Damian Shiels's Blog, page 51

‘After I Am Dead, Write to My Wife’: An Irish Soldier’s Last Moments Revealed

I have read the Widow’s Pension Files of many Irish families who were devastated by the American Civil War. The information contained in each reveals much about both the family behind the soldier and the long-term impact of the conflict on generations of Irish-Americans. However, when reading the application of Ann Scanlan, whose husband Patrick lost his life in the service of the Irish Brigade, I also came across the letter notifying her of her husband’s death. This remarkably emotive document related to Ann her husband’s last words to his family, and has to my knowledge not been read in 150 years. It is reproduced below for the first time.

Ann Leskey married 22-year-old Patrick Scanlan when both were in their early twenties, on 29th April 1851. At the time they were both living in Charleston, South Carolina. Her husband, an Irish laborer, must have been a striking individual- he stood at an above average 6 feet in height, had blue eyes, brown hair and a light complexion. Within a year the couple’s first child arrived- John, born on 26th March 1852. A daughter Catherine followed on 23rd February 1854, second son James on 7th November 1856. John and Catherine were baptised in St. Mary’s in Charleston while James was baptised at the Cathedral of Saint John and Saint Finbar in the city. Sometime after James’ birth the family decided to move to New York. A third son, Cornelius, was born there on 30th June 1860, but tragedy left its mark on the family when the baby died just a few months later on 17th January 1861. Within the year Patrick enlisted in what would become the 63rd New York Infantry, soon to be one of the famed regiments of the Irish Brigade. When he mustered in on 11th October 1861 Ann had recently become pregnant with their fifth child; Sarah Ann was born on 4th May 1862. Patrick would most likely not have seen his new daughter, as he was bound for the Peninsula Campaign in Virginia and the hard-fighting that was to be the Brigade’s lot throughout the summer of 1862. It appears he was wounded at Antietam that September, but recovered to be with his regiment for their next major battle, the ill-fated assault on Marye’s Heights, Fredericksburg on 13th December 1862. The big Irishman went into the engagement holding the rank of Corporal, a highly reliable and well-respected member of the regiment. (1)

Saint John and Saint Finbar Cathedral, Charleston after it was destroyed by fire in 1861. Patrick and Ann Scanlan’s son James was baptised here in 1856 (Library of Congress)

As the 63rd New York and the Irish Brigade advanced on 13th December, Patrick Scanlan’s luck ran out. A bullet struck him in the right knee, lodging in the joint. It appears that efforts may initially have been made to save his leg, but infection set in. Removed to Lincoln Hospital in Washington, D.C., he underwent surgery on 26th December- his right leg was removed at the thigh. The shock of the amputation must have been colossal. On 1st January 1863 Patrick’s wound haemorrhaged, weakening the already dangerously ill soldier. When his wound again haemorrhaged on 6th January he was operated on once more, in an attempt to try to stem the bleeding in his inner thigh, an area known as Scarpa’s triangle. The surgeon’s efforts ultimately proved in vain. Patrick Scanlan died in Ward 10 of Lincoln Hospital on the evening of 14th January 1863, a month after receiving what proved his fatal wound at Fredericksburg. Minutes after his death, a man called William Duffie sat down to write a letter to the newly widowed Ann. He informed her of her husband’s death, offered words of comfort, and communicated Patrick’s final words to his family. Ann later had to surrender the letter as proof of her relationship with Patrick; the fact that her marriage had taken place in what was now the Confederacy meant she did not have access to the records that would allow her to show the authorities her relationship with the Irish Brigade soldier. With four children to support, she was forced to give up what must have been a cherished document. It has rested in her Widow’s Pension File for 150 years, and is here transcribed for the first time (2):

Ward 10

Lincoln Hospital Washington D.C.

Jan. 14th 1863

Mrs. Ann Scanlan,

Dear Madam- its become my very painful duty to inform you that your husband has just breathed his last. He died at 25 minutes to seven o’clock this evening without pain. As quietly as the infant sinks to rest from the bosom of its mother so peacefully did he breathe out his last sigh and resign his spirit into the hands of the God who gave it. I know how great will be your grief upon reception of this sad news but it is the will of God that it should be so and you must try and bear the bereavement with resignation, knowing that is not for you to question His right to do with His own as He sees fit: “The Lord gave and the Lord taketh away: blessed be the name of the Lord!” Every heart knoweth its own sorrow; and there is a grief which cannot be expressed in word, God alone has power to comfort you and to bind up your wounded and bleeding heart, in this your season of great distress; turn then to Heaven and may He who is the refuge of the weary- the hope of the sorrowing of earth, be with you and sustain you in this hour of trial and throw the arms of His everlasting salvation around you! Mr. Scanlan received the last rights of his religion this morning- the Sister, who has charge of this ward, has been constant in her attendance upon your husband and has done all in her power to alleviate his sufferings. I am not myself a Catholic and do not therefore understand the peculiarities of that faith, but Sister told me that the Priest had administered all the last rites necessary in such cases provided. The Priest has seen him several times and was present last Sunday morning and the Sacrament was I believe administered. It will be a great satisfaction to you to know that it is, as it is in this respect I have thought of the difference between the case of your husband and of another poor fellow who died recently and belonging to a different faith. He passed away without so much as having a Minister of Religion near him to breathe a prayer for the peace of his departing soul – such is the difference between the two religions. It has set me to thinking and I shall do so seriously I assure after this. Your last letter was received, and I offered to write an answer knowing that you would naturally feel anxious to hear from him, but he said he’d wait a day or two first to see if there would be any change for the better. He felt sensible, I think, that his end was approaching for he requested me to make a note of his feelings at that time- this was yesterday forenoon, I think. He did not talk a great deal as it hurt him to do so much. “After I am dead, write to my wife and tell her that I died a natural death in bed, having received the full benefits of my church.” “Say that I felt resigned to the will of God and that I am sorry I could not see her and the children once more. That I would have felt better in such a case before I died. It is the will of God that it should not be so, and I must be content to do without.” This was about the substance of what he said. I read it to him and he said it was all that would be necessary to write. His pay amounts to some 6 1/2 months not having received any since the 1st of July. This of course you are entitled to draw and you can do so by getting some friend to assist you, understands about it. The few things in this letter are all his personal effects. The rest of his things letters & c. he said to burn- which will be done. I will close for the present.

I remain very truly your well wishes, William Duffie. If you wish to answer this, please direct to me Lincoln Hospital, Washington, D.C., Ward 10. (3)

The first page of William Duffie’s Letter to Ann Scanlan, informing her of her husband Patrick’s death (Fold3)

Ann would receive a pension for the service of her husband, and was also given aid for each of her surviving children until they reached the age of sixteen. Neither did Patrick’s comrades in the 63rd New York forget her. In a remarkable gesture the surviving men of the regiment held a collection to assist the widow and children of a man they had clearly been close to. Unusually the charitable effort was recorded in the New York Irish-American, along with the names of the men who gathered together a total of $100 for Ann and her children. Unfortunately her tribulations were not over. As so often seems to be the case, the spectre of death once again visited her family in 1863. On 6th August 1863 her youngest child Sarah Ann died, barely over a year old. It is unclear if the little girl had ever seen her father. One can only imagine the renewed anguish that this loss brought to Ann and her family. (4)

Lincoln Hospital as it appeared during the American Civil War. Corporal Patrick Scanlan died here, and William Duffie wrote from Ward 10 to inform Ann Scanlan of his last words (Library of Congress)

The charitable collection for Patrick Scanlan as recorded in the Irish-American is reproduced below, as is the ultimate fate of each of the men who contributed (recorded in parentheses after their donation):

GENEROSITY OF THE IRISH BRIGADE

New York, May 5th, 1863

To the Editors of the Irish-American: Your journal has often chronicled the deeds of the Irish Brigade on the battlefield. The fame of their daring and valor was spread and resounded over the whole extent of this continent, and even their very enemies have wafted it across the Atlantic and reechoed it throughout Europe. And what wonder? They have rendered every battle-field, where they have fought, memorable for some bold, unexpected, astonishing deed, won renown amidst disaster, and left the enemy, where they at least, happened to be, little cause for triumph or exultation. These things have often thrilled us through, and made us involuntarily speak a blessing and a prayer for the proud little cohort which shed such lustre on our race and land, and proved that the story of the prowess was no fiction. Such things as these excite our admiration and our pride. But the men of the Brigade do other things, which affect us to tears; they can prove themselves as kind-hearted and generous as they are brave. Standing again in the front, diminished in numbers, but not dismayed, and ready to interpose their bodies again between their country (for they have no other now) and the deadly thrusts of its destroyers, they rise above the tumult, the passion and horrors of war, and give way to the better impulses of their nature, the higher and nobler feelings of the heart. When at last, they receive their long looked for and much needed pay, their own wants alone are not uppermost in their minds; the memory of a dead comrade, and of his heroic deeds, comes back upon them, and they think of his widowed wife and orphan children. For them to conceive the generous deed, is to perform it, and as a proof of this, I enclose a note and a list of the names of the brave officers and men of the company of the deceased soldier, who contributed, it having accompanied the money remitted by Captain Condon, now commanding the 63d Regiment in front of the enemy. I know not whether I am doing exactly right in sending you the note and list of contributors for publication; but the amount sent (one hundred dollars) is so liberal, so generous, for so small a number of men, most of whom receive but a very small pittance in the way of pay, that I cannot help thinking that giving a place in your paper to so signal an act of generosity is as much due to the brave soldiers of the Brigade themselves, as it will be pleasing to your many readers to know about it. Patrick Barry [transferred to 24th Veteran Reserve Corps in 1864], another brave and generous soldier of Company A, 63d N.Y.V., sends to the “Limerick Fund” a contribution of two dollars, which I enclose, hoping you will be pleased to apply it, as you may deem fit, in accordance with the wish of the kind contributor.

