Damian Shiels's Blog, page 49

Embarking on PhD Research into the Irish and the American Civil War

As many of you will know I am an archaeologist by profession, and have spent much of my working life engaged in archaeological and historical analysis of the Irish military experience. I have been fortunate to examine many different areas over the years, be it Elizabethan-era battlefields, 17th century massacre sites, 19th century military fortifications or 20th century memorialisation and remembrance. It has been pretty clear for the past four years or so that the Irish experience of the American Civil War has utterly captivated me. I feel a need bordering on obligation (maybe obsession?) to explore, understand and disseminate the experiences of these Irish emigrants in as many ways possible.

To that end I have recently embarked on a part-time PhD at nearby University College Cork. Carrying out detailed research while still working is a challenge, but I felt the time was right to formalise and focus my study of the Irish in this period. If all goes to plan it will take me some six years to complete (of course, completion is by no means guaranteed). As someone who spends much of their time dealing in online history, it seems appropriate to undertake the degree as part of a structured Digital Arts & Humanities programme, which has a stated aim of enabling students to ‘carry out research in the arts and humanities at the highest level using new media and computer technologies’. I am based in Ireland, thousands of miles from many of the major relevant historical repositories, so it is true to say that without computer technologies I would never have been able to explore the American Civil War in anything like the detail that the digital age has made possible. Therefore it seems appropriate that part of my work is focused on the further use and application of these tools when it comes to the Irish experience of the Civil War.

So what exactly am I going to be looking at? Even a cursory glance through the history of the posts on this site will see how it has become centred on the social impact and consequences of the war, told through ‘personal stories.’ It is still early days in the formulation of my research questions and thesis outline (so expect some changes!) but I want to work on assessing the real cost of the war for individual Irish people. When a few dozen men were killed or maimed at a particular battle, what were the consequences of that event in the years that followed? What was the psychological impact on men and their families? What type of pensions and supports did they receive, were they adequate? How did they remember their experience in later years? My most probable focus will be on the men of the New York regiments of the Irish Brigade and their families (63rd, 69th, 88th New York) but this may narrow and expand depending on developments. When I have finalised my thesis outline in the coming months I hope to launch an appeal on the site, asking you the readers if you have any primary source material relating to relevant men and their families that might contribute to this analysis. My work will also require a digital component, and aside from digital analytical and visualization tools that I hope to utilise, I am also keen to continue a process of dissemination and collaboration with others interested in this area (which to some extent this blog facilitates). Ideally I am hoping that I can create a new interactive resource that will be freely available to all and will be based on the above research. We will have to wait and see if that can become a reality.

There is much work yet to do, and it would be naive of me to think that this work will not impact on the frequency of posting on the site. However, I do intend to maintain it as an integral part of my research and I also hope to post the occasional update on progress. A daunting road lies ahead, but I do hope it proves to be a fulfilling one!

Filed under: Research, Update Tagged: Academic Blogging, Digital Arts and Humanities, History and Social Media, History Databases, History PhD, Irish American Civil War, University College Cork, Visualizing History

Book Review: The Green and the Gray- The Irish in the Confederate States of America

The study of the Irish experience of the American Civil War has always been a popular topic, yet it is striking how many facets are yet to be explored in detail. Over recent years, historian David T. Gleeson has set his sights on one of these- trying to understand the Irish experience in the South. Having already given us the most comprehensive study of the Irish in the 19th century Southern states (The Irish in the South, 1815-1877, UNC 2001) he now brings us the highly anticipated The Green and the Gray: The Irish in the Confederate States of America (UNC 2013). It does not disappoint.

 

Research into the Irish and the American Civil War was for many years dominated by purely military histories, particularly of the Union Irish Brigade. This has also been true of studies of the Irish in the Confederacy. Recent times have seen a growth in work which attempts to contextualize Irish participation (and non-participation) in more detail, exploring aspects such as motivations, impacts, politics, religion and memory in conjunction with military experience to gain a fuller understanding of what it was to be Irish in the Civil War era. David Gleeson’s book sits firmly in this space.

The Green and the Gray by David T. Gleeson (UNC Press)

 

For the majority of Irish people in 1860s America, the Civil War was something experienced from the perspective of the Northern states; of the 1.6 million Irish-born in the U.S. in 1860, only some 85,000 lived in areas that would go on to form part of the Confederacy. A further 95,000 Irish lived in the border states of Kentucky, Maryland and Missouri. Given the small pool from which Irish Confederate soldiers could be drawn, the estimate of 20,000 Irish-born Rebels that Gleeson convincingly establishes is noteworthy in itself. Why did so many Irish in the South enlist? They were by and large not part of the slave-holding class and were generally anti-secession. As a group, the Irish in the Confederacy appear full of contradictions and complexities, and this comes across in the book. Generally hard-fighters on the battlefield, many seem to have been more than willing to take the Oath of Allegiance if captured, or to seek exemptions from service after a few months, based on their foreign citizenship. Some Irish communities on the home front also appeared all too ready to accept Federal occupation, much to the chagrin of their native-born neighbours.

The Green and the Gray begins with an assessment of Irish politics in the South prior to the Civil War. In ‘Reluctant Secessionists’ the views of some of the leading Irish political figures in the South are examined as is the Irish interaction with slaves and slaveholding. Particularly fascinating is Gleeson’s analysis of the voting patterns of largely Irish areas during the 1860 Presidential Election, which demonstrates that the majority of Irish were anything but rabid secessionists.

In ‘Irish Rebels, Southern Rebels’ it becomes clear that despite initial Irish reluctance to secede, once it happened the majority rowed in fully behind it. The types of motivational tools employed by recruiters are examined here- unsurprisingly drawing parallels between ‘historic’ Irish rebels in periods such as 1798 and the 1861 Southern rebels was high on the list. The majority of Irish lived in urban centres and they dominate the lists of ethnic Irish companies, which are examined in some detail. This chapter also explores the efforts of some Irish to avoid service, as well as those who joined the ranks as substitutes.

Chapter 3, ‘Faugh a Ballgagh! (Clear the Way!)’,looks at the Irish on the frontlines. As Gleeson highlights, ‘the story of the Irish Confederate soldier is filled with contrasting examples of bravery and treachery.’ Many Irish units fought incredibly well, often taking casualties that equaled or even exceeded native-born companies. Others seem to have lost their enthusiasm relatively quickly. Many Irish were not keen to change their enlistments from an initial 12 months to serve for the duration of the war, often seeking avenues to leave the army when this became a necessity. Conversely some Irishmen, such as Patrick Cleburne and Dick Dowling, performed martial feats that in later years would be seen as important demonstrations of Irish commitment to the Confederacy.

Those on the home front often found the war extremely tough, particularly given the low socio-economic status of many Irish in the South. In ‘Hard Times’, Gleeson examines the war from the perspective of Irish Confederate citizens. Perhaps the most famous Irish Confederate citizen was John Mitchel, an ardent supporter of both the Confederacy and advocate of slavery. Other Irish played key roles in supporting the Confederate war effort in a non-military capacity, serving in manufacturing and commissary positions. The desperate economic straits that many Irish found themselves in cities like New Orleans offers an insight into the harsh reality of the war for Irish civilians in the South. As the conflict progressed and started to go badly for the Confederates, some in the native press targeted the Irish for negative comment, particularly if they had been perceived as being less than enthusiastic regarding the Southern cause. As the prospects of defeat grew, it became apparent that the Irish were far more willing to accept a return to Union than many of their native compatriots.

The Catholic Church played a huge role in the lives of the Irish in 19th century America, and this was especially true of the Irish in the Confederacy. ‘For God, Erin, and Carolina’ looks at this fascinating aspect of the Irish experience and reveals that many of the Irish clergy were staunch supporters of the Southern Confederacy. Here we find men like Bishop Patrick Lynch of Charleston, who became a Confederate delegate to the Papal See and Father Peter Whelan, who would at one point administer to Union prisoners in Andersonville. The importance of the Church in encouraging Irishmen to enlist cannot be underestimated; it is also of interest to discover the waning of some Southern Irish Churchmen’s Confederate zeal as defeat loomed.

The final chapter in the book deals with the all important aspect of memory in the post-war years, and is particularly revealing given the prominence of many Irish in the Lost Cause. In ‘Another “Lost Cause”‘ Gleeson outlines how ‘in the commemoration of the Confederacy after the Civil War, the Irish in the South rediscovered a Confederate spirit they had lost during the conflict.’ Although the Irish were ready to accept defeat in 1865, they soon joined other former Confederates in attempts to stifle radical reconstruction and along the way found much to admire in the Lost Cause. Any ambiguities regarding Irish service were discarded as a new vision of Irish participation was forged. Irish-American’s like Father Abram Ryan helped to lead the way in commemoration of the Confederate cause. In many ways, the Irish became more ardent Confederates after the war than they had ever been during it.

What emerges in The Green and the Gray is the story of an immigrant community that in 1861 would largely have preferred to stay part of the United States, but which gave strong support to the Confederacy once war became inevitable. However, they were not Confederates to the core; they were willing to accept defeat and a return to the United States as the war dragged on. In the conflict’s aftermath, the realities of emancipation and reconstruction found many Irish ready to embrace the Lost Cause, setting in motion a period of idealised remembrance of Irish participation in the Confederacy.

