and dreams.

When war came in 1861, Menomen sought to serve the country that had given him so much. Illinois had filled its volunteer quota, so he instead became a member of the 11th Missouri Infantry, organized at Jefferson Barracks near St. Louis. He would quickly gain a reputation for daring, and rose to the rank of Lieutenant. It was during the failed assault of Vicksburg, Mississippi on 22 May 1863 that he performed one of the actions which led to his Medal of Honor. He later described this event in his own words:

‘The Eleventh Missouri led the advance. The enemy’s guns had been booming for some time, but as soon as the Union advance was seen coming over the bluff, the fire seemed to double its former strength and fury. The ground was covered with the dead and wounded, and not seeing my colors I felt like one lost in the wilderness. I called out: ‘Where is the flag of the Eleventh Missouri?’ A captain of an Ohio company answered: ‘Lieutenant, your flag is over there!’ then pointing still farther to the left he said: ‘And the head of your regiment is at the fort.’ I soon found the flag, and called all of the Eleventh Missouri, within sound of my voice, to come forward to the colors. Only forty-four appeared. I exhorted the boys to follow me to the fort. The color sergeant refused to carry the flag. Just as I was about to reach for it, brave Corporal Warner stepped forward, grabbed the flag, and to the fort it went with us. It was raised, but soon shot down, only to be again put up and floated on the rebel fort until dark. Twenty-four of the forty-four got to the fort. After arriving there we could do nothing but sit with our backs to the wall until darkness came, when under cover of the night, we finally got out, and safely returned to camp.’

A second action in Fort DeRussey, Louisiana, the following year was the other reason for his award. There, Menomen voluntarily joined an assaulting column, and as the only mounted man, took an extraordinary risk as he rode with them into the Confederate works. Menomen’s list of war injuries are testament to his extraordinary bravery. Wounded twice at Fort DeRussey, he was shot three times in the arm during a skirmish at Grand Ecore, Louisiana, and had two horses shot from under him at Tupelo, Mississippi. Somehow he survived to return home, being mustered out at St. Louis in late 1864.

Menomen O’Donnell would receive his Medal of Honor in 1897. By the time the award was made, Menomen had again had an opportunity to demonstrate his extraordinary resilience in the face of difficulties. The financial crisis known as the Panic of 1873 destroyed his fortune, which was estimated at some $70,000. Having built himself up and survived the hardships of war, Menomen now faced perhaps his toughest challenge. He moved his family once more, to Vincennes, Indiana in 1879, and started again. Opening a butcher’s shop, he slowly built up his family’s circumstances once more, and became active in local veteran groups and with the Democratic party. Having successfully conquered his post-war setbacks, Menomen was able to enjoy his later years. He passed away in his home at the age of 81 on 4 September 1911; his life having served to illustrate just what America was able to offer some of the more fortunate of Ireland’s emigrants.

Menomen O’Donnell was indeed fortunate to survive the brave actions which had led to the award of his Medal of Honor. Other Irish families were not so fortunate. 25-year-old Wicklow man William Jones had enlisted in the 73rd New York Infantry in 1861, often called the 2nd Fire Zouaves due to the large number of New York firemen in its ranks. It formed part of the famed Excelsior Brigade. As with Menomen, William seems to have been a natural soldier. He rose to the rank of First Sergeant in his regiment, and when his term of service expired he re-enlisted as a Veteran Volunteer. Back in New York, William’s young family must have spent much of the war worrying about his fate. He had married his Irish sweetheart Margaret Carney in New York’s St. James Catholic Church on 9 November 1857, and their first child, Susan, had been only a few months old when William marched off to war. By the time William signed his re-enlistment papers, his wife was heavily pregnant with their second child, William Junior, who was born on 17 April 1864. That May would witness the commencement of the Overland Campaign, the unparalleled whirlwind of death that came as Ulysses S. Grant’s Union forces relentlessly pursued the destruction of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia.

Nowhere was that inferno greater than around the battlefield of Spotsylvania Courthouse, and nowhere at Spotsylvania could match the horrors of the close-quarter combat that erupted for hours at the position known as the Mule Shoe Salient on 12th May. William Jones was one of those caught in this maelstrom. True to his previous actions, he did not shirk from the fight. Throwing himself forward, he successfully captured the colors of a Rebel regiment, the act for which he earned the Medal of Honor. Unfortunately William would not live to receive it, as he did not survive the day’s horrors. When the Medal of Honor award was made in December 1864, it was done so posthumously. Although the award must have been a source of great pride to William’s widow Margaret, her immediate concerns must have lain with the future of her family. Tragically, the couple’s son William Junior was not even a month old when his father died at Spotsylvania. Their daughter Susan had not yet turned four. Unfortunately, as often appears to have been the case with Civil War widows, William Junior soon followed his father to the grave, dying sometime between 1864 and 1866. Margaret Jones never remarried and as the decades passed she and her daughter remained living together, their fortunes tied both emotionally and economically. In 1880 Susan, then 19, was working as a bookfolder to help support them both. They were still making their life together in the early 20th century when they lived on Butler Street in Brooklyn. It was here in 1908 that Margaret became gravely ill. Susan gave up fulltime employment to nurse her mother with assistance from Sister Radegonde of the Order of the Infant Jesus, but despite their efforts Margaret Jones passed away that October. As the 20th century progressed, Susan continued to live alone, now the last of the Jones family. Her life had been inexorably altered by the events in Virginia all those years ago, when the death of her father had cast a shadow over the remainder of the family’s lives. Susan used the last of her mother’s pension money to erect a granite headstone over Margaret’s grave in Holy Cross Cemetery, Brooklyn, testament to her devotion to her mother.