Very respectfully yours, P.J.O. [Patrick J. O'Connor, First Lieutenant, Company E, discharged 28th May 1863]

ON PICKET NEAR SCOTT’S FORD, VA., April 2d, 1863

My Dear O.

You will please hand over the enclosed one hundred dollars to Mrs. Scanlan, widow of the late Patrick Scanlan, of my Company, who died from the effects of wounds received at the late battle of Fredericksburg. The generosity here displayed by the few remaining comrades of the gallant corporal towards his widow and orphans shows the estimation in which he was held by them, as also their own goodness of heart. He was beloved by all for his manliness and bravery. The officers whose names are attached were so well pleased with the action of the men in the affair that they have subscribed the sums set opposite to their names. In handing to Mrs. Scanlan the enclosed, please mention the honest and heartfelt expression of sympathy by the comrades of her husband in her bereavement.

I am, my dear O, very truly yours, P.J. Condon, Capt. [Captain Patrick J. Condon, Company G, mustered out 12th June 1863]

Sergeant Ed. Lynch, $5.00 [Mustered out with regiment, 30th June 1865]

Sergeant P.H. Vandewier $1.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Sergeant Wm. Hayden $5.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863, later service Company I, 2nd Artillery]

Corporal James Cline $1.00 [Mustered out with regiment, 30th June 1865]

Corporal John Tinsley $1.00 [POW Chancellorsville, Mustered out 17th September 1864]

Corporal Hugh Hamilton $1.00 [Deserted on expiration of veteran furlough, January 1864]

Corporal Sam. Walsh $1.00 [Deserted on expiration of veteran furlough, January 1864]

Private Peter O’Neil $1.00 [Wounded at Spotsylvania, 18th May 1864, absent wounded at muster out in 1865]

Private James Smith $1.00 [Deserted 29th June 1863, Frederick, Maryland]

Private Charles Hogan $5.00 [Killed in Action, 2nd July 1863, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania]

Private Michaely Byrns $1.00 [Died of Disease, 20th February 1864, Douglas Hospital, Washington D.C.]

Private Patrick Power $1.00 [Deserted on expiration of veteran furlough, January 1864]

Private James Riely $5.00 [Wounded Antietam, Maryland; Killed in Action 5th May 1864, Wilderness, Virginia]

Private Patrick Collins $5.00 [Mustered out with regiment 30th June 1865]

Private James Crowe $2.00 [Wounded Antietam, Maryland; Transferred to Veteran Reserve Corps 23rd February 1864]

Private Richd. Hourigan $1.00 [Wounded Antietam, Maryland; Mustered out 16th September 1864, Petersburg, Virginia]

Private P. Pendergast $1.00 [No record after 10th April 1863]

Private John McCarthy $1.00 [Mustered out with regiment 30th June 1865]

Private Patrick Harkin $1.00 [Mustered out 22nd September 1864, New York City]

Private Patrick Lucy $1.00 [Mustered out with regiment 30th June 1865]

Private Anthony Campbell $1.00 [Deserted on expiration of veteran furlough, January 1864]

Private P.J. Lynch $2.00 [Discharged for Disability 9th February 1863?]

Hospital Steward John J. Corridon $1.00 [Mustered out with regiment, 30th June 1865]

Private James Guiney Company F $1.00

Dr. Lawrence Reynolds 63rd N.Y.V. $5.00 [Mustered out with regiment, 30th June 1865]

Dr. Smart $5.00 [Discharged 29th March 1864 to become Assistant Surgeon in U.S. Army]

Major Geo. A. Fairlamb 148th P.V. $5.00

Mr. Coleman, Sutler 63rd N.Y.V. $5.00

Captain Dwyer $5.00 [Wounded Antietam, Maryland; Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Captain Quirk $5.00 [Wounded Fredericksburg, Virginia; Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Lieutenant Ryan $1.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Lieutenant Gallagher $3.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Lieutenant Maher $2.00 [Mustered out as Captain, Company D, 30th June 1865]

Lieutenant Murray $5.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Captain Condon $12.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Total $100.00. (5)

Lincoln Park in Washington, D.C. This is the former site of Lincoln Hospital, where Corporal Patrick Scanlan died in January 1863 and where William Duffie wrote to his wife Ann (Wikipedia)

(1) Widow’s Pension File, New York AAG Report; (2) Medical and Surgical History: 797, Widow’s Pension File; (3) Widow’s Pension File; (4) Widow’s Pension File, New York Irish-American; (5) New York Irish-American;

References & Further Reading

Adjutant-General 1901. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901.

Patrick Scanlan Widow’s Pension File WC83473.

New York Irish-American 23rd May 1863. Generosity of the Irish Brigade.

U.S. Army Surgeon General’s Office 1883. The Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, Volume 2 (3rd Surgical Volume).

Civil War Trust Battle of Fredericksburg Page

Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park

Filed under: 63rd New York, Battle of Fredericksburg, Irish Brigade Tagged: 63rd New York Infantry, Civil War Amputation, Irish American Civil War, Irish Americans in New York, Irish Brigade at Fredericksburg, Irish Brigade Casualties, Irish widow's Pension File, Lincoln Hospital

‘Any Information Will Be Most Thankfully Received by His Mother’: Tracing Missing Irishmen in 1860s New York

Every week in the New York Irish-American a series of advertisements were run under the heading ‘Information Wanted.’ For $1 you could place a few carefully chosen lines in three issues of the paper, in the hope of finding a loved one. I find these ads some of the most emotive and powerful records of the impact of conflict. In an age before mass media and the internet, many friends and families searched fruitlessly for years in an effort to restore contact with cousins, sons and brothers. Some were successful; others received the bad news they had been dreading. Having previously explored this topic with the tragic story of Alexander Scarff and others, I wanted to take another look at this unique record of the impact of war on the Irish diaspora. 

INFORMATION WANTED Of Patrick Bush, a native of Bennett’s Bridge, County Kilkenny, Ireland. When last heard from, two years ago, he was in Southwick, State of Massachusetts. There was an account of a man of the same name in the Irish-American of June 22, 1861, being killed at Bull’s Run, who belonged to a regiment of the New York State Militia, Co. E. If Lieut. Dempsey, of the 2d, knows anything about him he will confer a great favor by writing to Jeremiah Bush, Sommers Post-Office, Tolland County, State of Connecticut. (New York Irish-American, 7th June 1862)

It is unclear if Jeremiah ever established if this was his brother, but the balance of evidence suggests it was. Patrick Bush had enlisted in the 2nd New York State Militia on 20th May 1861 at the age of 25; two months later he was dead. He was killed in action on 21st July 1861 in the first major battle of the war. Clinton Berry of the 2nd N.Y.S.M. remembered Patrick being ‘struck by a shot from the enemy and afterwards I saw the body…lying dead upon the roadside.’ Patrick’s father (also a  Jeremiah) had died on 20th January 1860, leaving his mother Johanna in need of support. She received a pension for her son’s sacrifice.

INFORMATION WANTED Of John, Timothy, Denis, James and Martin Driscoll, natives of Courtmacsherry, County Cork, Ireland, who arrived in America about 34 years ago. Any information of them will be thankfully received by their nephew, Daniel McCarthy, Co. H, 170th Regiment N.Y.V., Corcoran’s Irish Legion, Newport News, Va. (New York Irish-American, 13th December 1862)

31-year-old Daniel McCarthy had enlisted in the 170th New York on 15th September 1862. He was promoted to Corporal in 1863 but was returned to the ranks before April 1864, presumably for a misedemanour. He was captured at the Battle of Ream’s Station, Virginia on 25th August 1864 but survived to be paroled. He died on 26th December 1893.

INFORMATION WANTED Of John Callaghan, a native of Kilrush, Co. Clare, Ireland. He was a member of Co. G, 88th Regiment, Meagher’s Irish Brigade. Was taken prisoner at the Battle of Fredericksburg, and has not been heard of since. Any intelligence respecting him will be thankfully received by his brother, Patrick Callaghan, 602 Sixth Avenue, New York. (New York Irish-American, 29th August 1863)

John Callaghan had enlisted in the 88th New York on 25th August 1862 and appears to have been captured at Chancellorsville rather than Fredericksburg. he was paroled on 3rd June 1863 and would eventually rise to the rank of First Sergeant in Company E before mustering out at the war’s conclusion.

An Example of the ‘Information Wanted’ Section in the New York Irish-American. This issue from 14th October 1865 includes the ad placed by John Granfield’s Mother. (Genealogy-Bank)

INFORMATION WANTED Of Anthony O’Hara, who left the parish of Backs, County Mayo, two years ago, and came to the United States. When last heard from, he was in the United States Army, Battery G, 5th Artillery, Fort Hamilton, New York Harbor. Any information of his whereabouts will be thankfully received by his brother, Michl. O’Hara, Meadville, Crawford County, Pa. (New York Irish-American, 29th August 1863)

Anthony was alive and well at the time his brother was searching for him. He had enlisted in the 5th U.S. Artillery as a 22-year-old on 29th October 1862 and served with them until his term of service expired on 22nd August 1865. He was described as a 5 foot 6 inch laborer with hazel eyes, brown hair and a fair complexion.