David T. Gleeson’s book is an extremely important and significant study. It is the most comprehensive analysis of the Irish in the Confederacy by some distance, and stands to remain so for some time to come. By examining Irish participation ‘in the round’ he has done much to increase our understanding of the war from the perspective of the entire Southern Irish community, adding significant context to Irish military participation. As an Irish-born historian, David Gleeson is also unusual in that he is one of very few professional historians from this island who has chosen to examine in detail the Irish experience of the American Civil War, a war second only to World War One in terms of numbers of Irish who served in uniform. For anyone interested in a fuller understanding of the Irish in the era of the American Civil War, The Green and the Gray is an essential read.

*I am grateful to The University of North Carolina Press for providing a review copy of this book.

References

Gleeson, David T. 2013. The Green and the Gray- The Irish in the Confederate States of America. 307pp. 

Filed under: Book Review, Books Tagged: Confederate States of America, David Gleeson, Father Abram Ryan, Father Peter Whelan, Irish American Civil War, Irish Confederates, Irish in the Confederacy, Peter Whelan

‘Drop the Liftinant A Curtsey, Woman!’: The Long Service of Sergeant James Fegan, 3rd US Infantry

The 29th October 1851 was a good day for the United States army. That was the date that 24-year-old Irish laborer, James Fegan, decided to enlist. He must have cut an impressive figure standing in front of Captain Westcott, a recruiting officer for the 2nd US Infantry. Towering at over 6 feet in height, Fegan already carried a military bearing. Westcott couldn’t have known, but by signing Fegan on he was starting a remarkable relationship between the Irishman and the US military that was to last for nearly 35 years. (1)

Sergeant James Fegan (Philadelphia Inquirer)

James Fegan was born in Athlone, Co Westmeath in 1827. He had grown to adulthood in Ireland, and the initial indications were that he intended to pursue a career at home. Deciding to become a policeman, he joined the Irish Constabulary. Why he left the force and emigrated to the United States is unknown, but one report states that he killed a smuggler while in the discharge of his duty, an incident which may have had unforeseen consequences. (2)

The records indicate that James sailed from Liverpool to New York in 1850 aboard the De Witt Clinton, arriving in his new home on 25th February. Finding life as a laborer unfulfilling, he clearly hoped that Company I of the 2nd US Infantry would bring him some of the camaraderie and regimen that he had experienced during his time in the Constabulary. If there is such a thing as a natural soldier, James Fegan was it. By the time his first five-year period of enlistment had expired, Fegan had risen to Sergeant, a rank he would consistently reach throughout his time in the army. In 1856 he decided to re-enlist, something he would do a remarkable further eight times during his military career. One of the officers who served with him described Fegan as:

‘…an innate soldier…a soldier in the old-fashioned sense of the term. He stood six feet four in his shoes; was as straight as a rifle barrel; as full of the military spirit as a Prussian martinet; precision itself in movement and utterance; touchy in his dignity, giving and exacting the fullest measure of respect to all rank; truthful in all matters; absolutely faithful in the discharge of his military duties, and willing, if necessary, to lay down his life in the execution of any task committed to his care.’ (3)

With the outbreak of the American Civil War he went east with the 2nd US Infantry, fighting at many of the Army of the Potomac’s early engagements. While in action near the Middle Bridge at Antietam Creek in September 1862 he received a  bullet wound to the right knee, which threatened both his life and his military career. He eventually recovered, but pain from the injury, which he referred to as ‘me Antatum knee’, stayed with him for the rest of his days. By 1864 he had recovered sufficiently to re-enlist, and did so on 31st March. This time be became part of Company C, 3rd US Infantry, the regiment he would be associated with for the remainder of his time in the army. He took further wounds between the commencement of the Petersburg Campaign and the surrender at Appomattox, but came through the conflict having participated in over 30 engagements. (4)

It was shortly after the war that the event for which James Fegan is most remembered took place. In March of 1868 the Irishman was part of a small detachment taking a powder and supply train from Fort Harker to Fort Dodge in Kansas. While stopped at a station in Plum Creek he recognised a deserter from the regiment and took it upon himself to arrest and the detain the man. The rest of the party, including the commanding NCO, were angry at Fegan for the arrest and tried to force him to release the deserter. Refusing, the Westmeath man fended off an attack and took the prisoner to a barn, standing guard over him. The other men, who were drunk, crept into the back of the barn and knocked Fegan unconscious before themselves deserting with the prisoner. Now on his own and with a bad head wound, Fegan nonetheless felt it his duty to continue alone with the train towards Fort Dodge. It was an action for which he earned the Medal of Honor, which was presented on 19th October 1878. His citation reads:

‘While in charge of a powder train en route from Fort Harker to Fort Dodge, Kans., was attacked by a party of desperadoes, who attempted to rescue a deserter in his charge and to fire the train. Sgt. Fegan, singlehanded, repelled the attacking party, wounding 2 of them, and brought his train through in safety.’ (5)  

A Sutler’s Store in Fort Dodge, Kansas in 1867 (Library of Congress)

Despite the fact that the action led to the award of the Medal of Honor, it did not result in any monetary benefit for Fegan. He later applied for a Certificate of Merit based on the incident, as the certificate came with a $2 per month pay increase. However, as the statute for the certificate explicitly stated it was for ‘private soldiers’  he did not qualify, as he held the rank of Sergeant. The issue was brought to the attention of Congress in a special message from President Chester A. Arthur in 1882. Fegan’s case was cited as the exemplar as to why the statutes should be altered to read ‘enlisted’ rather than ‘private’ and thus cover those who held other enlisted ranks. Among the amendment’s supporters was William Tecumseh Sherman. Thanks in large part to Fegan’s case, the change was eventually enacted. (6)

Finally, in 1870 and after nearly 20 years service, James Fegan was prevailed upon to give up his arduous military career and enter the Soldier’s Home in Washington. He did not last long. Quickly realising that a quiet life was not for him, he obtained a discharge and left the Home. He made straight for the nearest recruiting officer, once again enlisted, and returned to service in the 3rd US Infantry. His complete dedication to duty meant that many of the officers with whom he served were extremely fond of him. Captain Philip Reade related how Fegan’s respect for officers was absolute, and increased in proportion with rank. This often had an unexpected impact on the pockets of more junior officers in the regiment. When off-duty Fegan washed and ironed officer’s clothes for additional  pay, but did not employ a flat fee for all- while Captains could obtain his services for $5 a month, the same service cost First Lieutenants $8 and Second Lieutenants $10! (7)

James Fegan found time during his long career to marry and had three children, a son James Jr. (who would also become a Sergeant in the 3rd US Infantry) and two daughters. Reade (at the time a Lieutenant) remembered meeting his family when he was carrying out an inspection of Fegan’s quarters:

‘I inspected his quarters and found them immaculately clean…He [Fegan] stood erect and said with dignity to his wife: “Woman! step to the front and curtsey to the commanding officer, so!”…Seeing a small, curly-headed, handsome boy in the quarters I asked who he was. “James Fegan, Jr., sir,” he said with pride. “James, salute the commanding officer.” “What do you propose to do with the boy?” I asked. “Give him an eddication, sor!” he said. “What his father never had, and, God willing, make an officer and a gentlemen av him! An’ we’ve got the money to do it too- haven’t we, woman? Drop the liftinant a curtsey, woman! So-o-oh!” (8)

Sergeant James Fegan, his wife and son (Philadelphia Inquirer)

Despite his rather short mannerisms with his wife in front of the officer, James seems to have had an extremely close relationship with her. This is attested to by the fascinating description of the Memento Mori style photograph he had taken following her death, which also incorporated imagery representative of Ireland:

‘After the death of the first Mrs. Fegan [the Irishman later remarried] he employed a photographer to testify to his love for the dead and his respect for his officers. The photograph was taken on a 10 x 14 inch plate, and depicted Mrs. Fegan after death, surrounded by burning candles, with a saucer filled with earth from old Ireland at the head of the handsome coffin in which the remains were. Beside the body, attired in full dress uniform, knelt the sergeant. The expression of his face was untranslatable. The photograph was a mixture of the grotesque, the horrible and the piteous. The sergeant meant it for the best, and spent two months’ pay in having a lot of these souvenirs made, one of which he presented, “in memory of the late Mrs. Fegan with his rispictful compliments,” to each officer of the Third Infantry on duty at Fort Dodge at the time. Few that have seen one of these photographs will ever forget it. Significant trifles of the picture were that the sergeant had on white Berlin cotton gloves and also wore the black leather neck stock.’ (9)

James Fegan remained a commanding figure throughout his long service. He was a man not to be trifled with; one one occasion he succeeded in getting some unwilling prisoners to carry out work, informing his superior that he had ‘persuaded’ them to rethink their decision. When asked what he had persuaded them with, he replied ‘a spade, sor.’ Finally and inevitably the years caught up with him. This realisation was not easy for the old soldier, but when he was retired in 1885 he did not have to move far from the military life. He was given a home on the military reservation at Fort Shaw, Montana, where he raised chickens, sold milk, butter and eggs and continued his tradition of washing for the officers. He had been suffering from angina for some time and it was heart disease that eventually took his life. His son, First Sergeant Peter Fegan Jr, 3rd US Infantry and his friend Captain Reade were at his bedside when he passed away aged 59 on 25th June 1886. He is buried at the Custer National Cemetery, Montana in Section A, Grave 749. 