For the O’Donnells and the Jones’s, the post-war years saw them struggle to overcome the economic and emotional consequences of war. For other Irish Medal of Honor recipients there was another challenge to face– that of disability. One of them was Thomas Plunkett, who had emigrated to West Boylston, Massachusetts from Co. Mayo. Thomas was 21-years-old when he enlisted in what became Company E of the 21st Massachusetts Infantry on 23rd August 1861. Just over a year later, and now a Sergeant, he watched from Fredericksburg as soldiers of the Union Army of the Potomac’s Second Corps, including Thomas Francis Meagher’s Irish Brigade, dashed themselves against the almost impregnable Confederate positions along Marye’s Heights on 13th December 1862. As the day drew on and the killing continued, it eventually became the turn of the Massachusetts men to try and breach the Rebel position at the stone wall. Even as the 21st dressed their lines for the attack, shells began to rain down. A member of Company I was decapitated before they had even begun their advance. As they surged forward, canister and small arms were added to this long-range artillery fire. On Civil War battlefields, it was usually the men holding the regimental colors who attracted the most attention. Color Corporal Barr carrying the state colors and Color Sergeant Collins carrying the national color both fell, mortally wounded. Thomas Plunkett, who was advancing behind the line as a file closer, didn’t hesitate. Throwing away his gun, he stepped forward to pick up the Stars and Stripes from Collins, moving to the front of the advancing men as they closed towards the sheet of flame that marked the Confederate position. Now a valued target himself, the Mayo man had a near miss when a bullet pierced his cap. Though fortunate on this occasion, Thomas’s luck would soon run out.

A shell arced into the ground in front of the Sergeant, killing three of his comrades. A shrapnel fragment almost tore away his right arm at the shoulder, leaving it hanging by a strip of flesh. It then spiraled on into his chest, but failed to penetrate, thanks to the presence of a book that Thomas had picked up in Fredericksburg earlier that day. That book saved his life, but the deflected shrapnel carried on to smash into his left wrist, creating another terrible wound. Incredibly, Plunkett did not go down. Despite the injury to both his arms, he somehow managed to keep the colors aloft, crying to his comrades “Don’t let it fall boys, don’t let it fall!.” He remained there, even as the flag became soaked in his blood, until another soldier stepped forward to relieve him of his charge.

Carried back to a stretcher in Fredericksburg, unfortunately, neither of Thomas’s arms could be saved. Later that day he endured a double amputation. Not expected to survive, he was fortunate that a very special nurse, Clara Barton, was at hand. Perhaps the most famous female nurse to emerge from the conflict, Clara would later go on to found the American Red Cross. She stayed with Thomas as the surgeons did their work, and when she was later shown the flag he had carried, remarked that his blood had “literally obliterated the stripes.” Clara would again return to Thomas’s aid in 1863, when the Mayo man had recovered sufficiently to be taken home to Massachusetts by his brother. Military authorities were taking a long time to authorize permission for Thomas’s departure, and so Clara took the wounded soldier to see Massachusetts Senator (and later Vice-President) Henry Wilson on the Capitol. After she introduced them, Senator Wilson extended his hand to Thomas, saying ‘How do you do Sergeant?’ Clara quickly interceded, gently telling the Senator: ‘You will pardon the Sergeant for not offering you a hand, he has none.’ The shocked Wilson exclaimed ‘No hands!, No hands! My God, where are they?’. When Clara Barton explained what had happened, the Senator speedily resolved the difficulties, and Thomas was able to go home.

The 19th century was a tough time to be left in a such a disabled condition, but Thomas Plunkett made the most of his remaining years. He received his Medal of Honor in 1866, but his actions had already become famous, with charitable donors raising thousands of dollars for his welfare. He went on to marry and have two children, and in later life spent 15 years as a messenger in the State House at Boston. He was determined not to let his disability hold him back. One person noted that there ‘were many things he could do that seemed inexplicable to those around him. For instance, he could drive the fiercest of horses, and often enjoyed an airing upon the road. With the reins over his shoulder, he was able to guide and control the animal in a manner that would do credit to the most expert horseman.’ Thomas Plunkett’s fulfilling post-war life was brought to a close on 10 March 1885, when he died as a result of illness at the age of 44. He was buried in Hope Cemetery, Worcester. Thomas’s fame had endured; sketches of his body lying in state were produced for publication, and his continuing popularity was exemplified on 22 November 1895 when a huge crowd attended the unveiling of a portrait of Thomas by J. Madison Stone at Mechanic’s Hall, Boston. The Massachusetts State House now houses the national color of the 21st Massachusetts that Thomas carried at Fredericksburg, which even today remains covered in the Irishman’s blood.

To find the largest number of Medals of Honor awarded to Irishborn men for a single action, we must look to the waters of Mobile Bay, Alabama, on 5 August 1864. That day a fleet of eighteen Union ships under Rear Admiral David G. Farragut entered the Bay with the aim of putting the port out of action as a centre for blockade running. The fleet passed under ferocious fire from forts and through a minefield– giving to history the quote ‘Damn the torpedoes, full speed ahead!’ – and on into the harbor to engage Confederate vessels. The heavy fighting ultimately led to the closing of the port, and was an important boost for Abraham Lincoln during the 1864 Presidential campaign. A total of 14 Irishmen earned the Medal of Honor that day. One of them was Coxswain John Cooper of the USS Brooklyn. Born in Dublin in 1832, he would soon become part of a rare group of Irish Medal of Honor recipients– those that earned the award on two occasions.