INFORMATION WANTED Of Owen Fox, a native of the parish of Ballintemple, County Cavan, Ireland. He was a member of the Ancient Order of Hibernians of New York, and is said to have driven a brick-cart for Patrick Lynch, the contractor. Any intelligence of him will be thankfully received by his first cousin, Patrick G. Brady, 69th Regiment, N.Y. Artillery, Corcoran’s Irish Legion, Fairfax, Alexandria P.O., Va. (New York Irish-American, 9th January 1864)

Patrick George Brady, who had submitted this query, was serving as a Private in Company K of the 182nd New York Infantry (69th New York National Guard Artillery). he had enlisted as a 39-year-old on 23rd September 1862. Unfortunately it is unlikely he ever managed to contact Owen, as Patrick was killed in action at the North Anna River on 24th May 1864.

INFORMATION WANTED Of Mary Anne Doran, daughter of Patrick Doran (or Dolan) 91st Regiment, N.Y.S.V., lately deceased. When last heard of supposed to be living with her grandparents in Eighth Avenue, New York. Any information of her will be thankfully received at 84 Wooster Street, New York, where she will hear of something to her advantage. (New York Irish-American, 3rd September 1864)

Patrick Doran had enlisted in Company K of the 91st New York from Albany on 6th November 1861 (under the name Dolan). He re-enlisted as a veteran volunteer on 1st January 1864 but died later that year of disease in Albany.

INFORMATION WANTED Of Mr. John Mulhall, who emigrated to American about three years since. When last heard of (about fifteen months ago) was Lieutenant in the 69th New York Regiment. Any information of him will be thankfully received by addressing Mr. Hugh O’Donnell, 87 North King Street, Dublin, or The Irish-American, 29 Ann Street, New York. (New York Irish-American, 19th November 1864)

John Dillon Mulhall had enrolled in the 69th New York as a First Lieutenant in Company H of the 69th on 11th February 1863. He transferred to Company B that June. He was most likely not in good health around the time of this appeal for information, as he was discharged for disability on 8th November 1864. He again mustered into the regiment on 16th February 1865, this time as Captain of Company D with whom he was wounded on 25th March that year. He was discharged on 15th May 1865 in Washington, D.C. He would live a long post-war life, claiming a pension for his service up to his death on 7th July 1903.

INFORMATION WANTED Of John Hoey, formerly of Montreal, Canada. He was last heard from June, 1863 when in the 18th Regiment N.Y.V. Information of him will be most thankfully received by his brother, James Hoey, Customs, Quebec, Canada. (New York Irish-American, 30th September 1865)

18-year-old John Hoey had enlisted in the 18th New York on 19th April 1861 as a Private, and mustered out with Company F on 28th May 1863. His fate following this date is unknown.

INFORMATION WANTED Of John Granfield, formerly a member of Co. C, (Capt. Lynch) 63d Regt. N.Y. Vols. He was captured before Richmond on the 14th day of October 1863, and when last heard from (February 14th, 1864) was confined at Belle Island as a prisoner. Any information respecting him will be most thankfully received by his mother. Address, William Downes, Attorney at Law, New Haven, Conn. (New York Irish-American, 14th October 1865)

John Granfield had enlisted as a 24-year-old in Company C of the 63rd New York on 21st August 1861. He had been captured while serving in Company B, at the Battle of Bristoe Station. He is recorded as dying of disease on 3rd March 1864 in Augusta, Georgia. His mother Mary, a widow from Co. Kerry, eventually discovered her son’s fate and was able to apply for a pension on 18th April 1866, over two years after his death. It would help to support her for a further 24 years.

References

New York Irish-American

New York Regimental Rosters

Union Pension Index Cards and Muster Rolls

Union Widow’s Pension Files

Filed under: Irish in the American Civil War Tagged: 63rd New York Infantry, Battle of Bristoe Station, Classified Ads Civil War, Information Wanted Irish, Irish American Civil War, Irish at Bull Run, New York Irish, New York Irish-American

Irish in the American Civil War on Tour

Despite writing this blog for a number of years now, it may surprise some readers to know that I have never had the opportunity to visit any of the American Civil War battlefields. Fortunately (and after a few false starts) I am finally in a position to rectify this, and hopefully catch some sesquicentennial events as well. I will be travelling to Washington D.C. in early May, and hope to be on the Wilderness battlefield for 5th May and Spotsylvania on the 12th. I intend to visit a number of other Civil War battlefields and take in some of the sights around Virginia and the capital. If any readers have suggestions as to what I should add to my itinerary I would love to hear from you!

Filed under: Events, General Tagged: American Airlines, American Civil War Tour, Battle of Spotsylvania, Battle of the Wilderness, Irish American Civil War, Irish in Virginia, Irish in Washington, Sesquicentennial 2014

War’s Cruel Hand: The Dedicated Service of Edward Carroll, Irish Brigade

Occasionally one has to look no further than a soldier’s service record to see both the poignancy and cruelty of war. Such is the case with Edward B. Carroll of the 63rd New York Infantry, Irish Brigade. As I carry out work on the 63rd and other ‘green flag’ New York regiments, even a few matter-of-fact lines in the regimental roster cannot but highlight Carroll’s extraordinary service.

A native of Co. Tipperary, Edward B. Carroll enrolled in the 63rd New York as a fresh-faced 21-year-old in Albany, mustering in as a Corporal in Company K on 8th October 1861. He clearly showed his value during the hard fighting of 1862, as he began an inexorable rise through the ranks. He became a Sergeant on 4th August 1862, then a First Sergeant on 17th September 1862 (the same day as the 63rd endured the great bloodbath of Antietam). On 28th January 1863 he became Sergeant-Major, and made the jump to officer when he became a Second-Lieutenant in Company B on 7th April 1863. Then, despite the fact that Edward was clearly a highly-valued soldier, he was mustered out of the 63rd New York and the army on 12th June 1863. This was most likely caused by the consolidation of the regiment, which meant that less officers were required. It was a symptom of the ever-shrinking size of the Irish Brigade. Having survived some of the toughest fighting of the war, Edward would have been forgiven for sitting out the rest of the conflict- but clearly this was not the Tipperary native’s style. (1)

The Pension Index Card of Captain Edward B. Carroll, 63rd New York Infantry, Irish Brigade (Fold3.com)

After the passage of a few months, presumably spent back in Albany, Edward Carroll returned to both the army and the 63rd New York Infantry on 23rd February 1864. Having lost his commission he was back to square one, enlisting as a Private in Company F. It would appear that his feelings for his regiment and his comrades trumped all else for Edward. However, his quality was clearly recognised by all, and once again he began to rise through the ranks. He became First Sergeant on 26th April 1864, a Second-Lieutenant in Company E on 15th September 1864, First-Lieutenant on 22 November 1864 and finally Captain on 13th January 1865. When reading through such an exceptional record of service you can’t help but admire this young man’s dedication to the 63rd, the Irish Brigade and the Union. Unfortunately his long and faithful service was not rewarded with a long life in peacetime as it might have been. The cruelty of war is indiscriminate. Captain Edward Carroll was killed in action at Sutherland Station, Virginia on 2nd April 1865, during the final days of the war in the east. Robert E. Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia a week later, on 9th April. A cursory look at Carroll’s pension index card shows that he had not married, but that his parents had relied on him for their financial support. Even in regimental rosters, the heartbreak of the American Civil War is often on full display.  (2)

(1) AG Report 1901: 20, Conyngham 1867: 572; (2) AG Report 1901:20, Edward B. Carroll Pension Index Card;

References

Adjutant-General 1901. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901.

Conyngham, David Power 1867. The Irish Brigade and its Campaigns.

Edward B. Carroll Pension Index Card.

Filed under: 63rd New York, Irish Brigade, New York Tagged: 63rd New York Infantry, Battle of Sutherland Station, Civil War Widow's Pension, Irish American Civil War, Irish Brigade, Irish Brigade Antietam, New York Irish Regiments, New York Regimental Roster

Boston Immigrant to Crescent City Soldier: The Poignant Letters of William Hickey

I was recently contacted by historian Ed O’Riordan, who a number of years ago saved a remarkable series of letters sent home to Tipperary by an Irish emigrant in America, William Hickey. The letters chart the story of a young man who experienced the loneliness and uncertainty of life in a new country and his search for a place to settle down. That journey seemed fulfilled eight-years after his arrival, when William arrived in New Orleans, Louisiana. It would ultimately draw to a close near a small Tennessee Church, at a place called Shiloh. 