(1) US Army Register of Enlistments; (2) Philadelphia Inquirer 10th September 1893; (3) New York Passenger and Immigration Lists, Uncle Sam: 400, Philadelphia Inquirer 10th September 1893; (4) Uncle Sam: 394; (5) Philadelphia Inquirer 10th September 1893, MOH; (6) Message from the President: 1-3; (7) Uncle Sam: 394, Philadelphia Inquirer 10th September 1893; (8) Philadelphia Inquirer 10th September 1893; (9)Philadelphia Inquirer 10th September 1893;

References & Further Reading

New York Passenger and Immigration Lists 1820-1850

US Army Register of Enlistments, 1798-1914

US Government 1882. Message from the President of the United States, transmitting a communication from the Secretary of War and its accompanying papers, recommending the amendment of Section 1216 Revised Statutes, relating to enlisted men of the Army, also the modification of Section 1285 Revised Statutes, &c. December 6, 1882. — Read and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and ordered to be printed.

Philadelphia Inquirer 10th September 1893. An American Mulvaney. Sergeant James Fegan, Third Infantry, U.S. Army. By His Friend, Captain Philip Reade, U.S.A.

Rodenbough, Theo. F. 1886. Uncle Sam’s Medal of Honor

Filed under: Battle of Antietam, Medal of Honor, Westmeath Tagged: Athlone, Co. Westmeath, Fort Dodge, Irish American Civil War, Irish Diaspora, Irish Medal of Honor, James Fegan, Memento Mori

Civil War Memorial in Cattaraugus County, New York, Under Threat

Mark Dunkelman, historian of the 154th New York Infantry, has alerted me to disturbing news of plans to demolish a civil war memorial- the Cattaraugus County Historical and Memorial Building- and is seeking readers assistance in highlighting the issue.

Mark has published extensively on the 154th New York, with his books covering everything from the compelling story of Amos Humiston to an analysis of the Esprit de Corps of a Civil War regiment. His works are far more than simple histories- his exceptional knowledge of the unit and it’s men has allowed him to explore the social aspect of the conflict in a compelling and often unique way. If you have not read any of his publications, I advise you to consider doing so, as they may get you thinking about the conflict in new ways. In the past, the survivors of the regiment which Mark has brought so vividly to life were also extremely keen to remember their comrades. In 1914, many veterans of the 154th were present in Little Valley as the Cattaraugus County Historical and Memorial Building was dedicated to stand in memory of those from the county who had served during the Civil War. A recent vote by the Cattaraugus County Legislature means that this Memorial Building will soon be demolished, destroying one of the county’s major monuments to the era. Mark is trying to raise awareness of this fact and is asking that others consider voicing their concern to Cattaraugus County Legislators.

Mark has described the building’s significance as follows:

On September 7, 1914, more than two hundred Civil War veterans gathered on Court Street in Little Valley to dedicate the Cattaraugus County Historical and Memorial Building. Among them were many veterans of the 154th New York, holding their 27th annual reunion in conjunction with the dedication. Joining the old soldiers was a large crowd of citizens. James S. Whipple gave the main address. He was the son of First Sergeant Henry F. Whipple of Co. H, 154th, who was captured at Gettysburg and died as a prisoner of war at Andersonville. Whipple opened his main address with these words: “One need only to observe the number of people who have assembled here to appreciate the fact that all of you consider this more than an ordinary occasion. The day, the purpose for which you are here should and will be long remembered.” And so Cattaraugus County’s most representative and significant Civil War monument was dedicated. The veterans meant for their memorial to stand for the ages.

Cattaraugus County Memorial and Historical Building at it’s Dedication in 1914 (Mark Dunkelman Collection)

The Cattaraugus County legislature voted to demolish the Historical and Memorial Building on 23rd October 2013. The building has been vacant since the county historical museum was moved from Little Valley to Machias some five years ago. The Olean Times Herald have reported on the planned demolition here. If you are interested in voicing concerns to the local legislators their official contact details are available on their website here. The letter that Mark has sent is as follows:

To the Legislators, Administrators, and People of Cattaraugus County, and the Descendants and Friends of Cattaraugus County’s Civil War Soldiers and Sailors:

Cattaraugus County is on the verge of making a big mistake. On October 23, 2013, the county legislators voted unanimously to use $125,000 in casino funds to demolish the Cattaraugus County Memorial and Historical Building and the adjacent Board of Elections building on Court Street in Little Valley.

Six days later, in an Olean Times Herald article about the planned demolition, County Public Works Commissioner Joseph Pillittere stated, “The county submitted a State Environmental Quality Review, which looks for any significant impacts to the area, including historical. The results showed that there were no significant findings from a historical standpoint.”

To the contrary, as its name implies, the Cattaraugus County Memorial and Historical Building has tremendous historical significance as the county’s most prominent and significant Civil War memorial. More than two hundred Civil War veterans and a large crowd of citizens were present on September 7, 1914, to dedicate the memorial. The building’s purpose was stated in a plaque above the entrance: “To the memory of its soldiers and sailors in the War of the Rebellion, this building is erected by Cattaraugus County.”

  Almost a hundred years later, why does Cattaraugus County want to betray the memory of its Civil War soldiers and sailors by destroying their memorial?

In his statement, Mr. Pillittere observed that the building has been significantly altered since its construction, that it is functionally obsolete, and that it does not comply with the American Disabilities Act. But those conditions do not negate the fact that the building was dedicated as a Civil War memorial, and it will remain a Civil War memorial until the county destroys it.

Civil War veterans were a driving force behind the memorial. They announced plans for it at a gathering in Salamanca in October 1909. Two years later, in September 1911, the memorial’s cornerstone was laid.

At the 1914 dedication ceremony, James S. Whipple delivered the main address. He was the son of First Sergeant Henry F. Whipple of the 154th New York Volunteer Infantry, Cattaraugus County’s most representative Civil War regiment. The elder Whipple was captured at Gettysburg and died as a prisoner of war at Andersonville, Georgia. In his dedicatory oration, James Whipple stated, “We dedicate this structure with our hearts full of love and loyalty for our country, and wish it ever to stand, signifying the deathless patriotism of American soldiers and sailors and their loyalty to the Stars and Stripes.”

Why does Cattaraugus County want to spurn that loyalty and love and deny the patriotism of its Civil War soldiers and sailors by tearing down their memorial?

Some questions for Cattaraugus County legislators and administrators:

What does the county propose to do with the site when the memorial is razed?

Is the New York State Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic Preservation aware of the county’s decision? Has the county presented the State Environmental Quality Review to the NYS Office of Historic Preservation, as required?

Is any Federal funding or permitting involved in the memorial’s destruction or the re-use of the site? If so, has Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended been followed?

Why has the county neglected to maintain the memorial, in defiance of New York State General Municipal Law 77-A, “Construction and Maintenance of Memorial Building or Monument by county or city”?

Are county veterans’ groups—American Legion and Veterans of Foreign Wars posts, Vietnam Veterans of America chapters—aware of the county’s decision? What do they think about the plan to destroy the Civil War memorial?

  Mark H. Dunkelman

Providence, Rhode Island

Great-grandson of Cpl. John Langhans,

Co. H, 154th New York,

President (1916) of the Cattaraugus County Veterans Association

www.hardtackregiment.com

The 154th New York Infantry was not an Irish regiment, but should still be of interest to those who wish to explore the Irish experience, as it had number of Irishmen in it’s ranks. The most notable of these was Westmeath native (and later Brigadier-General) Colonel Patrick Henry Jones, who Mark wrote about on the site here. Other Irishmen from the 154th covered on Irish in the American Civil War include Co. Clare’s ‘Senior Citizen Soldier’, Private Barney McAvoy  and Private Richard O’Neill from Limerick, who died as a results of wounds sustained at Chancellorsville. Mark has kindly given his permission to reproduce the details of all the Irishmen he has identified in the regiment, who are listed below:

Members of the 154th New York born in Ireland

William Bailey: Age 33 years. Enlisted August 22, 1862, at Westfield, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. E, September 24, 1862; wounded in foot, slight, in action May 2, 1863, at Chancellorsville, Va.; mustered out May 26, 1865, at Chattanooga, Tenn.

Thomas K. Bambrick: Age 45 years. Enlisted August 22, 1862, at Portland, to serve three years; mustered in as corporal, Co. E, September 24, 1862; mustered out May 16, 1865, at Louisville, Ky.

Edward Behan: Age 26 years. Enlisted August 28, 1862, at Allegany, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. G, September 24, 1862; deserted September 26, 1862.

Edward Brown: Age 44 years. Enlisted August 30, 1862, at Olean, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. I, September 25, 1862; mustered out with company June 11, 1865, near Bladensburg, Md.

Thomas Chanley: Age 28 years. Enlisted at Kinderhook, to serve one year, and mustered in as private, Co. K, January 6, 1865; transferred to 102nd Infantry, June 9, 1865, while absent without leave.

Francis C. Clark: Age 31 years. Enlisted September 1, 1862, at Westfield, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. E, September 24, 1862; captured in action May 2, 1863, at Chancellorsville, Va.; paroled May 14, 1863, at City Point, Va.; deserted June 18, 1863, from Convalescent Camp, Alexandria, Va.

Peter Colivan: Age 29 years.  Enlisted August 30, 1862 at Olean, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. I, September 25, 1862; captured in action May 2, 1863 at Chancellorsville, Va.; paroled May 14, 1863 at City Point, Va.; promoted corporal April 30, 1865; mustered out with company June 11, 1865 near Bladensburg, Md.