John Cooper earned his first medal for his skill and courage during the fight at Mobile Bay. His second would follow within six months. After Mobile’s surrender in 1865, a major fire erupted in the city when an ordnance depot exploded. During the conflagration, Cooper rushed to assist a wounded man, carrying him on his back to a place of safety despite the risk of being blown to pieces. John Cooper is one of only 19 individuals who have been awarded the Medal of Honor on two occasions. Five of them were Irish born. Aside from Cooper, they are:

Patrick Mullen of the U.S. Navy, who was cited for his performance in action in March 1865 and again for his efforts in saving the life of a drowning officer only six weeks later;

Co. Tyrone native John Laverty of the U.S. navy, who earned his first award during the Civil War in 1864 and his second for his bravery during an on-board accident off the coast of Peru in 1881;

Henry Hogan from Co. Clare, who received his citations for actions with the U.S. army during the Plains Indian Wars in the 1870s;

and John King from near Ballinrobe in Co. Mayo, who received his Medals of Honor for heroism in the performance of his U.S. naval duties during two separate on-board boiler accidents in 1901 and 1909.

As the actions of some of these double-recipients indicate, Irishborn men continued to be awarded the Medal of Honor in large numbers after the Civil War. Some medals were awarded for noncombat gallantry, while many were also earned during the Indian Wars. In 1871 four Irishmen were among the 15 Medal of Honor recipients that resulted from fighting in Korea, forming part of what became known as the Korean Expedition– the first Medals of Honor ever awarded for actions on foreign soil.

As the 19th century drew to a close and the 20th century beckoned, Irishmen would be awarded Medals of Honor for actions during many far-flung conflicts from Cuba, to China to the Philippines.

One sailor who earned the Medal of Honor during the fighting around Cuba in the Spanish-American War is worthy of particular mention. On 11 May 1898, 37-year-old Michael Gibbons from Kilmeena, near Wesport in Co. Mayo was serving as an Oiler aboard the USS Nashville off the Spanish held-position of Cienfuegos. That day, along with 51 other sailors and marines, he set off to cut the undersea cables that were enabling the Spaniards to communicate with their forces elsewhere. In order to carry out the operation the men had to row close to shore in small boats, raise the cables from the seabed, and cut through them using the tools they had to hand, all the while enduring a heavy fire. Michael and the other participants earned the Medal for their extraordinary bravery and coolness throughout the action. What is particularly interesting about Michael’s story is that after his discharge from the navy he ultimately returned home to Ireland. He died in his native Mayo in 1933, where he was buried in Old Kilmeena Cemetery. For decades his grave remained unmarked, until the efforts of Ron Howko and the American Legion finally rectified that oversight in 1999.

Beyond those men born in Ireland, there were also many hundreds of individuals of Irish descent who were awarded the Medal of Honor in the 19th century. Putting a definitive number on them is difficult, but in many cases they would almost certainly have identified themselves nearly as closely with this island as they did with the United States. Given that one of tonight’s guests of honor is Minister Charlie Flanagan TD, who hails from Co. Laois, it is interesting to note that one such Irish-American was another Flanagan– James– who also had Laois origins. James’s father and namesake had been born in Laois around 1800, before emigrating to Montreal, Canada where he married Dubliner Catherine Fury. They then moved on to St. Lawrence County, New York. James Jr. had been born in Montreal in 1826, and worked with his father on their New York farm before heading west to make a living in the lumber business. When war came he enlisted there in the 2nd Minnesota Infantry, with whom he would serve the entire war. He earned his Medal of Honor at Nolensville, Tennessee on 15 February 1863, when he and 15 other men held off a far superior Confederate cavalry force attempting to take a wagon train, in what was described as a ‘heroic defence.’ After the war, this son of Laois returned to the 80-acre family farm in New York, married a woman called Kate Mallen, and had four children.

The 20th century largely saw the passing of the Medal of Honor baton from Irish-born recipients to those of Irish-American descent. This is not to say that that there were no Irish-born recipients in the conflicts to come. One of the most notable was Joseph H. Thompson, called ‘The Fighting Irishman’ by the New York Times, who was from Kilkeel, in Co. Down. He emigrated to the United States in 1898 at the age of 18 and embarked on a remarkable sporting, military and political career. He both captained and coached the University of Pittsburgh football team and has been inducted into the College Football Hall of Fame. A lawyer by profession, he became active in local politics with the Republican party, becoming a State senator between 1913 and 1916. During World War One, Joseph served as a major with the 110th Infantry of the 28th Division. On the 1 October 1918, near Apremont, France, he ignored small arms and artillery fire as he sought to encourage his men, later rushing forward under fire three times to help guide a tank towards an enemy machinegun nest.

World War One saw a number of significant Irish-American recipients of the award. One was Chicago native John Joseph Kelly, who was another two-time recipient of the Medal of Honor; he received both the army and navy awards for actions at Mount Blanc Ridge in France on 3 October 1918 while serving with the 78th Company, 6th Regiment of the U.S. Marine Corps. Another was William Joseph ‘Wild Bill’ Donovan. Born in Buffalo in 1883, Donovan, always proud of his Irish origins, went to the Western Front as a Major in the famed 69th New York. Wild Bill earned the medal when as a Lieutenant Colonel he personally led an assaulting column near Landres-et-St. Georges on 14-15 October 1918. Even when wounded by machine gun bullets he refused to be evacuated until his unit could be withdrawn. William Donovan is the only American to have received all four of the United States highest decorations; during World War Two he became the founder and first head of the Office of Strategic Services– the OSS– the forerunner of the Central Intelligence Agency. He rose to the rank of Major-General during that conflict and later served on the prosecution team at the Nuremburg Trials.

The strong Irish-American association with the Medal of Honor continued through World War Two. One of the most famed from that conflict is Audie Murphy, the Texan rejected by the marines for being too small, who enlisted in the army and became one of the most decorated soldiers of World War Two, and later a famous actor. He earned his award for an incredible solo defence of his unit’s position in north-eastern France in January 1945, in which he killed or wounded as many as 50 attacking Germans. Another is Chaplain Joseph T. O’Callahan, a Jesuit priest from Roxbury, Massachusetts, who taught at Boston College, Weston College and the College of the Holy Cross. He earned his award aboard the aircraft carrier USS Franklin off Japan on 19 March 1945. That morning the Franklin was struck by two Japanese aerial bombs, which ignited fuel and aircraft on the deck and rocked the vessel with devastating secondary explosions and fires, killing hundreds of men and wounding many more. Father O’Callahan was an inspiration to those around him, ignoring the inferno as he moved about the vessel ministering to the wounded and dying, and playing a leading role in efforts to control the blaze.