In 1853 sixteen-year-old William Hickey left his home in Lisfuncheon, Clogheen, Co. Tipperary for the last time. Travelling first to Liverpool, he boarded a vessel (most probably the Vanguara) which brought him to New York that September. It was at Yarmouth Port in Massachusetts that he wrote his first letter home, on 3rd October:

Dear Father and Mother,

I take the opportunity in writing to you these few lines, hoping to find ye all in good health as this leaves me at present thanks be to God for it. Dear Mother I landed in New York on the 19 September, and since the day I left Liverpool I did not get one hours sickness…Dear brother keep your hilt [health] but I am not sorry for coming and I will have better news to send you in my next letter. (1)

However, despite William’s optimism it seems he struggled in his early days in the United States. He wrote home again from Boston in January of 1854, in a letter which suggests he was having trouble getting work and wanted to return home to Ireland. It also highlights how important it was for emigrants from a particular locality in Ireland to maintain contact in the United States after they arrived:

Dear Father and Mother,

I have to inform you that I received your kind note on the 20th which gave me the greatest pleasure in reading it. and also grieved me very much in your disappointment to me and if you had to send that money in your last letter I would be ready to sail on the 25[th] of this month to old Ireland once more. I have lost in some measure my time and credit, thereby yet my future diligence, I hope to recover both and to convince you that I will pay a strict regard to all your commands which I am bound to do. Dear Father and Mother I submit and give in that I was wrong in my down [doing] so to put you to that trouble but I hope it’s all for the better…This is the only season of the year to go home to Ireland. I can get a passage here in Boston for 12 dollars, when you can’t get in Liverpool for 20 dollars, and as quick as I receive your next letter I will write home the day before sailing, and when I get to Liverpool I will write likewise to you…Dear Father I am in Boston since September, boarding with Michael Keating with the exception of a few weeks. I met with [a] little accidence [accident]. I was to work on board the ship and got my two toes jammed and one almost cut off, but thanks be to god it’s all well now. You must excuse Michael Keating for not sending home some relief to his mother at present, in regard of the summer being bad and winter being likewise, and everything so dear, and he could not afford to send her some relief at present, but still he is not forgetting her, and he is still in the idea of sending for Wm. Keating his brother, and he was much pleased in hearing from all the family. Mick did not hear from Thos. for the last six months, in good health. (2)

One of William Hickey’s letters home to Tipperary (Ed O’Riordan)

Despite this correspondence, William did not return to Lisfuncheon. Instead over the next few months he decided that his future lay out west, in California. In his next letter of June 1854 he related his desire to move on, and also told of the successful arrival of more familiar Tipperary locals in Boston. He also revealed a heart-breaking story of one Irish family’s loss on their passage to America:

My dear Father,

I have to inform you that I am in perfect good health as I hope this will find you and my ever dear Mother, brother Thomas, James and my sister Bridget also. My dear father I am not being possess[ed] of as much as take me to go to California which place I am inclined to go with many others which are determined for the same Country where there is the greatest encouragement for young men if I had as much money as would pay my expenses. Dear Father it would take 8 weeks to take me there which would cost me 20 pounds which would take a long time to earn it here, everything is so dear and all commodities high through means of the Eastern War  [Crimean War]. My dear Father and Mother I am much inclined for it. If you would take me into your kind consideration and remit as much money as would take me there. Therefore I will say no more on the subject but leave all to yourselves. So if you comply with my request I will kindly receive it with many thanks, Etc.

My dear Father and Mother I met with Wm. Starkey & family on board the Ship, Meridian at their arrival in Boston immediately at the dock in good health, after a voyage of 29 days without an hours sickness during the voyage. [62 year-old William Starkey had arrived on May 31st 1854 from Liverpool together with Alice (43) and children Richard (11), Peter (7) and Alice (9)]. At same time they have delivered the parcel you sent by them to me. You would not believe how well Wm. Starkey looks after his travels which I am happy to have to inform of. The same evening he arrived he was not two hours here  when a Captain of another ship came into John Kelly’s where he stopped ordered on board for Chatham [Chatham, Massachusetts], at which time he and family started without taking the least nourishment but some gin and wine we took with Sister Norry, who kindly treated us. He then went on board and was driven back into Boston on the next morning…

…Dear Father we had Tom Russell with Wm. Starkey on board the same ship in good health. Not a single person died on board but one woman who was wife to John Bourke from Tubrid who went to bed with her husband the first night we went on board in Liverpool and was corpse the next morning at 4 o’clock, and left two young children to deplore her loss. He got only two hours to get her away on his back and have her interred. We lost no other person during the whole voyage. [William is here most likely referring to 30-year-old Michael Bourke, who sailed on the Meridian with Mary (9) and Oliver (1)]. We lost no other person during the whole voyage. Wm. Starkey had the title of being Mayor of the ship. My dear Father and Mother I have spent 6 months at the boot and shoe-making, which business is now rather dull here. I have brought Wm. Starkey to Aunt Norry, and Mickey Keatings and received him most kindly. 

Dear Father, California is the West Country. Wm. Starkey says that I am much taller and stouter than my brother Thos. he joined me in love to you all, my mother, Thos., James and sister Bridget, and other inquiring friends, with many ardent wishes of your future prosperity. From your affection son etc.,

Wm. Hickey. (3)

William was clearly not sure what he really wanted to do. He had initially expressed a desire to return to Ireland, then changed his mind and set his sights on California. In the end he did neither. His next letter was dated 8th October 1854 when he was working at ‘Sheepscut Bridge’, most likely Sheepscot Bridge in Maine. Clearly lonely and missing Irish company, his attention was turning to a new potential destination- St. Louis, Missouri:

Dear Father and Mother, Brothers and Sister,

I take the opportunity in writing these few lines to you hoping to find you all in good health, as this leaves me, thanks be to God for it. Dear Mother and Father I have to inform you that I am here in this wilde country alone 200 miles from all friends in America. I was sure that any part I go to, but I would meet Irish, but here where I am now, there is none, but I could do no better and I should come here. I am in the wilde woods of America away from priests and chapel, and if I had as much money as would fetch me to St. Louis, I should have gone there before now, for I am sure it was there that the Ryans would get me a trade. I beg and request of you dear father and mother to send me the sum of six pounds, to as much as that would fetch me to St. Louis, and that’s all that ever I will ask of you, ’till I return you three times the compliment. I never had that cause to make money in this country, only as much as would keep me in clothing. I shed three tears from my eyes in this letter for you, thinking of you and being so lonesome here that I have no one that I would spare a word to but savage Yankees; some of them who [would] sooner see the divel than a Irishman. Michael Keating and his wife is in good health, and Aunt Norry and family likewise…

…Please go to Michael Ryan and he will leave you have the directions of his brother in St. Louis, and send it to me in your next letter. If I get a letter from you I will be in St. Louis before Christmas day, and I will have as much thin [then] as will buy me some clothes, and I can go there respectable. I am here working like a horse from four in the morning till ten at night before I can go to bed, and if I don’t get some supply from you dear Father and Mother, I will be perished going in the woods in the winter time cutting down wood, where there would be six foot of snow; in places fourteen foot of snow. (4)

William presumably received the money he requested from his father and moved to Missouri. However it seems he may have long harboured a desire to return to Ireland. His aunt Ellen Tobin indicated this in a letter to her brother and William’s uncle in Lisfuncheon, Father James Hickey, as late as 1859. Writing from Ware in Massachusetts she asks ‘if William Hickey went home yet.’ William did move on from Missouri but it was not to return home. A letter from March 1861 finds him in New Orleans, Louisiana:

Ever honoured Father and mother, brother and sister. I prefer addressing you these few lines not only to let you know that I am in health, but to present my humble duties and good wishes towards you. Ever wishing you an abundance of felicity and health, wealth and many prosperous days with the like duty and respect and the same good wishes to those that are near and dear to you. Inform you that I am employed in a very respectable Establishment. It is a new shoe factory. I get two dollars per day and very easy clean work. I enjoy the best of health and hope you do the same. You may rest assured that you are all fresh in my memory although not writing to you this many a day, for which I hope you will excuse me. I am sorry to hear of the death of my Venerable Uncle. I was told he died by a young girl of the O’Briens from Shandrahan. May God have mercy on his soul, amen. 

 Please write at the receipt of this, and let me know how is every member of the family, and all enquiring friends. Direct your letter to William Hickey, New Orleans, Louisiana. (6)

William Hickey’s Service Record with the 1st Louisiana Infantry (Fold3.com)

By the time William had written his letter Louisiana had already seceded from the Union. With the firing on Fort Sumter on 12th April 1861 and the outbreak of war, the Tipperary man decided to enlist. On 15th April the then 24-year-old joined up, mustering in to Company G of the 1st Louisiana Infantry Regiment (Strawbridge’s) on the 30th April. He clearly had leadership qualities, as he quickly became a Sergeant. William originally signed up to serve for one year. The beginning of 1862 found him and his regiment serving at Pensacola, Florida. It was here that William agreed to extend his time in the army to two years, making him eligible for a bounty of $50 that was to be paid on 15th April 1862. The early months of 1862 saw a major buildup of Union and Confederate forces in and around Tennessee, and the 1st Louisiana soon found themselves on the move to link up with the main army in the Western Theater. On 6th April 1862 the young man from Lisfuncheon and the Confederate Army of Mississippi advanced to the attack near Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee. The carnage that ensued across the 6th and 7th April was on a scale never before seen in American history. It became known as the Battle of Shiloh. (7)

The 1st Louisiana and the Confederate army had started their advance early on the morning of the 6th April. William and his comrades struggled forward through difficult wooded terrain and across a stream before they could move up a slight slope towards the first enemy line. They encountered their first taste of major battle at 8.30am, near the Union camps of General Prentiss. As they advanced to within 200 yards of the enemy the Louisianans took heavy fire from the Yankee line, which was supported by artillery and sharpshooters firing from the trees. As the engagement intensified the Rebel brigade commander, Brigadier-General Adley Gladden, was mortally wounded when a cannonball mangled his left arm and shoulder. With the men wavering, Colonel Daniel Adams of the 1st Louisiana (now acting as brigade commander) grasped the flag of his regiment and called on the men to follow him. They did. William and his fellow Rebels charged forward, driving the Union line back through their camp. The Lisfuncheon man had made it through the first encounter of the day. (8)