Richard Corcoran: Age 31 years. Enlisted August 5, 1862, at Allegany, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. C, September 24, 1862; mustered out with company June 11, 1865, near Bladensburg, Md.

Robert Davis: Age 44 years. Enlisted July 24, 1862, at Mansfield, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. B, September 24, 1862; discharged for disability January 5, 1863, at Washington, D.C.

Patrick Dillon: Age 35 years. Enlisted August 8, 1862, at Allegany, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. G, September 24, 1862; died of consumption January 26, 1864, at St. Joseph’s Hospital, Central Park, N.Y.

James Donegan: Age 34 years. Enlisted August 30, 1862, at Olean, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. I, September 25, 1862; captured in action July 1, 1863, at Gettysburg, Pa.; died November 2, 1863, at Richmond, Va.

John Douglass: Age 21 years. Enlisted August 22, 1862, at Westfield, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. E, September 24, 1862; captured in action May 2, 1863, at Chancellorsville, Va.; paroled May 14, 1863, at City Point, Va.; mustered out with company June 11, 1865, near Bladensburg, Md.

Hugh Erwin: Age 30 years. Enlisted August 28, 1862, at Charlotte, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. F, September 25, 1862; promoted corporal November 1, 1863; died of fever June 4, 1864, at corps hospital, Acworth, Ga.

Patrick Foley: Age 23 years.  Enlisted August 30, 1862 at Persia, to serve three years; mustered in as corporal, Co. K, September 25, 1862; captured in action July 1, 1863 at Gettysburg, Md.; paroled September 16, 1864; mustered out with company June 11, 1865 near Bladensburg, Md.

Richard Foley: Age 21 years.  Enlisted August 30, 1862 at Olean, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. I, September 25, 1862; wounded and captured in action May 2, 1863 at Chancellorsville, Va.; paroled May 14, 1863 at City Point, Va.; transferred to Veteran Reserve Corps March 14, 1865.

Patrick Garvey: Age 28 years.  Enlisted August 28, 1862 at Ellicott, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. F, September 25, 1862; captured in action May 2, 1863 at Chancellorsville, Va.; paroled May 14, 1863 at City Point, Va.; wounded in thigh in action May 8, 1864 at Rocky Face Ridge, Ga.; wounded again slightly in hand June 28, 1864 near Dallas, Ga.; mustered out with company June 11, 1865 near Bladensburg, Md.

Patrick Griffin: Age 18 years. Enlisted August 30, 1862, at Portville, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. I, September 25, 1862; wounded in action July 1, 1863, at Gettysburg, Pa.; killed by guerillas October 2, 1864, at Fort Rosecrans, near Murfreesboro, Tenn.

Thomas Haffren: Age 21 years.  Enlisted August 5, 1862 at Randolph, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. A, September 24, 1862; wounded severely in leg and captured in action July 1, 1863 at Gettysburg, Pa.; paroled, no date; killed in action June 15, 1864 at Lost Mountain, Ga.; buried in Section H, Grave #8878, Marietta National Cemetery.

Hugh Harper: Age 27 years. Enlisted August 27, 1862, at Charlotte, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. F, September 25, 1862; mustered out with company June 11, 1865, near Bladensburg, Md.

John Harper: Age 32 years. Enlisted August 28, 1862, at Charlotte, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. F, September 25, 1862; wounded slightly in action May 2, 1863, at Chancellorsville, Va.; discharged July 8, 1864.

Thomas Harper Jr.: Age 22 years. Enlisted August 22, 1862, at Westfield, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. E, September 24, 1862; captured in action May 2, 1863, at Chancellorsville, Va.; paroled May 14, 1863, at City Point, Va.; discharged for disability September 6, 1863, at Camp Convalescent, Va.

Samuel Hogg: Age 23 years.  Enlisted August 15, 1862 at Great Valley, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. H, September 25, 1862; promoted corporal, no date; wounded in action November 24, 1863 at Chattanooga, Tenn.; promoted sergeant October 17, 1864; mustered out with company June 11, 1865 near Bladensburg, Md.

Andrew Hollister: Age 33 years.  Enlisted August 23, 1862 at Portland, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. E, September 24, 1862; promoted corporal prior to February 29, 1864; wounded slightly in the face in action July 20, 1864 at Peach Tree Creek, Ga.; on detached service in division hospital at Savannah, Ga., September 25, 1864; no further record.

Patrick Henry Jones: Late major, 37th N.Y. Vols.; mustered in as colonel, 154th N.Y., October 8, 1862 at age 31; wounded in right hip and captured in action May 2, 1863 at Chancellorsville, Va.; paroled May 15, 1863 at United States Ford, Va.; injured in action May 8, 1864 at Rocky Face Ridge, Ga.; discharged May 19, 1865 for promotion to brigadier general.

Richard H. Kerr: Age 20 years.  Enlisted July 30, 1862 at Franklinville, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. D, September 24, 1862; promoted corporal January 1, 1863; wounded slightly in the head by a shell and captured in action July 1, 1863 at Gettysburg, Pa.; paroled, no date; wounded in foot in action July 20, 1864 at Peach Tree Creek, Ga.; transferred to Co. A, 5th Regiment, Veteran Reserve Corps, June 12, 1865; mustered out July 5, 1865 at Burnside Barracks, Indianapolis, Ind.

William Lennon: Age 23 years. Enlisted August 30, 1862, at Olean, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. I, September 25, 1862; captured in action July 1, 1863, at Gettysburg, pa.; paroled November 20, 1864; mustered out with company June 11, 1865, near Bladensburg, Md.

Barney McAvoy: Age 44 [sic] years. Enlisted August 4, 1862, at Olean, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. G, September 24, 1862; discharged for disability February 7, 1864, at Lookout Valley, Tenn.

Malcolm McKeig: Age 28 years. Enlisted August 22, 1862, at Westfield, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. E, September 24, 1862; mustered out June 23, 1865, at Elmira, N.Y.

Patrick McNamara: Age 40 years. Enlisted at Villanova, to serve three years, and mustered in as private, Co. B, May 12, 1864; mustered out June 9, 1865, at Elmira, N.Y., as McNara.

James McStay: Age 21 years.  Enlisted July 26, 1862 at Franklinville, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. D, September 24, 1862; promoted corporal December 27, 1863; sergeant, November 1, 1864; mustered out with company June 11, 1865 near Bladensburg, Md.

Richard O’Neill: Age 40 years. Enlisted August 29, 1862, at Ellicott, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. F, September 25, 1862; wounded in scalp, slight, in action May 2, 1863, at Chancellorsville, Va.; died of his wounds May 22, 1863, at hospital in Virginia.

Thomas Regan: Age 23 years.  Enlisted August 16, 1862 at Allegany, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. G, September 24, 1862; wounded badly in the left lung in action May 8, 1864 at Rocky Face Ridge, Ga.; mustered out with company June 11, 1865 near Bladensburg, Md.

Michael Walsh: Age 38 years.  Enlisted August 29, 1862 at Humphrey, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. I, September 25, 1862; wounded and captured in action May 2, 1863 at Chancellorsville, Va.; paroled, no date; absent, in Elizabeth Hospital, Washington, D.C., since December 5, 1863, and at muster-out of company.

Filed under: Memory, Preservation Tagged: Amos Humiston, Cattaraugus County, Cattaraugus County Historical and Memorial Building, Grand Army of the Republic, Irish American Civil War, James Whipple, Mark Dunkelman, Patrick Henry Jones

‘How I Came to Kill Your Brother’: A Confederate Reveals an Irish-American’s Final Moments

I have come across many extraordinary stories during my time researching the Irish in the American Civil War. None surpass that of Sergeant Peter Donnelly of Company C, 1st Vermont Heavy Artillery. Almost uniquely, the historical record has combined to provide us with details of this ordinary Irish-American’s death from the perspectives of both friend and foe. I am extremely grateful to Peter Patten for initially alerting me to this remarkable account.* 

A soldier of the 11th Vermont (1st Vermont Heavy Artillery) poses with soldiers from three other regiments (Library of Congress)

John Donnelly and his wife Rose emigrated to the United States from Co. Cavan sometime before the mid-1840s. By the time of the 1850 Census they were living in Castleton, Rutland County, Vermont. John was then a 43-years-old and working as a laborer, his wife Rose was 36. 80-year-old Molly Hoy Donnelly (probably John’s mother) also lived with the family, which at that point included nine living children: James (14), Mary (11), John (10), Peter (8), Francis (6), Patrick (4), Rosanna (3), Sarah (1) and Catharine (0). All the couple’s children had been born in Vermont, where the family had put down roots and where they clearly intended to stay. (1)

During the 1850s John became a naturalised citizen, but he did not long enjoy his time as an American. By the time of the 1860 Census he was dead, and Rose had remarried to another Irishman, farmer Edward Burns. Although the elder children no longer lived with the family, Francis, Patrick, Rosanna and Sarah were all still with their mother and step-father in Castleton (and were recorded under the surname Burns). Catharine, the baby on the 1850 Census, does not appear in 1860. Peter was the Donnelly’s third-son and was 18-years-old in 1860. He had moved out of home to become an apprentice blacksmith in Castleton, under the tutelage of Carlos Gorham. Peter was now part of a household that included Gorham, his wife Lucy and 16-year-old servant Harriet Harkins. (2)