Irish-American connections with the Medal of Honor have continued through the Korean and Vietnam Wars. One does not have to look far for the Irish-American in men like New York native and U.S. Marine Robert Emmet O’Malley – hint, the clue is in the name. In South Vietnam on 18 August 1965, with his squad pinned down by Viet Cong fire, O’Malley raced across an open rice paddy towards the enemy, jumped into their trench, and single-handedly took the position. He then brought his men to the assistance of another heavily-engaged unit and helped them extricate themselves, before in turn assisting in their evacuation and in that of his own squad. Wounded three times, Sergeant O’Malley refused to leave the combat zone until all his squad had been boarded on helicopters.

I want to end this brief look at Irish and Irish-American Medal of Honor recipients with a final example, and one that demonstrates the continuing links between men and women of Irish descent and service in the United States military. On 18 April last in Kinsale, Co. Cork, I was honoured to be present for the dedication of the first chapter of the Irish Veterans organization. The group, which aims to conduct historical research into Irish people involved in foreign conflict, had named the chapter in honour of US Navy Seal Lieutenant Michael P. Murphy. Among the attendees at the ceremony were Ambassador O’Malley, and Lieutenant Murphy’s parents, brother and family members. On each of his missions, Michael Murphy carried the patch of New York City Fire Department Engine Company 53/Ladder Company 43, partly in recognition of the FDNY’s heroism on 11 September 2001, 14 years ago today. The 29-year-old New Yorker was killed in action in Kunar Province, Afghanistan in June 2005 along with 18 of his comrades during an operation against the Taliban. During that engagement, Lieutenant Murphy, commanding a four man SEAL team, showed exceptional courage as he attempted to extract his men against overwhelming enemy numbers. Ultimately he gave his life in an act of extraordinary self-sacrifice, as he knowingly exposed himself to enemy fire in order to transmit a call to bring aid for his men.

Lieutenant Michael Murphy is the latest of 22 men bearing that surname who have earned the Medal of Honor. Murphys have done so on the battlefields of Virginia in the 1860s, on America’s western plains in the 1870s, off the coast of Cuba in the 1890s, outside Peking, China in the 1900s, on the Siegfried Line, Germany in the 1940s, in Korea during the 1950s, and in the Kunar Province of Afghanistan in the 2000s. Through the lens of just one surname, we witness in microcosm the story of Irish-American connections with not only the Medal of Honor, but also the Irish tradition of military service in the United States of America. It is a legacy that appears set to continue.

Filed under: Events, Medal of Honor Tagged: Irish American Civil War, irish in American Forces, Irish in the U.S. Military, Irish in World War One, Irish in World War Two, Irish Medal of Honor, Lucas Lecture, Stephen's Green Hibernian Club

The Dying Request: An Irish Soldier Seeks to Secure His Daughters’ Future at Shiloh, 1862

On the evening of 6th April 1862, at Pittsburgh Landing, Tennessee, the men of the 12th Illinois Infantry trudged back to their quarters after a hard day’s fighting. Having just endured the first day of the Battle of Shiloh, the soldiers gathered around their tents to discuss what they had just experienced. The danger, though, had not passed. The enemy remained close, and indeed the furious contest would resume the following morning. As Corporal Con Carroll and Sergeant Henry Wager chatted, a Rebel shell suddenly exploded opposite them. Killing one man, shrapnel from the projectile flew at the tent, mutilating Con’s foot. Despite the shock of the moment, Wager and other comrades soon rushed to Con’s side. Fearing the worst, the Irishman turned to Wager and asked him to take on two important tasks; the first was to write to his brother-in-law in Albany, informing him of what had happened– the second, and most important, was to make sure steps were taken to get his two young daughters to New York. It was understandable that the fate of his daughters loomed large in Con Carroll’s mind as life slipped away from him on the Shiloh battlefield. Only three months previously, news had come to him that his wife had died back in Chicago. In his final hours, Con knew that his death would make the girls orphans. (1)

A soldier of the 12th Illinois Infantry, Con Carroll’s Regiment (Library of Congress)

Irish couple Cornelius Carroll and Ellen O’Donnell had been very young– probably in their late teens– when they were married by the Reverend Patrick McCloskey in St. John’s Church, Albany on 30th October 1849. Their first child Johanna was born on 4th September 1851, before the couple decided to strike out for new opportunities in Chicago. There a second daughter, Mary Ellen, followed on 10th September 1855. Although it is unclear as to the exact timing of the incident, at some point in the 1850s or 1860s tragedy struck when Johanna suffered injuries which left her a lifetime cripple. The 1860 Census found the family in Chicago’s Fifth Ward, and indications are that they suffered from financial hardship. Con worked as a laborer, but when war came he quickly took the opportunity to enlist. He first signed up for three-months on 24th April 1861 in Chicago, converting his term to three years at Cairo on 1st August, becoming a Corporal in Company K of the 12th Illinois. Con was described as 28-years-old and 5 feet 8 inches tall, with red-brown hair, blue eyes and a ruddy complexion. (2)

Con was a man with economic concerns in 1861 and 1862. The $100 bounty money for his enlistment must have been a major attraction for him, given his need to provide for his family. However, it seems likely that the notoriously sporadic nature of soldier’s pay during the war had a major impact on his wife and children left at home. News arrived early in 1862 of Ellen’s death in Chicago on 22nd January, apparently as a result of ‘destitution.’ This immediately plunged Johanna and Mary Ellen’s future into uncertainty, which undoubtedly played heavily on Con’s mind as he marched through the South in the ranks of the 12th Illinois. He never had an opportunity to resolve the situation; the Confederate shell fragment that struck him at around 7pm on 6th April 1862 ended his life some twenty hours later. With more fighting to be done the following day, it would be the 9th April before his friend Henry B. Wager could start honouring Con’s dying wish, by writing to his brother-in-law John Kennedy:

Pittsburg Landing Tennse.