Despite their early success, there was a long day ahead for the 1st Louisiana Infantry. They eventually reformed on the other side of the captured Union camp, and had to endure artillery fire from nearby guns which were eventually silenced by Confederate fire. Eventually they were ordered forward once more, with the brigade soon losing another commander- Colonel Adams was wounded in the head by a bullet at around 2.30pm. As they drove forward to attack the next organised group of Federals, sometime around 4pm, Sergeant William Hickey was struck in the head and killed. He was one of 232 casualties sustained by the 1st Louisiana over the two days fighting at Shiloh. The young man’s fate was outlined in an 1866 letter written by David Ryan of St. Louis (the same Ryan cousins William had sought out in 1854) to his cousin and William’s uncle, Father James Hickey:

Your nephew William Hickey was a brave-hearted young man, well liked by everyone in St. Louis, and at the breaking out of the war he went to New Orleans where he joined the Confederate Army and was killed at the Battle of Shiloh holding the rank of Lieutenant [it is possible William was acting as a Lieutenant at the time of his death] and was acknowledged to be a brave intrepid commander. (9)

The man who had left home at the age of sixteen to travel to the United States had come to grief on a Tennessee battlefield at the age of only 25. His letters chart the story of a young boy  in search of a better life- a boy who clearly had itchy feet, always looking towards the next place to live, the next opportunity. His journeying around America eventually took him to New Orleans, and ultimately the Confederate army. One can imagine the impact news of his death had at home in Lisfuncheon when it came. The Battle of Shiloh, and the American Civil War as a whole, cast a dark shadow that was often felt half a world away.

Hickey’s death as recorded in his Confederate Service Record (Fold3.com)

* I am greatly indebted to Ed O’Riordan who located these letters, which offer a remarkable insight into emigrant life. He also provided me with the transcripts of the letters for use in this post, for which I am most grateful. Thanks are also due to the Hickey family of Lisfuncheon, Clogheen for permission to tell William’s story.

(1) New York Passenger Lists, William Hickey to Parents October 3rd 1853; (2) William Hickey to Parents January 22nd 1854 (erroneously dated 1853); (3) William Hickey to Parents June 1st 1854, Boston Passenger and Crew Lists; (4) William Hickey to Parents October 8th 1854; (5) Ellen Tobin to Father James Hickey February 27th 1859; (6) William Hickey to Family March 4th 1861; (7) William Hickey Confederate Service Record; (8) OR: 536-537, Daniels 1997: 154; (9) OR: 536-537, OR: 538, Daniels 1997: 313, David Ryan to Father James Hickey July 10th 1866;

References & Further Reading

William Hickey Letters.

Boston Passenger and Crew Lists, 1820-1943. Record for Meridian arrived May 31st 1854.

New York Passenger Lists, 1820-1957. Record for Vanguara arrived September 7th 1853.

Daniels, Larry 1997. Shiloh: The Battle that Changed the Civil War.

Official Records Series 1, Volume 10 (Part 1). Report of Col. Daniel W. Adams, First Louisiana Infantry, commanding First Brigade pp.536-537.

Official Records Series 1, Volume 10 (Part 1). Report of Col. Z.C. Deas, Twenty-second Alabama Infantry, commanding First brigade. pp. 538- 539.

Civil War Trust Battle of Shiloh Page

Shiloh National Military Park

Filed under: Battle of Shiloh, Louisiana, Tipperary Tagged: 1st Louisiana Infantry, Battle of Shiloh, Boston Immigrants, Irish American Civil War, Irish Emigrant Letters, Irish emigration, Shiloh Irish, Tipperary Soldier

Scarred Men: The Disfigurements of New York Irishmen, 1863

The first post relating to my work on the New York Irishmen who enlisted in the Union navy in July 1863 looked at their tattoos. However, the marks on their body that they had not chosen for themselves were far more prevalent. Of the 319 Irish recorded as signing on that month, at least 131 exhibited scars or signs of previous illness. Neither were these old men. Of the 131, almost 62% were 25-years-old or younger. Less than 15% were older than 30. The punishment their bodies had taken at such a young age graphically reveals the harsh realities of life for the working classes in major urban centres during the 1860s. (1)

The graphic below has been prepared based on the data from the Irishmen who enlisted at the New York Rendezvous in July 1863. It highlights the extent to which these 131 men were scarred. On some of the records the cause of scarring was also noted; these included burning and smallpox. Other medical conditions were also occasionally mentioned.

The scars recorded on New York Irishmen who enlisted in the Union Navy, July 1863 (Sara Nylund)

Although in the majority of cases the cause of individual scars was not recorded, it is likely that they resulted from a combination of illness, workplace accidents and interpersonal violence. The impact of smallpox on the population was apparent, with a number of men bearing the marks of the disease. 23-year-old Christopher Toole was described as being ‘pitted by smallpox’ while 27-year-old Richard Stretton had a ‘pockmarked face.’ It is probable that smallpox had caused much of the other scarring prevalent among the group, even when it was not specified.

Smallpox was finally eradicated in 1979, but was still a major killer in North America in the 1860s. An infectious virus that caused raised blistering about the body, it had a mortality rate of 15-45%. If you were fortunate enough to survive it, you were likely to be scarred in the areas where the blistering had occurred; 75% of all sufferers had to live with this permanent disfigurement. There had been a number of smallpox epidemics in the United States in the first half of the 19th century, and the disease had ravaged the Native-American population in the late 1830s. Despite the fact that a vaccine had been created, systematic inoculation was not in place during the 1860s. The disease caused 7,058 deaths in the Union army during the Civil War. Some of the July 1863 enlistees may have contracted the disease while children in Ireland- figures for the 1870s show that it remained a deadly illness, claiming the lives of over 7,500 people in Ireland during that decade. (2)

Undoubtedly some of the scarring was as a result of workplace mishaps. Sixteen of the men had worked as Firemen; 45-year-old James Morgan and 25-year-old Michael Rooney both had burn marks on their bodies as a result. Similarly it is possible that 33-year-old machinist Charles Smith lost the little finger of his left hand while operating equipment. However, inter-personal violence had also taken its toll. It is hard to imagine how 29-year-old painter John Browne could have lost part of his right ear on the job. By far the most dramatic cause of scarring among the group belonged to Richard Smith, a 21-year-old machinist. Incredibly he was recorded as having ‘gun shot scars’ on his cheek and his left temple. The fact that he was even alive to enlist in July 1863 seems something of a miracle. Violence was part of everyday reality in working-class New York, and it would have been a fortunate man who navigated his way through life without encountering it.

In a number of cases the recruiters also took the time to note medical ailments. The prospective mariners were stripped for examination before being accepted into the service, leading to the recording of conditions (such as phymosis/phimosis) which were present in even the most private of locations. 34-year-old Fireman Thomas Dalton was the only man in the group unfortunate enough to have his lack of hair recorded, with ‘bald headed’ being jotted into the notes. We also learn that Patrick Sheady, a 22-year-old laborer, was afflicted with varicose veins, 21-year-old laborer Daniel Morrison was flatfooted, while 22-year-old mason John Hennesey had a speech impediment. Each piece of information adds a little more to our picture of these Irishmen and the lives they led.

The scars of these men graphically illustrate the harsh realities of life during this period and serve to dispel any romantic notions we might have about life in the past. Even without the American Civil War, the population had to contend with the threat of disease, fatal accident or violent death, all of which were near-constant companions for many in the poorer areas of New York. Even before joining the naval war, these men had already overcome significant odds to make it as far as the New York Naval Rendezvous in July 1863.

Name
Age
Occupation
Marks/Scars


Thompson, Fenton
17
None
Scar on left shin and right thigh


Power, Michael
19
None
Scar left cheek


O’Connor, Daniel
20
Clerk
Scar left forearm and right groin


Flamming, Michael
20
Harness Maker
Scar left shin


Morrison, Daniel
21
Laborer
Flatfooted


Smith, Richard
21
Machinist
Gun shot scars on cheek and left temple


Fitz, Patrick
21
Coast Pilot
Has had smallpox


Picker, Michael
21
Laborer
Has had smallpox


Riley, Hugh
21
Fireman
Injury on nose, scar right shoulder and thigh


McKeever, Francis
21
Fireman
Loss of index finger left hand, accepted by engineer


Flynn, James
21
Baker
Pitted by smallpox


Meehan, Francis
21
Laborer
Scar ball of left thumb


Donovan, Cornelius
21
Laborer
Scar left groin


Kelly, Thomas
21
None
Scar left hip


Holden, Thomas
21
None
Scar left thumb


Davitt, Joseph
21
None
Scar on back


McGuire, James
21
None
Scar on forehead


McColgan, Edward
21
Clerk
Scar on left arm


Love, William
21
Shoemaker
Scar on left eye


Graham, Peter
21
Laborer
Scar on left heel


Oliver, Thomas
21
Laborer
Scar on left heel


Rogers, Edward
21
Barber
Scar on left leg


Gibbons, Michael
21
Spinner
Scar on left shoulder near neck


Fox, James
21
Hatter
Scar on penis


Brennan, Patrick
21
Laborer
Scar on right eyebrow


O’Connor, Hugh
21
Printer
Scar on right eyebrow


Mouly, Daniel
21
Laborer
Scar on right thigh


Mockler, Thomas
21
Carpenter
Scar right cheek


McCormick, George
21
Bartender
Scars between eyebrows


Drum, Peter
21
Laborer
Scars on forehead


Carmady, Martin
21
None
Several scars on the back


Galligan, Bernard
22
Boatman
Burn on right arm and chest


Sheady, Patrick
22
Laborer
Inequality in size of pupils of eyes. Varicose left side foot and toes