The outbreak of the American Civil War did not lead to Peter’s immediate enlistment. It was the summer of 1862 before he decided to don Union blue. Peter enlisted in Company C of the 11th Vermont Infantry (later designated the 1st Vermont Heavy Artillery) on 17th July that year. His older brother John enlisted as a Private in the same company just four days later; both mustered into United States service with the regiment on 1st September 1862. Their younger brother Patrick clearly looked on with admiration and envy at Peter and John’s service- as soon as he was old enough he dashed off to join his brothers, enlisting in Company C on 18th November 1863. (3)

When Peter Donnelly enlisted in 1862 another friend from Castleton was not far behind him. George Oscar French- Oscar to his friends- had enlisted on 6th August 1862, and like Peter became a Sergeant in Company C. Oscar was a prolific writer and penned many letters home, describing life in Company C and making frequent mention of the Donnellys. Oscar and Peter tented together; Oscar was also a friend of Peter’s sister Mary to whom he had written during the war. The two men were not without their rivalries; on 12th August 1863 Oscar wrote home that ‘Sherman [Lieutenant, Company C] is sick & I have been running the co for a few days & find it quite pleasant, in fact easy enough & very much to the chagrin of Peter D. [Donnelly] who acts quite mum.’ In December 1863 Oscar recorded the arrival of the younger Donnelly, ‘Pat’, to the regiment. Patrick had joined his older brothers just in time to see the war service of the regiment change fundamentally. (4)

A patriotic envelope from Vermont during the American Civil War (Library of Congress)

For the first eighteen months of their service the Vermonters had been stationed in the Washington D.C. defences, seeing little in the way of action. All this changed in the Spring of 1864. Ulysses S. Grant had decided to call his large Heavy Artillery regiments to the front, to provide much needed reinforcements for the meat-grinder that was the Overland Campaign. On 12th May 1864 the Vermonters made their way to the 6th Corps of the Army of the Potomac and engaged in their first action at Spotsylvania Court House. The regiment would have little respite for the remainder of the war. Just over a month later, on 24th June 1864, the 6th Corps was engaged in heavy fighting around Petersburg, Oscar French grabbed a few moments to write a brief letter home:

‘I am well- and alive- thank Providence. We have had an awful time. Lieut Sherman and Sergt Peter Donnelly are killed. Co. C has 6 wounded- three missing among them Bill [Barber, a friend of Oscar- he would die a prisoner at Andersonville] send me $50- $10. When you get this & $10 once in five days &- till it all comes- I am going to get a commission, Expect it in a week- it is dark, & and I must close Mark. Russel- Tim & all the 6 boys are well. Direct yours to 2nd Brig 2nd Div 6th A.C.,

Love to all,

Oscar.’ (5)

The 1st Vermont Heavy Artillery had suffered severe casualties as part of the Battle of Jerusalem Plank Road. Sergeant Peter Donnelly had gone out on a scouting mission as part of this offensive and had never returned. On 26th June 1864 Oscar wrote to the ‘folks at home’ describing the intense fighting and their discovery of Peter’s body the following morning (24th June): ‘…Next morning we found the body of poor Peter in the woods and buried him by the side of a gigantic pine tree.’ (6)

Oscar also took it upon himself to let Peter’s family know his fate, writing to Peter’s stepfather Ed Burns to give him the news. He also wrote to his own father on 24th July to give him more particulars of Peter’s death:

‘…And now about Peter- He was shot with a minie ball, which entered his abdomen about 1 inch to the left of his navel- & came out- just to the right side of the spinal column & just below the right hip. He evidently did not suffer much but bled to death quickly. His gun was loaded & capped all ready to meet the foe.’ (7)

Headquarters of General Meade during the fighting at Jerusalem Plank Road, June 1864 by Alfred Waud (Library of Congress)

The Vermont men would find themselves fighting across similar ground for months to come, as the seemingly endless battle for Petersburg continued. On 14th December 1864, nearly six months after Peter’s death, Oscar remarked that the regiment went into camp ‘not 20 rods from poor Peter’s grave.‘ By that stage Ed Burns had decided to travel to Virginia and find his stepson’s body. On 31st December Oscar wrote to his father that ‘Ed Burns has come and gone with good success. If he only gets home alright, will have a good job done.’ He did get home, and Ed laid Peter to rest in St. Mary’s Cemetery, Fair Haven, Vermont. (8)

The war moved on and had many more victims to claim. Among them was Oscar French. As he had hoped he was commissioned, becoming a Second Lieutenant in Company C, only to be killed in action on 2nd April 1865. Peter’s brothers were more fortunate- both reached the rank of Sergeant and survived to be mustered out at the war’s conclusion. Despite the fact that the conflict was now over, there was still a final act to be played in the story of Peter Donnelly’s death. In the autumn of 1865, somewhere in the former Confederacy, an ex-Rebel sat down to write a letter to Donnelly’s family. He had encountered the Vermonter on the battlefields of Petersburg in June 1864, and had been the man who killed him. The intimacy of their encounter had clearly had a deep impact on the former soldier. He seems to have been eager to seek forgiveness and do the right thing by Donnelly’s family. He also probably sought to gain some closure on what must have been a very traumatic event in his life. His extraordinary correspondence was reprinted in the Burlington Free Press on 13th October 1865:

A COURTEOUS REBEL- The sister of Sergeant Peter Donnelly, of the 11th Vt., of Castleton, who fell in front of Petersburgh, has recently received a letter from the rebel soldier who met and slew her brother a year ago. He had, it seems, taken possession of his effects, and he forwarded to her a letter Donnelly had but a few hours before his death written her. He also stated that he had his porte-monniae [wallet] and several other things belonging to him, which he would cheerfully return if desired, and would furnish particulars of his death. He expressed regret for the deed, but considered it one of the results inseparable from the fratricidal struggle they had been engaged in, and hoped the people in the North and South would soon be one in every thought and feeling. According to her request, he not long since forwarded every article belonging to Donnelly, even to a copy of Casey’s tactic he had in his pocket. A correspondent of the Rutland Herald narrates these facts, and gives the following extract from the rebel’s letter:

“According to request I will now state how I came to kill your brother. We met on the evening of 23d of June on the farm of Dr. Gurley, some 5 or 6 miles from Petersburg. I supposed him to be a scout sent out to make a reconnaissance, and as that was my business also, I ordered him to halt. He defiantly refused the second time and turned to leave when I fired and he fell. I went to the poor fellow and found him past speaking and nearly dead. He made signs for water which I got him and he soon died. He was a good looking young soldier, in an artillery dress, well clothed and equipped. I deeply regretted that I had no time to bury him; but in the passing the same spot the next day, I saw a new made grave which I supposed to be his [the grave had been dug that morning by Oscar French and other comrades]. I am glad you have his body and can forgive me the deed, as you well know it might, under the same circumstances, have been my lot to be slain by him.” (9)

The breakthrough at Petersburg on 2nd April 1865, where Lieutenant Oscar French lost his life (Currier & Ives)

* This post was only possible as a result of Peter Patten’s initial research. A friend of the site, he alerted me to the article in the Burlington Free Press and also provided links to the naturalisation records and Find-A-Grave information. Peter is carrying out some stalwart and fascinating work looking into Irish connections in Vermont.

(1) 1850 US Federal Census, Rutland County Naturalizations; (2) Rutland County Naturalizations, 1860 US Federal Census; (3) Peck 1892:421-422; (4) Roster 421, George Oscar French Letter 1st September 1862, George Oscar French Letter 13th October 1862, George Oscar French Letter 12th August 1863, George Oscar French Letter 9th December 1863; (5) George Oscar French Letter 24th June 1864; (6) George Oscar French Letter 26th June 1864; (7) George Oscar French Letter 6th July 1864, George Oscar French Letter 24th July 1864; (8) George Oscar French Letter 14th December 1864, George Oscar French Letter 31st December 1864, Find A Grave Memorial Sgt. Peter Donnelly; (9) Peck 1892: 421-422, Burlington Free Press 13th October 1865.

References & Further Reading

1850 US Federal Census

1860 US Federal Census

Burlington Free Press 13th October 1865. A Courteous Rebel

Peck, Theodore S. 1892. Revised Roster of Vermont Volunteers and Lists of Vermonters who Served in the Army and Navy of the United States during the War of the Rebellion 1861-66

Hance Dawn, NIchols Joan and Zeller Paul. Vermont Historical Society. George Oscar French Civil War Letters: 1862, 1863 (Part 2), 1864 (Part 1), 1864 (Part 2)

Find A Grave Memorial for Sergeant Peter Donnelly

Index to Some Rutland County (Vermont) Naturalizations, 1836-1906

Vermont Historical Society George Oscar French Letters

1st Regiment Vermont Heavy Artillery Descendants Association

Filed under: Battle of Jerusalem Plank Road, Cavan, Vermont Tagged: 1st Vermont Heavy Artillery, Battle of Jerusalem Plank Road, Battlefield Trauma, Cavan Diaspora, Irish American Civil War, Irish Army of the Potomac, Irish in Vermont, Irish-Americans

Worthy of Study? Worthy of Remembrance? The Irish Killed at the Washita and Wounded Knee

I have been thinking quite a lot recently about the type of historic events we choose to explore (and in some cases commemorate). This was spurred by the recent laying of a wreath by the Irish President Michael D. Higgins to the memory of the San Patricios, the largely Irish group who deserted from the U.S. Army to fight with the Mexicans during the Mexican-American War.