April 9th 1862

John B. Kennedy Esq.

Albany, New York

Dear Sir,

It becomes my painful duty to inform you of the death of our mutual friend Cornelius Carroll. On Easter Sunday morning about 7 O Clk the enemy attacked us. Our regiment participated in the hardest part of the fight during the day. At sundown we were ordered to our Quarters, and were dismissed, were talking over the incidents of the day when an unfortunate shell dropped opposite our tent, killing one man instantly, and mangling the right foot of our poor friend in a shocking manner. We immediately carried him to our Hospital tent where every attention our limited means would allow, were shown him (the tent being at the river attending to the wounded there). We were forced to vacate our camp until late in the evening, when every exertion in the power of man was made to procure the aid of a surgeon, but without success until the following Monday morning, but his system had received such a shock, that it could not sustain the operation of amputation. He died Monday about 3 pm. I had no idea his death was so near, or I should most certainly have been with him during his last moments. The Company received the news of his death with much feeling, for poor fellow he was a great favorite not only amongst his immediate associates in the Company but throughout the Regiment. Poor fellow let us hope that he has gone to a better place. The whole Company sincerely sympathize with yourself and family in this bereavement.  Con appeared to think from the first that he would not recover and requested me, in case the worst would happen to inform you of the circumstances concerning his death. He also desired me to take the proper steps to have his children put in your charge which I shall do, so soon as I have finished this. I shall write to Bishop Duggan of Chicago informing him of poor Cons wishes in regard to them, and enclose your letter to him in reference to your willingness to receive them and would advise your writing to him immediately on the subject. I think Con wrote you last Saturday, enclosed please find a letter he commenced writing to your wife, but did not have time to finish. I have some letters of his which I will send to you the earliest opportunity.

I am Very Respectfully & c.

Henry B. Wager

Sergeant, Comp. K. 12th Regt. Ill. Vol.

Please drop me a line at your convenience. Direct to Paducah to follow the Regiment. HBW.

The Captain will have the necessary papers made out as soon as possible so that his children can receive his back pay and bounty. Yours Respectfully, Hy. B. Wager. (3)

The 12th Illinois wore a Tam o’Shanter style cap, recognizing their other designation as the ‘First Scotch Regiment’ (Library of Congress)

Other members of the regiment also stepped in to help Con’s children. The Captain who had first enlisted him as a three-month soldier, James Hugunin, penned this letter to the Bishop of Chicago and Maynooth, Co. Kildare native the Reverend James Duggan:

Pittsburgh, Tennessee

April 10. 1862.

Revd James Duggan,

Bishop of Chicago

Dear Sir,

I would respectfully inform you that Cornelius Carroll, a Corporal in my Company, was killed in the battle at this place on Sunday April 6th. He was the same man whose wife was said to have died of destitution in Chicago last January. He left two children, who, after the death of his wife, were sent to some one of the Catholic charitable institutions.

Carroll was not killed instantly, he lived about 20 hours after he was hit, during his last hours he requested that his two children should be sent to his sister, a Mrs. Kennedy, living in Albany, N.Y. He left no effects. He has pay due him from Dec 31st 1861– out of which there is to be deducted a small sum for clothing drawn– also, his heirs are entitled to his bounty of $100. Perhaps his children will be entitled to a pension but, as to that, I am not fully informed.

The reason of my writing to you is that I do not know his friends or relatives at Chicago. Neither do I know the name of priest of “Father” whose parish he belonged in, but I believe it was Father Dunn. And I know no person who would be more able and willing to trace out these two lost children and help to carry out Carroll’s last wishes more readily than yourself.

And I would, respectfully, request that you take such action in the case as may, to you, seem best and most likely to carry out the dying request of as brave a soldier as ever fought or fell in defense of his country’s rights and his country’s honor.

I am, Sir, Your Obdt Servt,

James R. Hugunin

Capt Co. K 12th Regt Ills. Vols. (4)

It transpired that Con’s daughters had been moved to the Orphan Asylum run by the Sisters of Mercy. Informed of this, Con’s brother-in-law had to get to Chicago and bring them to their new home. The Albany-based grocer John Kennedy (married to Con’s sister, Mary) had two daughters of his own, Ellen, who was around 5-years-old and Mary who was 4. As news of the plight of the orphaned girls  (Johanna was now 10 and Mary Ellen 6), the Governor of New York Edwin Morgan stepped in to help John in his mission. Governor Morgan contacted John V.L. Pruyn (himself a State Senator) who was a major shareholder in the New York Central Railroad, and asked if he could be of assistance. The result was the following letter:

THE NEW YORK CENTRAL RAIL ROAD COMPANY

PRESIDENTS OFFICE

Albany, June 2d 1862

To the Officers of the Rail Roads between Buffalo or Suspension Bridge & Chicago

At the instance of Governor Morgan who informs me he has inquired into the circumstances, I have given to the bearer, John B. Kennedy, a pass to Buffalo & return, to aid him in his effort to bring to this City, the two infant children of his brother in law Cornelius Carroll who was killed at the Battle of Pittsburgh Landing in April last. These children are now orphans, entirely destitute, and are to be cared for hereafter by their relatives here, who are in humble circumstances.