Morrisey, Frederick
22
Moulder
Injury to 2nd finger of left hand


Grady, James
22
Bricklayer
Scar left arm


Pentony, William
22
Carpenter
Phymosis


Donnelly, Henry
22
Boatman
Pitted by smallpox


Smith, James C.
22
Carpenter
Scar left foot


Shaw, Henry
22
Riveter
Scar left thigh and side


McCann, John
22
Boiler Maker
Scar on breast


Herbert, James
22
Laborer
Scar on forehead


Johnson, William
22
Seaman
Scar on left breast


Fahey, John
22
Boatman
Scar on right groin


Mahony, William O.
22
Leather Maker
Scar on right groin


Stone, Thomas
22
Laborer
Scar on right thigh


Carter, Alfred B.
22
Butcher
Scar on the head


Garvey, Jeremiah
22
Laborer
Scar on the right thigh


Newtown, Lewis
22
None
Scar right cheek


Hines, Thomas
22
Boiler Maker
Scar right forearm


Tatfield, William
22
Mariner
Scar right knee


Hennesey, John
22
Mason
Scar with depression above left brow. Impediment in speech


Cabb, William
22
Laborer
Scars right leg


Brown, John
22
Laborer
Several scars on left thigh


Whitty, Michael
22
Mariner
Slight strabismus


Reilly, John
22
Laborer
Small scar above right eyebrow


Sutton, Michael
23
Bootmaker
Burn on chin, breast and right arm. Pitted by smallpox


Toole, Christopher
23
Porter
Pitted by smallpox


Finnigan, Daniel
23
Plumber
Scar left cheek


Hennessey, James
23
Laborer
Scar left eyebrow


Rigby, William
23
Boiler Maker
Scar on head


Kane, Joseph
23
Clerk
Scar on left cheek


Oswald, William
23
Brass Finisher
Scar on right forearm


Riley, Thomas
23
Laborer
Scar on side of throat


Gibson, James
23
Seaman
Scar on the back


Bradley, Peter
23
Laborer
Scars on right thigh


Cautlon, Edward
23
None
Small tumor left wirst


Allan, William
24
Laborer
Cross right breast, heart left breast, scar left leg


Flynn, Patrick
24
Laborer
Scar between eyebrows


Rodgers, Peter
24
None
Scar left buttock


Cavanagh, James
24
Boatman
Scar left groin


Ryan, John
24
Moulder
Scar left leg


Minar, Frank
24
Seaman
Scar on the abdomen


Campbell, John
24
Fireman
Scar right groin


McIlwain, William
25
Painter
Hairy noerus? on abdomen, scar on left groin


Vail, John
25
Hatter
Injury on right leg


O’Rourke, Patrick
25
Mason
Scar between eyebrows


Marron, Owen
25
Shoemaker
Scar left groin


Sullivan, Jeremiah
25
Fireman
Scar on forehead


May, James
25
Silk Weaver
Scar on left arm (had smallpox)


Rooney, Michael
25
Fireman
Scars from burns left elbow and forearm


Hoolihan, Patrick
25
Laborer
Scars on forehead


Glass, Robert
26
Laborer
Scar on left knee and Phymosis


Kearney, John
26
Laborer
Scar on right


Conolly, John
26
Fireman
Scar on right breast


Daly, John
26
Laborer
Several small scars on the back


Kenney, Patrick
26
Laborer
Slightly pitted by smallpox


Bradshaw, John
26
Laborer
wound of left hand


Welsh, Michael
27
Fireman
Lost portion of third finger, pitted by smallpox


McGuire, George
27
Plumber
Phymosis, scars on both wrists


Stretton, Richard
27
Mariner
Pockmarked face


Healy, John
27
Bootfitter
Scar left groin


O’Brien, Martin
27
Laborer
Scar left shin and right shoulder


Nolan, Patrick J.
27
Painter
Scar on left wrist


McNamara, Edward
27
Laborer
Scar on loins


Davison, William
27
Laborer
Scar on right arm


Smith, James
27
Fireman
Scar right breast


Caffray, George A.
28
Laborer
? left ankle


Butney, William
28
Fireman
Injury of littlefinger on right hand


Murphy, Michael
28
Carpenter
Lost ?, scars on left forearm


Smith, Peter
28
Morocco Dresser
Scar above left thumb


Dowd, Murthy
28
None
Scar on the right hip


Clark, James
28
None
Scars right leg


Mordaunt, Michael
28
Machinist
Slight ? and weakness both sides


Kane, Edward D
29
Laborer
Has had smallpox


Browne, John
29
Painter
Lost portion of right ear, scar on right thigh


Harkins, John
29
Bricklayer
Scar on forehead and left arm


Hogan, Patrick
29
Laborer
Scar on right leg


Fitzgerald, James
29
Coach Painter
Various scars on the left leg


McCarthy, John
30
Laborer
Scar left thigh


Phelan, Edward
30
Waiter
Pitted by smallpox


McEvoy, James
30
Fireman
Scar left leg


King, Daniel
30
Fireman
Scar scalp and forehead


Burke, Patrick
31
Boatman
Injury left thumb


McHugh, Peter
31
Laborer
Scar on the right leg


Wise, Matthew
31
Laborer
Scar right thigh


McGuire, Thomas
31
Fireman
Scars arms, legs, body & c.


Connell, Timothy O.
32
Cooper
Scar on left arm


Woods, Henry
32
Fireman
Scar right ear


Smith, Charles
33
Machinist
Lost little finger left hand


Hurley, John
33
Mariner
Scar on skin of left eye


Mulcahey, Michael
33
Laborer
Scar on the belly


Dalton, Thomas
34
Fireman
Bald headed, scar on neck


Manning, Thomas
34
Laborer
Little finger left hand crooked


Ritchey, John
36
Sailor
Macula left leg


Gibson, John
36
Sailor
Pitted by smallpox


Nimmo, George
37
Machinist
Front upper teeth (lost)


Connor, William O.
37
Carpenter
Scar on chest


Brooks, George
37
Seaman
scar on left knee


Kennedy, John
38
Laborer
Slight deformity left arm, pitted by small pox


Bannerman, Francis
40
Fireman
Scar on left thigh


Morgan, James
45
Fireman
Marks of burn by hot tin? about right elbow

Table 1. Marks and scars (excluding tattoos) of Irish enlistments in the New York Naval Rendezvous, July 1863 (3)

*I am indebted to illustrator Sara Nylund for producing the superb diagram of the scars that were present on these Irishmen.

(1) Naval Enlistment Returns; (2) Fenner et al. 1988: 240, Houghton & Kelleher 2002: 91, Behbehani 1983: 483, 485; (3) Naval Enlistment Returns;

References

Naval Enlistment Weekly Returns, New York Rendezvous, July 1863.

Behbehani Abbas M. 1983. ‘The Smallpox Story: Life and Death of an Old Disease’ in Microbiological Reviews December 1983, pp. 455-509.

Fenner Frank, Henderson Donald AInslie, Arita Isao, Jezek Zdenek, Ladnyi Ivan Danilovich 1988. Smallpox and Its Iradication.

Houghton Frank and Kelleher Kevin 2002. ‘Smallpox in Ireland- An Historical Note with Possible (and Unwlecome) Relevance For the Future’ in Irish Geography, Vol. 35(1), pp. 90-94.

Filed under: General, Navy, New York Tagged: American Civil War Scars, Irish American Civil War, Naval Recruitment, New York Firemen, New York Irish, New York Smallpox, Sailor Scars, Union Recruitment

Marked Men: The Tattoos of New York Irishmen, 1863

The enlistment records of many Irish recruits during the Civil War provide detail on age, height, hair/eye colour and complexion. Although informative, this data still leaves us without a picture of life experience, or any insight into character. One exception was those men who enlisted in the Union navy. The marks and scars they acquired during their lifetime were recorded on enlistment, providing us with a unique opportunity to garner more detail about both their appearance and their personalities. Perhaps most fascinating of all are those marks that the Irishmen had chosen for themselves- their tattoos. 

A German Stowaway at Ellis Island. Although taken in 1911 this gives an idea of the types of tattoos prevalent (New York Public Library Digital Gallery, Digital ID: 418057)

I have recently examined the enlistment records of the New York Naval Rendezvous for July 1863 to create a database of those Irishmen who enlisted during that month, 150 years ago. Of 1,064 men who were recorded as signing on between 1st and 31st July, a total of 319 were listed as being of Irish birth. They will form the topic of a number of posts on the site in the coming days. Naval recruits were seen as being of the rougher sort, often with a different set of motivations for enlisting when compared with other branches of service. Many were from extremely poor backgrounds and inhabited some of the most notorious districts of New York, such as the Five Points. By and large they were working class men- to study them is to examine the reality of urban life for the majority of Irish emigrants.