The story of the San Patricios is a fascinating one and is certainly worthy of exploration. It has proven a popular topic in Ireland both in terms of memory and commemoration. In an Irish context, the San Patricios fit within a broader narrative of fighting for the side of ‘right’ against overwhelming odds, a popular theme in Irish memory. In contrast, as part of the force of the aggressors, the Irish in the U.S. military have received virtually no attention. Despite their being perceived as being on the ‘wrong’ side, I am nonetheless struck at how little time is spent pondering the lot of the vast majority of Irishmen who remained in U.S. uniform during the Mexican War. As emigrants during the era of the Great Famine, their experiences might be expected to be of interest, from a social history perspective if nothing else. Why were these Irishmen in uniform? What were their motivations for enlisting, and why did they stay?

Custer marching towards the Washita, 1868 (Library of Congress)

Little work is being carried out in Ireland on the hundreds of thousands of Irishmen who served in the U.S. military during the nineteenth century. Outside of the American Civil War many of these men were engaged in fighting either Mexico or Native Americans. Particularly in the case of the latter, this brings with it an element of shame in modern Irish memory. Irish participation in wars against Native Americans does not sit well within a broader narrative of Irish people struggling against oppression. To modern sensibilities it often seems incongruous that these Irish could be both victims (as in the case of Famine emigrants, for example) and aggressors. Of course, many of the Irish who served in the U.S. military in the nineteenth century were economic emigrants, who had little choice but to seek a new life in America and to earn a living as best they could.

Prisoners taken at the Washita, 1868 (Library of Congress)

It is my view that the Irish who served in the nineteenth century U.S. military are victims of the artificial break that exists in Irish history, where the stories of those who emigrated are no longer relevant. This has been overcome in certain circumstances (such as with the San Patricios) where later actions are seen to have a resonance with a wider Irish historical narrative. However, the Irishmen who charged into Black Kettle’s Camp on the Washita are disassociated from Irish history, and also from the wider reality that many were Famine emigrants.

Aftermath of the massacre at Wounded Knee (Library of Congress)

Today we look with horror at the way Native Americans were persecuted in the nineteenth century. Incidents such as the Wounded Knee massacre are rightly remembered as some of the darkest in American history. Should we study the Irishmen who served in the U.S. military at this time? Should we remember them? Some Irishmen in the Plains Wars do receive attention, notably those who died with Custer at the Little Big Horn in 1876. A previous post on this site has looked at the 25% of Fetterman’s annihilated force that were of Irish birth. There is no doubt that many of the Irish who fought in the U.S.-Mexican War, American Civil War and Native American Wars viewed themselves as racially superior to non-whites, views that we find difficult to understand today. However, this was not unusual for the period. It is probable that many men in units such as the San Patricios held similar views. The only way we can hope to gain a real picture of these Irish is to study them. Many were simply in search of a livelihood- some of those who died in the Powder River Country with Fetterman in 1866 had not been in the United States for long, finding themselves transposed from rural Ireland to the alien landscape of the Plains. Michael Regan, the 28-year-old former carpenter from Sligo, had been in the army only three months when he died at Wounded Knee in 1890.

Massgrave of Native Americans killed at Wounded Knee, 1890 (Library of Congress)

Two of the most controversial engagements in which Irishmen were involved during the nineteenth century were the Battle of the Washita (sometimes referred to as the Washita Massacre) and the Wounded Knee Massacre. The battle at the Washita was fought on 27th November 1868 in what is now Oklahoma, while the Wounded Knee massacre occurred on 29th December 1890 in South Dakota. Although there is some debate regarding the casualties among women and children at the Washita, it is clear that at Wounded Knee many were hunted down and slaughtered. Four Irishmen died at each of these incidents. They may not be events which we wish to have as a focus of remembrance for the Irish in America, but if we want to gain a fuller understanding of Irish emigrant history and Irish nineteenth century history we need to study the Irish experience throughout this period.

Irishmen who died at the Washita River, Indian Territory, 27th November 1868

Private Charles Cuddy, Company B, 7th U.S. Cavalry

21-year-old, 5 feet 4 1/2 inches tall former moulder with blue eyes, brown hair and a fair complexion. Enlisted in New York City on 16th August 1866. On his death he was due $26, but owed $5.26 for extra clothing, 78 cents for tobacco and 30 cents for rations. He was born in Co. Waterford. The report on his body said that a ‘ball entered about an inch above upper lift and a little to the left of nose, passed upwards and backwards and emerged behind and a little above left ear.’ (1)

Private John McClernan, Company E, 7th U. S. Cavalry

26-year-old, 5 feet 5 inches tall soldier with blue eyes, brown hair and a ruddy complexion. Enlisted in Philadelphia on 26th July 1866. On his death he was owed $8.10 in backpay and $17.05 in clothing not drawn. He owed 30 cents for his rations. He was born in Co. Derry. His body was not recovered. (2)

Corporal William Carrick, Company H, 7th U.S. Cavalry

32-year-old, 5 feet 6 inches tall former painter with blue eyes, brown hair and a ruddy complexion. Enlisted in New York on 26th September 1866. On his death he was owed $14 in backpay and $123.44 in clothing not drawn. He owed 30 cents for his rations. He was born in Co. Dublin. His body was found with a bullet hole in the right parietal, both feet cut off, throat cut and left arm broken. (3)

Private Thomas Downey, Company I, 7th U.S. Cavalry

40-year-old, 5 feet 8 inches tall former laborer with black eyes, black hair and a dark complexion. Enlisted in Troy on 3rd September 1866. No county of birth recorded. When found his body an arrow in the stomach, his thorax was cut open, head cut off and right shoulder cut by a tomahawk. (4)

Irishmen who died at Wounded Knee Creek, South Dakota, 29th December 1890

Private Michael Regan, Company A, 7th U.S. Cavalry

28-year-old, 5 feet 8 inches tall former carpenter with blue eyes, brown hair and a sallow complexion. Enlisted in Brooklyn on 18th September 1890. Born in Co. Sligo. On his death he was owed $13.60 in backpay.

Private John Costello, Company B, 7th U.S. Cavalry

21 and a 1/2 year-old, 5 feet 7 1/2 inches tall former brass worker with brown eyes, black hair and a dark complexion. Enlisted in New York on 27th December 1887. Born in Co. Limerick. On his death he was owed $12.07 in backpay and $33.64 for clothing not drawn.

Private Pierce Cummings, Company I, 7th U.S. Cavalry

22-year-old, 5 feet 7 1/2 inches tall former laborer with blue eyes, red hair and a florid complexion. Enlisted in Chicago on 22nd April 1889. Born in Co. Waterford. On his death he was owed $24.95 for clothing not drawn.

Private Joseph Murphy, Company K, 7th U.S. Cavalry

25-year-old, 5 feet 9 inches tall former laborer with blue eyes, brown hair and a fair complexion. Enlisted in New York on 15th December 1889. Born in Co. Roscommon. On his death he owed $2.40 for clothing drawn.

(1) Greene 2008:210; (2) Ibid.: (3) Ibid:174; (4) Ibid:175;

References & Further Reading

Greene, Jerome A. 2008. Washita: The U.S. Army and the Southern Cheyennes, 1867-1869

Johnson, Eric S. 2012. No Greater Calling: A Chronological Record of Sacrifice and Heroism During the Western Indian Wars, 1865-1898

Final Statements 1862-1899

Washita Battlefield National Historic Park

The Wounded Knee Museum

Filed under: Discussion and Debate, Memory Tagged: 7th Cavalry Regiment (United States), Battle of the Washita, Irish 7th Cavalry, Irish American Civil War, Irish Diaspora, Plains Wars, Wounded Knee Creek, Wounded Knee Massacre

‘The Old Man of the Sea’: The White Star Line’s Oldest Passenger?

In 1925 newspapers on both sides of the Atlantic carried the story of the ‘Old Man of the Sea’. about a Corkman travelling back from the United States to live with his sister in Newport, Wales. He was thought to be the oldest man ever to make the journey on the White Star Line- he also claimed to be a veteran of the American Civil War.

The SS Doric, the ship on which Patrick Ferris crossed the Atlantic (Image via InstaDerek)

The Irish Times carried the story on 24th August 1925:

Patrick Ferris (99), an American Civil War veteran, returned to Liverpool on the White Star liner Doric on Saturday after an absence of 65 years. He intends spending the rest of his days with his sister, Mrs. Terry, 20 Agricourt street, Newport. Born in County Cork, and reared in Newport, the old man sailed from Liverpool for America in a White Star sailing ship in 1860. He served throughout the American Civil War as an artilleryman under General Grant, and was wounded four times. Mr. Ferris still receives a pension from the United States Government on account of his war services sixty years ago. (1)

Newspapers in the United States also picked up on the story. The Trenton Evening Times in New Jersey brought it to its readers on 21st September 1925 via the United Press:

LIVERPOOL. Sept 19. An American “Old Man of the Sea” is visiting in England today. He is Patrick Ferris, an American Civil War veteran, 99 years old, who says he “still feels like a boy.” Ferris served through the Civil War as an artilleryman under General Grant. He was wounded four times. He came to England to visit a sister in Newport, Monmouthshire. While enroute to England he came to be known among the passengers as “The Old Man of the Sea” as he was the oldest man on the ship’s records to have made the trans-Atlantic trip. (2)

On the passenger manifest of the Doric Patrick is listed as 88-years-of-age rather than 99. The former plasterer’s destination was recorded as being 22 Deane Street in Newport. I have been unable to track down his American Civil War records and it maybe that he served under a different name or under a variant of Ferris. (3)

(1) The Irish Times; (2) Trenton Evening Times; (3) Doric Passenger List;

References

The Irish Times 24th August 1925. Veteran’s Homecoming: Irish-American Who Fought in the Civil War.