I therefore hope that Mr. Kennedy will be permitted to pass free to Chicago, & to return in like manner with the two children referred to.

John V.L. Pruyn (5)

Governor Morgan, who intervened in the orphaned girls case (Library of Congress)

John succeeded in bringing the girls home to his family in Albany. The 1870 Census records them all in Albany’s First Ward; John (50) and Mary (36) with their now three daughters Ellen (13), Mary (11) and Emma (6) and the two Carroll girls Johanna (19) and Mary Ellen (14). The situation had not much changed by 1880, though by now John appears to have passed away. Mary Ellen was working in confectionery, but there was currently no working life for Johanna. She was recorded on that census as ‘at home, broken back.’ Her permanent disability had a devastating impact on her life. Her physician recorded how it had permanently arrested her physical development– with curvature of the spine and hip disease she was referred to as a ‘hunchback.’ Her left leg was four inches shorter than her right, and she never grew beyond 4 feet 3 inches. Johanna required a crutch or staff to walk, and every once in a while her hip would become inflamed, fester and discharge pus, during these bouts she couldn’t move around at all. Efforts began to get her a pension based on her father’s service, as it was noted that Johanna ‘would have been provided for by her father if he had not lost his life.’ (6)

In the 1890s, a special act of Congress provided Johanna Carroll with a pension of $12 per month. By 1900, her Kennedy cousins had all gone on to have lives of their own, but the two sisters had stuck together. Johanna had refused to give in to her disability, and by this time was working as a music teacher. The orphaned girls would ultimately spend their entire lives in each others company. Johanna was still living with Mary Ellen when elder sister passed away in Albany on 9th June 1920. Mary Ellen wrote to the pension agency to inform them of her sister’s death: ‘I am 65 years of age and have to work every day for a living. My pay will be deducted for my time taken off to-day in attending to this matter [communicating with the pension agency]. Then while she [Johanna] was sick I lost about three weeks from my work while taking care of her.’ Despite her efforts, Mary Ellen did not get any compensation for her sister’s illness or funeral. She lived on for many more years on her own, appearing on the 1930 and 1940 census. She was still in full-time employment at the age of 72, working as a servant. Now the last of her family, Mary Ellen Carroll undoubtedly led a tough life. Having lost her parents at a young age, she then spent much of her life helping her older sister, particularly on those occasions when her disability became too much. One wonders how the Carroll family’s fortunes might have gone had the American Civil War not erupted in 1861; what is clear is that it’s impact had an impact on Johanna and Mary Ellen Carroll that followed them throughout the course of their lives, and well into the 20th century. (7)

Panorama of Albany in 1906 (Click to enlarge). The Carroll girls spent their lives here because of the fates of their parents in the 1860s (Library of Congress)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Cornelius Carroll Dependent Pension File; (2) Ibid.; Muster Roll Database; (3) Cornelius Carroll Dependent Pension File; (4) Ibid.; (5) Ibid. 1870 Census; (6) Cornelius Carroll Dependent Pension File, 1870 Census, 1880 Census; (7) Cornelius Carroll Dependent Pension File, 1890 Census, 1930 Census, 1940 Census;

References & Further Reading

US Federal Census 1860, 1870, 1880, 1900, 1930, 1940.

Illinois Civil War Muster Roll Database.

Cornelius Carroll Dependent Children’s Pension File WC523.

Shiloh National Military Park.

Civil War Trust Battle of Shiloh Page.

Filed under: Battle of Shiloh Tagged: 12th Illinois Infantry, 19th Century Disability, 19th Century Guardianship, Civil War Oprhans, Civil War Pensions, Irish American Civil War, Irish in Albany, Irish in Chicago

Irish in the American Civil War Needs Your Votes!

I am pleased to say that the Irish in the American Civil War has been shortlisted in two categories for the Blog Awards Ireland. Many thanks to those who nominated the blog for the long-list initially, and to all of who you have taken the time to read my posts over the last five years. The next phase of judging will select the finalists for the awards, and includes a public vote element which accounts for 30% of the overall mark. Although perhaps not quite as vital a vote as that 1864 example illustrated below, I would still be very appreciative of your support! If you are so inclined, you can vote for the site in the Education & Science category by clicking here and in the Art & Culture Category by clicking here. I have also added links to the voting areas in the blog’s sidebar.

Pennsylvania soldiers of the Army of the James voting in the 1864 Presidential election (Library of Congress)

Filed under: Blogs Tagged: Art & Culture, Blog Awards Ireland, Education & Science, History Blogging, Irish American Civil War, Irish History, Irish-Americans, Pennsylvanians 1864 Election

The Forgotten County: Exploring the American Civil War Service of Britain’s Irish Communities

The widow’s and dependent pension files reveal the stories of Irish families from counties up and down the island of Ireland. But the files also provide an insight into another, rarely considered element of Irish service in the American Civil War– the contribution of the Irish of Britain. Although we know that many Irish emigrants to the United States travelled via ports such as Liverpool, not all were just ‘passing through.’ Britain was a major emigrant destination in its own right, and many Irish chose to make their homes there. Some, be they Irish-born or British-born members of the Irish community, eventually decided to cross the Atlantic. The files are filled with evidence for the prolonged residency of Irish emigrants in England, Scotland and Wales. This post takes a brief look at some of the evidence I have uncovered for these British connections, indicating that the American Civil War impacted members of the Irish diaspora everywhere, no matter where they made their homes.