In 1860s New York, tattooing was most popular among the working classes. There were many different motivations for getting ‘inked’, be it for identification purposes, to express feelings for a loved one, or simply to fit in. Of the 319 Irishmen who enlisted in the navy from New York in July 1863, over 30 of them had tattoos:

Name
Age
Occupation
Tattoo


Allan, William
24
Laborer
Cross on his right breast, heart on his left breast


Auction, Martin
20
Laborer
Anchor on his right hand


Breshnan, John
23
Printer
“hoha”? On his right forearm


Cahill, Patrick
21
Seaman
Cross on his right arm


Cahill, Peter
30
Fireman
Women on both his forearms


Carter, William R.
16
None
“12″ on his left forearm


Cautlon, Edward
23
None
Name on his left forearm


Conway, William
21
Painter
“42″ on his left arm


Coulter, James
21
Mariner
Cross on his right arm, anchor and heart on left arm


Crowley, John
29
Mariner
Anchor on his right hand


Donnelly, Patrick
30
Laborer
Crucifix on his left forearm, name on his right forearm


Flood, Thomas
21
Printer
Soldier on his left forearm


Grady, James
22
Bricklayer
“J.G.” and star on his right forearm


Gugerty, Michael
23
Trunk Maker
Monument? on his right forearm


Hickay, William
34
Mariner
Crucifix on his right forearm


Hill, Thomas
21
Laborer
Star on his left hand


Holden, Patrick
22
Fireman
“13″ on his right forearm


Keough, Philip
23
Bricklayer
Tattooed on the arms


Layton, Henry
22
Mariner
Star on his left hand


Mansfield, Thomas
17
None
Blue spots on his right arm (tattoo or scar?)


McCarthy, John
30
Laborer
“J.McC.” on his left forearm


McCarthy, John
35
Mariner
“M.P.” on his left wrist


McGill, James
35
Mariner
A.M.’ on his right forearm


McNally, William
41
Mariner
Woman and “I.C.” on his right arm


Murray, Francis
21
Laborer
“F.M.” on this right arm


Murray, Patrick
21
Laborer
Name on his right arm, crucifix on his left arm


Reilly, John
25
Machinist
Anchor on both his forearms


Smith, Henry
28
Mariner
Cross on his right forearm


Staldon, Charles
21
Shoemaker
Cross on his right arm


Sweeney, Miles
23
Shipsmith
“M.S.” on his right forearm


Whilon, Robert
23
Fireman
” B. O’Brien” on his right forearm


Wogan, William
22
Laborer
“17″ and “East River” on his right forearm

Table 1. Tattoos of Irish enlistments in the New York Naval Rendezvous,  July 1863 (1)

What was the process these men went through to get tattooed? The best known tattoo artist of the period was Martin Hildebrandt, who operated throughout the American Civil War and in the post-war years had a New York tattoo workshop. In 1876 the New York Times visited him to learn more about the process:

Mr Hildebrandt, with the true modesty of an artist, exhibited his book of drawings. All you had to do, in case you wanted to be marked for life, was to select a particular piece, and in a short time, varying from fifteen minutes to an hour and a half, you could, presenting your arm or your chest as an animated canvas to the artist, have transferred on your person any picture you wanted, at the reasonable price of from fifty cents to $2.50. (2)

Of course many of the working class Irishmen who revealed their tattoos to the recruiters in July 1863 would have been inked by amateur tattooists, often with a varying degree of competence. Hildebrandt’s method was to take a half dozen No.12 needles, that he ‘bound together in a slanting form, which are dipped as the pricking is made into the best India ink or vermilion. The puncture is not made directly up and down, but at an angle, the surface of the skin being only pricked.’ Wet gunpowder and ink were also sometimes used as a colorant to mix into the needle-marks. Once the tattoo was completed, blood and excess colouring were washed off the skin using either water, urine or sometimes rum and brandy. (3)

Examples of some late 19th century tattoos (Wikimedia Commons)

What of the different types of tattoos? In his examination of American seafarers’ tattoos between 1796 and 1818, Ira Dye developed a classification for the types of tattoos he encountered. The July 1863 New York Rendezvous sample shows that a number of the Irishmen had elected for similar designs. Initials and names tended to be the most common form. Men like John McCarthy and James Grady were probably concerned with people being able to identify them should some mishap occur, and wanted the initials to serve as a form of identity tag. William McNally had the initials ‘I.C.’ beneath the image of a woman, and it may well be that these were the initials of a loved one. Robert Whilon had ‘B. O’Brien’ tattooed on his arm. This may either represent a woman, friend or it is possible that he was one of many men who elected to enlist under a false name. (4)

A number of the men sported anchors, the tattoo most quintessentially associated with sailors. Although John Crowley and John Coulter were mariners, it is not clear if the other men with anchors- Laborer Martin Auction and Machinist John Reilly- had previous naval experience. Stars were also a popular motif, as were crucifixes. Depictions of crosses may have had some religious significance, but there is also a suggestion that sailors selected them to mark them out for Christian burial; it may also have been regarded as lucky. Within this group of Irishmen crosses were the most common tattoo, with eight of the men carrying them. (5)

An interest in love and women generally can be seen with the selections a number of the men made. William Allan had a heart on his chest, while Fireman Peter Cahill clearly saw himself as somewhat of a paramour, with women on both his arms. Thomas Flood has also elected for a figure, but he chose a soldier rather than a woman, perhaps to remember service in the army or to recall a relative or friend who was fighting for the North. By far the most intriguing set of tattoos are the numbers that adorned some of the men. William Carter, a 16-year-old boy with no profession, had ’12′ on his arm. Painter William Conway had ’42′, Fireman Patrick Holden ’13′ and Laborer William Wogan ’17′ and ‘East River.’ I have been unable to ascertain what these numbers represent. Having considered areas or wards of the city, ladder companies and infantry regiments, none seem to offer a definitive answer. I would be interested to learn if any readers have come across references to such tattoos before, or if they have some suggestion as to what these numbers might represent.** (6)

Tattoos are most commonly associated with sailors in this period. What is fascinating about this group is that although all of them were bound for the navy, it was clear that many of the men who bore tattoos had no previous maritime experience. This allows us to envisage a scenario where a significant proportion of the working class Irish population (and indeed the working class generally) wore tattoos- indeed it must have been a common sight in areas like the Five Points. I hope in the future to extend my look at the Irish recruits in the navy and along the way discover more regarding the tattoos that were prevalent among the Irish community of New York.

*I am indebted to Dr. Matt Lodder for graciously providing information regarding sources and for his advice generally regarding 19th century tattooing and its interpretation.

**With regard to this question, see the contribution by Marc Hermann in the comments section below, which seems to confirm that these are most probably the numbers of Fire Engine, Ladder and Hose Companies.

(1) Naval Enlistment Returns; (2) New York Times 16th January 1876; (3) Dye 1989:531; (4) Ibid:542; (5) Ibid:542, 547; (6) Ibid:544-545;

References

Naval Enlistment Weekly Returns, New York Rendezvous, July 1863.

New York Times 16th January 1876. Tattooing in New York, A Visit Paid to the Artist.

Dye, Ira 1989. ‘The Tattoos of Early American Seafarers, 1796-1818′ in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 133, No. 4, pp. 520-554.

New York Public Library Digital Gallery.

Filed under: Navy, New York Tagged: 19th Century Tattoo, American Civil War Tattoos, History of Tattooing, Irish American Civil War, Irish Tattoos, Navy Tattoos, New York Tattoo, Soldier Tattoos

‘Father of the American Band’: The Story of Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore

Irishman Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore served as a musician and stretcher-bearer in the 24th Massachusetts Infantry during the American Civil War. His incredible post-army musical career includes penning When Johnny Comes Marching Home and performing some of the biggest musical shows ever seen, along the way becoming one of the icons of nineteenth century America. Gilmore expert Jarlath MacNamara brings us his remarkable story in the latest Guest Post on the site.

Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore was born outside Dublin in 1829, and from an infant was raised in Ballygar, Co Galway. He developed a love of music learning to play fife and drum and later studied it in detail in Athlone, Co Westmeath.

Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore (Library of Congress)

Boston and the Civil War

As a 19-year-old he emigrated with one million others, escaping the Great Famine in 1849. Arriving in Massachusetts he conducted bands in Salem and Boston and developed his craft further as an innovative conductor and band leader. Whilst in Boston he developed the initial 4th July Celebrations and the Boston Promenade Concerts, and was invited to lead the inauguration parade of President Buchanan in Washington D.C. in 1857 (the first of eight inaugurations Patrick participated in). In 1860 Gilmore’s band played to both the Democratic and Republican National Conventions- Abraham Lincoln was selected to run at the latter. At the outset of the Civil War both he and his band volunteered en masse for service with what became the 24th Massachusetts Infantry, setting sail to take part in the famous Burnside Expedition to the Carolinas in early 1862.

Nana Mouskouri performs ‘When Johnny Comes Marching Home’

Patrick saw action at Roanoke, New Bern and Tranter’s Creek, and is recorded as playing music for his Union colleagues as well as entertaining Confederate prisoners and acting as a stretcher-bearer on the battlefield. In 1863 he composed a song that still stands the test of time; a ballad which mentions neither victor nor vanquished, cause or result: “When Johnny Comes Marching Home.” He was inducted into the American Songwriters Hall of Fame in 1970 for this composition. Patrick had written the song under the pseudonym of ‘Louis Lambert.’

‘We are coming Father Abraam, Thee Hundred Thousand More’ by P.S. Gilmore (Jarlath MacNamara Collection)

“Gilmorean Concerts”

Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore organised four great “Gilmorean Concert Jubilees” (‘Gilmorean’ was a word created by Harper’s Weekly to describe his massive concerts, which had no compare). They were as follows:

1. In 1864 Gilmore was asked by General Banks and Governor Andrews of Massachusetts to organise the inauguration ceremony of Governor Michael Hahn, the first Union Governor elected during the Civil War in Louisiana. For this occasion Gilmore conducted a band of 500 musicians assisted by a choir of over 5,000 voices, in front of an audience of over 35,000 in Lafayette Square, New Orleans.