Trenton Evening Times 21st September 1925. Man of Ninety-Nine Oldest to Cross Sea. 

UK Incoming Passenger Lists, 1878-1960

InstaDerek Photostream

Filed under: Irish in the American Civil War Tagged: American Civil War Artillery, American Civil War Memory, American Civil War Veterans, Irish American Civil War, Irish emigration, Returning Veterans, SS Doric, White Star Line

Cher Turns Back Time with Irish in the American Civil War

Well, here is a post I never thought I would be writing., but which I felt I had to share! This afternoon I was speaking on the Irish in the American Civil War at the Back to Our Past event in the Royal Dublin Society, a very enjoyable occasion with a great audience. Afterwards I was asked if I had noticed the interview in the English newspapers last week with American singer and actress Cher. In it she was asked what book she was reading at the moment- here is what she said:

I’m currently reading…The Irish in the American Civil War by Damian Shiels. It’s really interesting.

I don’t think the book is widely available in the UK, so it would be fascinating to find out how Cher got her hands on it, and what initially sparked her interest. Either way, it is great to hear she is reading it and a bit surreal at the same time- thanks Cher! you can see her interview here.

Filed under: Events Tagged: Cher, Cher Actress and Singer, Cher American Civil War, Cher Turn Back time, Cher World Tour, Irish American Civil War, Royal Dublin Society, Turn Back Time

Daniel Divver: An Irish Fireman in the American Civil War

The Irish community in New York has long links to the Fire Service. Large numbers of immigrant Irishmen served in the city’s Engine, Hose and Hook & Ladder companies during the 1850s and 1860s. In an era where insurance firms paid independent companies to put out fires, rivalry between firemen was often fierce. However, when war came, many of these fireman chose to march off to war together- men like Second Lieutenant Daniel Divver of the 11th New York Infantry, otherwise known as the First Fire Zouaves. 

The American Fireman, 1858 by Currier & Ives (Library of Congress)

It is apparent that being a volunteer fireman in ante-bellum New York was far more than just a job. Members of the same company were extremely close-knit, and had to be prepared to defend their territory as well as fight flames. As we have seen previously on the site, many chose to permanently display their affiliations by tattooing the number of their fire company on their bodies. When they went to war these affiliations remained a source of great pride to the men.

There were two major regiments of New York firemen during the Civil War, the 11th New York (FIrst FIre Zouaves) and the 73rd New York (Second Fire Zouaves). Many Irish firemen enlisted in these regiments; the 73rd New York was even commanded for part of the war by Irishman Colonel Michael Burns. There was no more famous body of firemen who donned uniform during the conflict than the 11th New York, initially commanded by Colonel Elmer E. Ellsworth, a personal friend of Abraham Lincoln. Ellsworth became an instant martyr for the Union when he was shot and killed while removing a Confederate flag from a house in Alexandria, Virginia on 24th May 1861.

The Death of Colonel Elmer Ellsworth (Currier & Ives)

One of Ellsworth’s recruits was Daniel Divver. He had been born in the northern half of Ireland in 1839, most probably in Co. Donegal. Emigrating with his family when he was a boy, Daniel and his family lived in Lower Manhattan’s Fourth Ward. He attended public school and learned his trade as a tanner in the area known as the ‘Swamp.’ By the late 1850s his father John had died and his older siblings married, making Daniel primarily responsible for his mother Ann and younger brother Pat’s support (Pat would later go on to be an Alderman in the Fourth Ward, and was part of the Tammany Hall organisation). (1)

The 1860 Census found 21-year-old Daniel working as a Morocco Dresser (Morocco being a type of goatskin leather) and living with his 50-year-old mother Ann and 16-year-old brother Pat. By that time Daniel had also become a volunteer fireman. In 1859 he had joined Eagle Engine Company No. 13, based at 5 Duane Street in Lower Manhattan. He was a natural at the job, and soon became popular among the men in his company. In becoming a fireman Daniel had clearly found something which he loved and for which he felt a great attachment. At some point between 1859 and 1861 he had an image recorded of himself, in which he is seated with his arm resting on his fireman’s helmet. When the American Civil War broke out he enlisted alongside many of the men from Engine 13, and was elected to Second Lieutenant in Company G of the Fire Zouaves. This company was commanded by Captain Michael Tagen, also of Engine 13, who went to war wearing Engine 13′s badge number on his uniform. (2)

Daniel Divver with his helmet from Eagle Engine 13 (Our Firemen)

The 11th New York Fire Zouaves were one of the regiments engaged at Bull Run on 21st July 1861, the first major battle of the war. Daniel’s participation is described as follows:

On the march to the battlefield of Bull Run he divested himself of all superfluous garments, entering the field with his gallant comrades in his shirt sleeves, and they rolled above the elbows, sword in hand, and, with the familiar yell of the old engine company, “Get down, Old Hague!” he rushed forward to his death. When the excitement of the charge (the Rebels being driven back into the woods) was over, Lieutenant Divver was found on the field, his life blood ebbing away from over a dozen fatal wounds. He was carried off by some of his faithful comrades and was taken into a wheelwright shop by Paul Chappell and others by direction of Surgeon Gray of the regiment, where he expired almost immediately. The Rebels, being reinforced, made another sally, and all those in and around the wheelwright shop who were able to do so, were off to resist the charge. Those who were left behind were eventually taken prisoners. Lieutenant Divver’s body was never recovered, though many efforts were made by his family. he met the death of a gallant soldier at the head of his men, and lies in an unmarked grave with his fallen comrades. (3)

The fact that Daniel Divver went to his death shouting the motto of his Engine Company speaks volumes about the social importance the fire companies held for many in New York, not least the Irishmen who found a strong sense of belonging in their ranks. Daniel’s beloved Engine 13 did not long outlast him. It moved to 261 William Street in 1864, but was disbanded in 1865 as the fire service in New York prepared to enter a new era. (4)

Daniel Divver’s story also reveals something else about the Irish of 1860s New York. It is clear that many Irish immigrants to the United States maintained close ties with people who hailed from the same part of Ireland. This is particularly noticeable in Widow’s Pension applications, where deponents are often family friends who had known those concerned when they still lived in Ireland. Following Daniel’s death at Bull Run, his mother Ann sought a pension as he had lived with her and helped with her support prior to the war. Her deponents in 1863 were James Friel, who had known Ann for 12 years, and Catherine O’Donnell, who had known her for 13 years. In this case neither James or Ann had known the Divver family in Ireland, but had grown close to them in New York. What is interesting here is that Divver (or Diver) is a surname that originated in Donegal, and today remains most strongly associated with counties Donegal and Derry in north-west Ireland. Friel and O’Donnell are also both Donegal names. There seems a strong possibility that the Divver family in 1850s and 1860s New York were not just part of an Irish community, but were also members of a sub-set of that community based around families from the Irish north-west. These families, familiar as they were with the same people and places in Ireland, could ease the acclimatization process for new immigrants from their area and also provide an additional support network in times of trouble. Such appears to have been the case for Ann Divver, who found solace from among this community just as her son Daniel had taken strength from his community of firemen. (5)

Prisoners of War of the 11th New York Fire Zouaves captured at Bull Run. The image was taken at Castle Pinckney, South Carolina (www.myrtle-avenue.com)

*I am indebted to Marc Hermann who runs the excellent 11th New York Fire Zouave site here, for bringing the ‘Our Fireman’ book to my attention.

(1) Costello 1887: 730, 1860 US Federal Census, New York Times 1st February 1903; (2) 1860 US Federal Census, Costello 1887: 590, Myrtle-Avenue.com; (3) Costello 1887: 730; (4) Costello 1887: 590; (5) Daniel Divver Widow’s Pension File;

References

Costello, Augustine E. 1887. Our Firemen: A History of the New York Fire Departments

1860 US Federal Census

New York Times 1st February 1903. Patrick Divver Buried

Myrtle Avenue.com Eagle Engine No.13

Daniel Divver Widow’s Pension File WC11048

Filed under: Battle of Bull Run, Donegal, New York Tagged: 11th New York Infantry, County Donegal, Ellsworth's Zouaves, First Battle of Bull Run, Irish American Civil War, New York Fire Department, New York Fire Zouaves, Zouaves Bull Run

Diaspora Disregarded? How Ireland is Failing Her Emigrants Memory

Ireland as a country appears outwardly very proud of her diaspora. This is enshrined in our constitution- Article 2 tells us that ‘the Irish nation cherishes its special affinity with people of Irish ancestry living abroad who share its cultural identity and heritage.’ In my view Ireland currently falls far short of this aspiration and tends to engage with the diaspora in a one-sided fashion. There is an ingrained insularity in how Ireland views her history and people that needs to be fundamentally addressed. (1)