The most common indicator for the Irish of Britain in the files comes in the form of marriage certificates, indicating when a soldier or his parents had been married in England. Unsurprisingly, many such certificates are associated with cities like Liverpool. However, contrary to what we might think, stays in the port that was the gateway to America for many Irish was not always that brief. One example is the case of John Rannaghan and Catharine Delany, who were married at St. Werburgh’s in Birkenhead, Merseyside on 10 September 1849. They were still in Birkenhead two years later, when their first child Nicholas was born on 18th June 1851, but had moved to Brooklyn by the time their daughter arrived in late 1852. John would later go on to service in the 69th New York, Irish Brigade. Another member of the 69th with ties to Liverpool was John Alfred Silke McNamara, who married Mary Egan there on 14th July 1853. Their sons George and William were both born there, and baptised in St. Anthony’s, Scotland Road (on 11th May 1854 and 4th April 1856 respectively). Indeed Mary left family behind in England; when she required proof of the baptisms in 1866 it was her brother John who got them for her, spending 13 shillings to do so. On obtaining them from the church, he walked straight to the nearest post office in Liverpool to send them to her as quickly as possible: ‘I am writing this in the Post Office, Mile End, Scotland Road to save tonight’s post. We are well here at present and will be glad to hear from you. If these documents are not right I will get any others that you may wish for. I must close in haste.’ (1)

St. Werburgh’s Church, Birkenhead, where John Rannaghan and Catharine Delany married (Image: Sue Adair)

John Silke McNamara was not the only Civil War soldier who would have been familiar with Liverpool’s St. Anthonys. Another was Timothy Kearns, who married Maria Pelham there on 28th May 1854. Timothy would later enlist in the 71st New York Infantry. Other family stories illustrate that Liverpool was a long-term home for many who eventually went to America. John and Catharine Curran were married in Liverpool on 5th April 1841 and were still there 14 years later, when John died on 29th May 1855. This was apparently the catalyst for emigration, and Catharine was living in New York to watch her son John Jr. march off to war in the ranks of the 73rd New York Infantry. (2)

Of course, such links extend far beyond Liverpool. One example is Patrick Coffey, who was a member of that strongly nationalist 69th New York State Militia that marched off to the first battle of the war at Bull Run, Virginia in 1861. His parents Edward and Margaret Coffey and had married in Ireland in 1815, but Edward died in Manchester on 25th December 1852, indicating that the family had a presence there in the 1850s. Aside from Liverpool, London is the other most frequent English location encountered within the Irish pension files. One Irish family with strong ties to that city were the Foys. Dennis Foy served in the 99th New York Infantry, and was killed aboard the USS Congress when she was engaged by the ironclad CSS Virginia (Merrimack) on 8th March 1862. His mother Mary (née Keefe) had married Dennis’s father Patrick in the parish of All Saints, Poplar, Middlesex on 8th February 1830. In applying for a pension based on her son’s service, Mary had to write to London for her marriage certificate. It was her daughter Bridget, living in Whitechapel, who wrote back. Bridget, who was married to fellow London-Irish emigrant Garrett Jordan, wrote her mother a that letter demonstrates the reality of Irish emigrant life in the 19th century, with family scattered across the globe, not only in Ireland, Britain, and America, but also Australia:

Mrs. Bridget Jordan

No. 31 Princes Street, Mile End New Town

Near Whitechapel

London, England

August 28th 1862

My dear beloved Mother,

I received your kind and welcome letter dated August 11th 1862. I have not received the other letter you mention. I am very glad indeed so is my dear husband to hear that you are so well as you are, though dear mother we are very sorry indeed to hear you are afflicted with the rheumatism which is so very painful– but put your trust in Christ our Saviour– God will we hope relieve you of your dreadful pains, let us hop you will soon get to work again. My dear husband, myself, Thomas, John, Mary Ann, Edward, (James has got the measles) & William are all well in health except poor dear James, who thank God is getting a little better. Accept all our kind love [portion missing]. I enclose you your Certificate of Marriage which I got yesterday– I had to pay 2/6 for it. I hope dear mother it will prove an assistance in getting my poor dear departed brother Dennis’s money. I hope you will get it safe– my Uncle Simon send you his kind love, and hopes please God to see you once again in good health and spirits. My husband sends his love to his brother John and desires to tell him that his brother Thomas is out of work– there being little dying done, in fact he is completely worn out with the want of employ. I hope my dear brother’s Edward and John are well and will accept my kind love. Tell John that his mother is doing very comfortable in Australia, she keeps a laundry and takes in washing- If dear Mother you like to send for any [portion missing] you can [portion missing]. I am sorry to say I am in deep distress, having no work of my own. My dear Mary Ann sends you 3 kisses ☩☩☩ God Bless you– pray write and let me know how you get on– I remain your affectionate daughter & son

Thomas & Bridget Jordan. (3)

St. Anthony’s Church, Scotland Road, Liverpool, where many Irish veterans of the Civil War seem to have passed through (Image: John Bradley)

John McGillicuddy made his home in London for some years prior to his emigration to Brooklyn. His daughter Ann later recalled living there with John and her mother, who died around 1846 when she was four-years-old. Two years later, on 9th November 1848, Ann was in ‘the same room’ at ‘Luton near High Wycombe’ when John was remarried to Margaret O’Connor. During the war Ann’s father would enlist in the 173rd New York Infantry. Thomas Coyne and Mary Tierney were another couple who married in London, on 8th February 1848. They were still there nearly four years later when their daughter Mary Ann was born. Eventually they also emigrated to Brooklyn, where– like John McGillicuddy– Thomas would serve in the 173rd New York. (4)

Of course large numbers of Irish were also to be found in Scotland and Wales, and many of them also found themselves involved in the American Civil War. Brothers John and Thomas Ingoldsby were tailors from Co. Leitrim. Both were presumably working in Scotland when John married Margaret McGuire there in St. Andrew’s Church, Glasgow on 26th February 1838. More than twenty years later, along with their relative Patrick Ingoldsby (also a tailor), they enlisted in Company G of the 23rd Illinois Infantry, ‘Mulligan’s Irish Brigade.’ Cornelius McGonigle also married in Glasgow, wedding Rosanna Kerrigan in St. Patrick’s Roman Catholic Church on 23rd October 1854. Like the Ingoldsbys the McGonigles moved on to America, settling in Philadelphia. Also like the Ingoldsbys, Cornelius sought out an ‘Irish’ regiment for his service, becoming a private in the 116th Pennsylvania Infantry of the Irish Brigade. A welsh example can be found in Matthew and Catharine Eagan, who were married in ‘Blyna’ (Blaina), South Wales, around 1852. Life was clearly tough for them, as Catharine would later recount that none of her children ever lived to be baptised. Matthew seems to have emigrated to New York shortly before the outbreak of war, being followed shortly afterwards by his wife. Matthew became an early enlistee in the cause for Union, joining the 72nd New York Infantry during the summer of 1861. (5)

These are just a handful of a large number of examples that demonstrate the links between the American Civil War and the Irish of Britain. Of course, as indicated by the story of Dennis Foy, this information is only available to us because each of the soldiers mentioned died in service. The fate of each is recorded beside their file reference in the References below. For many, the war brought great suffering. It certainly did so to Hannah O’Brien, who had married her husband Cornelius in St. George’s Fields, Southwark, London on 14th January 1840. Hannah’s husband died in 1855, but worse was to come for her in America with respect to her young son Cornelius Jr. On 19th February 1864 he wrote her a letter from Quincy, Illinois, to tell her he had enlisted in the 16th Illinois Infantry. Cornelius was ‘hoping that you will not take it [his enlistment] to heart on account of my going as there was nothing for me to do in Oquawka.’ Less than two months later she received a package from Georgia, returning to her a photograph of herself and letter she had sent her son. Accompanying it was a letter, informing her that the boy had died of typhus fever. (6) 

Photograph of the USS Wabash at Port Royal, South Carolina, taken from the deck of the monitor USS Weehawken in 1863. Patrick Finan (see below) would have been aboard the vessel when this image was exposed (U.S. Naval Historical Center)

Britain seemed a lot closer to home than America for some Irishmen, who found that their Civil War experiences accentuated their longing for Ireland. 24-year-old Coal Heaver Patrick Finan was serving aboard USS Wabash on the Union blockade off South Carolina in late 1862 when he wrote to his father back in Sligo town. He had previously worked in England, but military service off the Carolinas, and news of the death of his mother, had deeply affected him:

Dear Father if I remain twelve months more in the navy you may expect me home for a few months as soon as I get paid off, for I never can let home out of my mind I am always thinking of home, I don’t know the reason of it, for when I was in England I never used to think half so much of home as I do now, but I am not the same since my Mother died. I feel very lonely and down hearted. (7)

Patrick Finan never got an opportunity to return to either Ireland or England. It is likely that he is among many thousands of Irish, Irish-American and Irish-British servicemen during the American Civil War who had strong ties to England, Scotland and Wales. Their ‘double-emigration’, which occasionally took place inter-generationally, is yet another fascinating facet of the Irish experience of the American Civil War.

(1) John Ranaghen Widow’s Pension File,John Alfred Silke McNamara Widow’s Pension File; (2) Timothy Kearns Widow’s Pension File,John Curran Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (3) Patrick Coffey Widow’s Pension File, Dennis Foy Dependent Mother’s Pension File, 1841 England Census; (4) John McGillicuddy Widow’s Pension File, Thomas Coyne Widow’s Pension File, 1860 Census; (5) John Ingoldsby Widow’s Pension File, Illinois Muster Roll Database, Cornelius McGonigal Widow’s Pension File,Matthew Eagan Widow’s Pension File; (6) Cornelius O’Brien Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (7)Patrick Finan Dependent Father’s Naval Certificate;

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References

1860 US Federal Census

1841 England Census

Illinois Civil War Muster Roll Database

John Ranaghen Widow’s Pension File WC78945. John  died from wounds received at the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House on 18th May 1864.

John Alfred Silke McNamara Widow’s Pension File WC84696. John died in November 1864 from chronic diarrhea.

Timothy Kearns Widow’s Pension File WC81089. Timothy was killed in action on 2nd July 1863 at Gettysburg.

John Curran Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC43959. John died on 17th July 1863 of wounds received on the second day of the Battle of Gettysburg.

Patrick Coffey Widow’s Pension File WC19650. Patrick was wounded at First Bull Run on 21st July 1861 and died a prisoner of war on 17th August.

Dennis Foy Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC1981. Dennis was killed aboard the USS Congress when she was attacked by the Merrimack on 8th March 1862.

John McGillicuddy Widow’s Pension File WC138484. John, who served under the alias John McCarty, died of typhoid fever in Harper’s Ferry on 7th October 1864.

Thomas Coyne Widow’s Pension File WC58437. Thomas died as a POW in Camp Ford, near Tyler, Texas in August or September 1864.

John Ingoldsby Widow’s Pension File WC 74646. John was wounded at the Battle of Lexington in September 1861, as a result of which his arm was amputated. He died as a result on 20th February 1863.

Cornelius McGonigal Widow’s Pension File WC102739. Cornelius died of disease contracted during service on 27th March 1865, following his discharge.

Matthew Eagan Widow’s Pension File WC25637. Matthew was killed in action at the Battle of Williamsburg on 5th May 1862.

Cornelius O’Brien Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC84143. Cornelius died on 12th April 1864, near Rossville, Georgia of typhus.

Patrick Finan Dependent Father’s Naval Certificate 2867. Patrick died on 5 April 1864 as a result of injuries he received having been scalded by the boilers aboard the Wabash on 21 March 1864.

Filed under: General Tagged: Civil War Pension Files, Irish American Civil War, Irish in Britain, Irish in Britain Military Service, Irish in Liverpool, Irish in London, Irish in Scotland, Irish in Wales