Since the onset of the financial crisis in 2008 Ireland has sought to harness her diaspora to assist in the economic recovery of the country. This has led to initiatives such as the Global Irish Economic Forum, where business and cultural leaders of the Irish diaspora are invited to explore how the Irish at home and abroad can contribute to Ireland’s economic recovery. As part of this initiative the government has reaffirmed its commitment to the diaspora and stated that the ‘enhancement of our connections to the global Irish community remains central to Government policy.’ One of the outcomes of the Forum was The Gathering initiative, where Irish people were encouraged to invite members of the diaspora to Ireland in 2013. The Gathering highlights the extent of the global Irish community (estimated at some 70 million people who claim Irish descent) and asks that you ‘invite anyone with a connection to Ireland to come and visit – so they can tell their stories; so they reconnect with family, relatives and friends; so they can make new friends – and so they can rediscover their history and join in a modern celebration of Ireland.’ The Gathering has in the main been embraced and thus far appears to be a success. I have participated in a number of events as a guest speaker and the efforts that many local community groups and societies have made to mark the Gathering are impressive. Initiatives such as the Global Irish Economic Forum and The Gathering have at their heart an aim of deriving economic benefit for Ireland from her diaspora. There is nothing wrong with this approach, and indeed a failure on the part of the State to attempt to draw on the diaspora for support would have been rightly criticised. However, there is a need when undertaking such initiatives to balance the books between an inward and outward view of the diaspora- this is something Ireland has not, and is not, doing. (2)

Ireland as a State (and many Irish people) view the diaspora inwardly. In other words they see the diaspora as providing an inward flow of benefits to Ireland (largely economic), achieved through activities such as tourism and investment. Many who hold this inward view see the diaspora as a group attempting to reestablish cultural connections to Ireland and their ‘Irishness’ that were broken when their ancestors left the country. Fundamentally, this inward perspective regards the diaspora primarily as a resource. Conversely, an outward view incorporates the history and experiences of those who emigrated with those who remained in Ireland, forming an integrated cultural and historical picture of the Irish people. Rather than regarding emigration as creating a defining break with Ireland, it recognises that the millions of Irish people who lived (and live) in communities abroad have stories that should be told in Ireland and that their experiences have just as much validity as those who stayed on the island. This outward view can also derive economic benefit, as embracing this integrated cultural history provides the Irish State with an opportunity to increase it’s visibility in the countries of the diaspora, by participating in occasions which remember specific events that impacted upon the Irish living there. It is normal for a country to see its diaspora as a source of potential benefit and to have a primarily inward focus. However, when not balanced with a strong outward and more culturally inclusive view it sends a message that the heritage of the diaspora is not regarded as part of the central story of Ireland. Ireland is not good at outwardly embracing her diaspora and the opportunities that doing so creates. This failure runs the risk of distancing Ireland from those of global Irish heritage and ultimately can foster a belief among people in Ireland that the diaspora have a lesser claim to ‘Irishness’ and Irish heritage.

Irish Emigrants Leaving for America from Caherciveen, Co. Kerry, 1866 (New York Public Library Image ID 833634)

As regular readers of this blog will be aware, I regard the vastly disparate treatment of World War One and the American Civil War in Ireland as an indication of how we are failing to appropriately engage with our diaspora’s history and heritage. They are the two largest conflicts in the Irish military experience by some distance, witnessing similar numbers of Irishmen in uniform, similar casualty rates and similar impacts on Irish communities at home. We are currently in the midst of the 150th anniversary of the American Civil War, while the 100th anniversary of World War One is less than a year away. I am fully supportive of the efforts to mark the centenary of World War One and believe that all the activities planned are right and proper. It is a topic on which I have worked extensively in the National Museum, have published on and on which I will be giving talks on as part of the 100th anniversary. However, I view the differential treatment that the two conflicts are receiving from the Irish Government, Irish media and Irish educational institutions as indicative of a wider failure to appropriately acknowledge the history of Irish emigrants and the diaspora generally.

There is little doubt that the 100th anniversary of World War One should be expected to be a bigger event in Ireland than the 150th anniversary of the American Civil War. There are a number of reasons for this- it is 50 years closer in time to us, was a worldwide event, was more visible locally, descendants of combatants grew up in Ireland (as opposed to descendants of the American Civil War Irish, who grew up as part of the diaspora), it was one of the major events that formed a backdrop to the Irish independence struggle, and it has continued relevance for the Peace Process. So a disparity is to be expected in terms of how we remember them now. However, the American Civil War also has much relevance. Many of the 170,000 Irish who fought were Famine emigrants, tens of thousands more were the children of Famine emigrants. The 1.6 million Irish-born people who lived in the United States at the time had a profound impact on that country and their participation in the conflict was used by the Irish-American community to aid their own (and future) Irish integration into the United States. So although we might expect a disparity, it is also fair to expect that there would be a serious focus on this conflict at the time of the 150th anniversary. Instead, what has happened in Ireland is that the American Civil War has been largely ignored; in contrast to the dozens of events already planned to mark World War One.

World War One’s place in the decade of commemorations has undoubtedly played a part in the attention it is receiving. The Department of the Taoiseach has placed information on Irish participation in the war on its page, and the majority of the Irish universities are already planning World War One conferences and events. Around the country associations and communities are embracing their World War One heritage through the construction of new monuments and memorials. Over the next five or so years there will be dozens of commemorative occasions, new books will be published, the television, radio and print media will focus in detail on Irish participation, and the State will undoubtedly be represented at national and international remembrances. All this should be welcomed. We are now three years into the 150th anniversary of the American Civil War, a conflict for which we have few memorials (there is no national memorial, and only one that remembers a regiment, the 69th New York). There has been no dedicated issue of any Irish historical journal or periodical dealing with the Irish in the United States and there has been relatively paltry media coverage. There have been no conferences or events organised by any third level Institution (or indeed by anyone else). The State has released no information on Irish involvement and the only official Irish participation in the 150th commemorations consisted of an Irish Army Colour-Guard who took part in the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Fredericksburg. No speeches have been given by any member of the Government, the President or senior diplomatic staff that explicitly deals with the American Civil War or what Irish participation meant (and means) to Ireland and her diaspora. There have been no public pronouncements as to why we should (or should not) remember the Irish of this conflict. To reiterate, this is the largest (along with World War One) conflict in the Irish military experience. Why is this the case? (3)

I have written before about how I feel Ireland tends to lose interest in the stories of her emigrants once they leave the island. The Famine is a good example of this. In its broadest terms, the Famine was experienced by three groups of people- those who died, those who emigrated and those who stayed. Historically we tend to concentrate on those who died and on what life was like for those who stayed. The emigrants become a statistic, their stories and future lives no longer regarded as directly relevant to Irish history. Therefore we can separate the experience of the Famine with the many Famine emigrants who were impacted by the American Civil War. These two episodes, which should be seen as intrinsically linked in Irish history, are therefore disassociated- the American Civil War is rarely discussed in the context of the Famine in Ireland. From a wider perspective it is somewhat shocking that we do not spend more time examining and remembering the histories of all our diaspora. This is particularly true when one considers that over 35% of people born in Ireland lived outside the island in 1870, This is not to say that there are no diaspora studies in Ireland, and that there is no interest shown in remembering these people. There is some very good work being done, but the point being made here is that there should be far more of it; people in Ireland need to be provided with the tools and opportunities to learn more about the diaspora, and this should be driven from within the education system. The relative levels of recognition (and lack of recognition) that World War One and the American Civil War are receiving is evidence of the necessity of this. With regard to the education system’s view of the diaspora, historian Dr. Enda Delaney has already identified a problem with how we view it in historical terms. In his excellent paper ‘Directions in historiography: our island story? Towards a transnational history of late modern Ireland’ he notes that ‘historians of late modern Ireland have unconsciously constructed an ‘island story’, with its central focus on domestic events.’ He continues that ‘the existence of the Irish diaspora is acknowledged, if then just as swiftly ignored,’ while ‘coverage invariably ends with the tearful farewells at Irish ports.’ The transnational history of Ireland in this period which he advocates is something we must do more to try and achieve. (4)

I spend much of my time looking at the social impact of the American Civil War on Irish emigrants, mainly through documents such as Widow’s Pensions Files. While attempting to be dispassionate from a historical perspective, it is impossible to read hundreds of these often heartbreaking stories without being strongly affected emotionally by them. They may be largely forgotten here, but these were Irish people and their history is Irish history, just as much as it is American. Their story should form a major part of what we understand to be Irish culture and heritage and should be embraced accordingly. For us to fail so badly in remembering them appropriately is an indictment of how we view our emigrant communities. This is true of our emigrants in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and elsewhere just as much as the United States. Cherishing a diaspora is a two-way street. if, as Tánaiste Eamon Gilmore has said, ‘enhancement of our connections to the global Irish community remains central to Government policy’, then Ireland needs to do a lot more to prevent Article 2 of our constitution from ringing hollow.

(1) Constitution of Ireland: 4; (2) Tánaiste Eamon Gilmore on Global Irish Economic Forum Website, The Gathering: Global Community; (3) The Department of the Taoiseach; (4) Delaney 2011: 83-84;

References

Constitution of Ireland

Department of the Taoiseach Historical Information

Global Irish Economic Forum

The Gathering Ireland

Delaney, Enda 2011. ‘Directions in Historiography: Our Island Story? Towards a Transnational History of Late Modern Ireland’ in Irish Historical Studies 148, November 2011.

New York Public Library Digital Library Digital ID 833634

Filed under: Discussion and Debate Tagged: Department of the Taoiseach, Global Irish Economic Forum, Irish American Civil War, Irish Culture, Irish Diaspora Studies, Irish Emigrants, The Gathering, The Great Famine