2. In 1869 Gilmore organised the National Peace Jubilee Festival in Boston which took place over five days; 1,000 musicians were accompanied by a choir of 10,000 before an estimated audience of 50,000 people. Designed to help heal the wounds of the Civil War, President Grant and his cabinet were in attendance.

Johann Strauss II Jubilee Waltz dedicated to Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore and written for the International Peace Jubilee

3. In 1872 Gilmore organised the World Peace Jubilee which outwardly was designed to celebrate the end of the Franco-Prussian War in Europe, but which Gilmore viewed as a test to gauge where both his band and that of the U.S. Marines were placed compared with international leaders in music. The festival took place over 18 days in a custom built stadium in Boston. Participating bands included the French band of the Garde Républicaine, the Prussian band of the Kaiser Franz Grenadier Regiment, the band of the Royal Grenadier Guards, the orchestra of Johann Strauss Jnr., and an Irish band from Dublin. Gilmore had to pay Strauss to appear, as the Austrian was apparently concerned that his locks would be removed by warring Indians. By the end of the festival Gilmore realised that both his band and that of the U.S. Marines were vastly inferior to the bands of the Old World, and so he instituted new standards which survive to this day and led to the United States being accepted as a centre of performance excellence.

4. Following The Great Chicago Fire of 1871 Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore agreed to hold a concert to help the city re-establish itself as a centre of commerce. In 1873 he gave a five day concert in the city’s new railway passenger terminal building. The building held 40,000 spectators and Gilmore conducted an orchestra of 300 combined with a choir of 3,000. The event helped to relaunch the city as a centre of enterprise and innovation.

March 1864 Gilmore Ferrotype Medal made for the Performance in New Orleans (Jarlath MacNamara Collection)

Reorganisation and New York

Patrick moved to New York City in 1873 and set about building a band that would surpass all in Europe. Over the next five years rehearsals increased, the repertoire was broadened, and the Gilmore band’s library of music was increased to over 11,000 separate scores. Performances including touring, expositions and parades increased, and Gilmore’s popularity intensified throughout the country.

In 1878 he arranged for his band to tour Europe, taking in Ireland, the United Kingdom, Holland, Belgium, France and Germany. They played 151 concerts and were judged by all as the greatest band ever heard at this time in the world. They played for one month in the United Kingdom alone, performing 65 concerts between Bristol and Aberdeen and being cheered everywhere they went. The King of Holland and the Kaiser both attended concerts, and even Queen Victoria invited them to Balmoral Castle, but Gilmore declined as it would have made the band late for the planned 4th of July celebrations at the Paris Exposition at the Trocadero. The Germans acclaimed “Gilmores American Band” as the greatest musical organisation in the world, and Gilmore was delighted with the tour. He had helped to elevate the United States as a centre of serious cultural performance in the eyes of the Europeans.

The West Point Band play ‘When Johnny Comes Marching Home’

Returning home he concentrated on continuing the development and organisation of his band. He assumed the lease for the Hippodrome in New York City, which became ‘Gilmore Gardens’ and was later to become known as Madison Square Gardens. Gilmore’s record still stands when he played more than 150 consecutive concerts in front of crowds of 10,000 or more in the Gardens. He acted as the musical director at national events such as the American National Centennial Celebrations in Philadelphia in 1876 and the inauguration ceremony for the Statue of Liberty in 1886. He was America’s first superstar in a modern sense. Expositions in Kansas and St. Louis would not open without having Gilmore’s band booked for the event, and when Texas opened their new State Capitol building it was Gilmore who was Musical Director. Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore was by far the best known Irishman in nineteenth century America. In 1889 alone, his band on tour was seen by in excess of one million people, with crowds of 12,000 per night in Austin, 5,000 per night in San Francisco and 10,000 per night in New Orleans.

Anniversary Jubilee Program 1869-1889 (Jarlath MacNamara Collection)

Gilmore, Parnell, Davitt and Ireland

Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore never forgot Ireland or his fellow Irish. He was acclaimed as an Irishman in American newspaper articles throughout his career. When Charles Stuart Parnell and Michael Davitt needed to promote their policies it was to Gilmore that they turned, not only for monetary support but also public endorsement. Gilmore included references to Home Rule in his concert programmes and even wrote a ballad dedicated to Home Rule entitled ‘Ireland to England.’ He raised money for Famine Relief, Clan na Gael, the Annual Emerald Ball for Orphans and the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick. He also spoke of the value of the ‘Boycott’ to the Irish people and declared publicly and proudly that “he was an Irishman.”

Boston Commandery March played by Gilmore’s Band and recorded on an Edison Home Model B Phonograph, c.1899

In 1891 Gilmore approached New York City Hall council for a permit to welcome in the New Year from the steps of City Hall and celebrate the 400th anniversary of Columbus arriving in America. This became the first official public New Year’s celebration in New York City- a tradition started by Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore.

When he died in 1892 an estimated 500,000 lined Fifth Avenue in New York for his funeral at St. Francis Xavier Church in Manhattan. John Philip Sousa named Gilmore the “Father of the American Band” and said later that if anyone “who could do one thousandth as much good for mankind as was done by Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore, his memory will indeed be blessed.” Gilmore’s fame has faded over the years and today is virtually unknown. He is buried in Calvary Cemetery, Woodside, Queens.

Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore Memorial Concert 1906 (Jarlath MacNamara Collection)

*I am indebted to Jarlath MacNamara for preparing this article for the site and providing the images. Jarlath is dedicated to telling the story of Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore and has amassed a substantial archive of material relating to him. He also lectures on the topic, most recently at the History Festival of Ireland at Duckett’s Grove, Co. Carlow. If you would like to contact Jarlath regarding Gilmore his email is psgilmore@eircom.net

Bibliography

Roe, Alfred 1907. History of the 24th Mass Volunteers 1861-1866.

Lee and Shepard, Boston. History of Peace Jubilee P S Gilmore 1871.

Darlington, Marwood 1851. Irish Orpheus.

Goldman, Richard 1961. The Wind Band.

Lord, Francis & Wise, Arthur 1966. Bands and Drummer Boys of the Civil War.

MacNamara Gilmore Collection of Ephemera and Memorabilia from 19th Century 1850-2006

MacNamara Gilmore Collection of Newspaper articles consisting of Articles, Concert Advertisments, Concert Previews , Concert Reviews and Interviews totalling over 2700 entries from 1852 – 1908

Filed under: Dublin, Gaines Mill, Galway Tagged: Democratic Convention, Irish American Civil War, Lafayette Square, Madison Square Gardens, Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore, Republican Convention, When Johnny Comes Marching Home, World Peace Jubliee

150 Years Ago: The Irish-American Reports on the New York Draft Riots

150 years ago today the main Irish newspaper of New York, the Irish-American, reported on the Draft Riots that had engulfed the city in previous days. In the weeks and months to follow the largely Irish make-up of the crowd would elicit much discussion and anti-Irish sentiment from many of the city’s newspapers, which the Irish-American would seek to counter. For now though events were fresh, and a matter-of-fact recounting of the extraordinary early incidents was provided for readers.

Police Charge the Rioters at the Tribune Office (Library of Congress)

RESISTANCE TO THE DRAFT

Serious Street Rioting

LOSS OF LIFE AND DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY

The draft commenced in this city on Saturday, throughout which the names of a large number of persons were drawn as conscripts. The drawing, in the up town districts, was resumed on Monday morning, and up to about half-past eleven everything went smoothly. Just then, however, the crowds began to accumulate and manifest turbulence; and shortly after, and throughout the day and evening, the most serious rioting was carried on, resulting in loss of life in many instances, and the destruction of an immense amount of property. 

In the morning the men employed on the Second Avenue Railroad refused to go to work, while those on the Sixth Avenue Railroad asked leave of absence from their work, and, in case of refusal, threatened to take summary measures.

All the blacksmiths in the employ of the Third Avenue Railroad Company ceased work, as did also the men employed in Brown’s Iron factory, those employed by Mr. Crimmins, the contractor, in Taylor’s foundry in 41st street and 8th avenue, and hundreds of others employed on buildings, street improvements &c. These crowds paraded through the streets, and forced their fellows to leave work and join them.

About half-past eleven o’clock, the building on Third Avenue, where the drafting was taking place for the Ninth District, was attacked, the Provost Marshal beaten, the ballots and books destroyed, the policemen who attempted to guard them trampled underfoot, and the premises, No. 677, burned to the ground. The neighbouring houses were also fired, or caught fire, and were destroyed. Some 12,000 persons are said to have stood round the flames, and the women from the house tops waved handkerchiefs and shawls in encouragement. Meantime, the telegraph poles were cut down, the cars stopped running, and the rails, for weapons, torn from the tracks. During the conflagration, Superintendent Kennnedy appeared outside, when the crowd attacked him in such a manner that he received very severe injuries.

No. 677, it is said, belongs to Mr. Duane, of the Sheriff’s office, who loses $6,000. The adjoining building, No. 679, was also destroyed; it was tenanted in the lower story by a beer saloon, on the second story by Hy. Frank, who loses $3,000, A. Domerona, whose loss is $1,000: and H. Degelow and A. Wokatock, who lose $1,500. Mr. Robert Pettigrew, who own’s a blacksmith’s and wheelwright’s shop across the street, was struck on the head while running across the street and his shop demolished. 

About noon, a detachment of the Provost Marshal Guard, numbering some 75, reached the scene, and were at once mobbed by the crowd, who jostled them about and wrested their muskets from them. As the soldiers broke and separately fled, they were pursued by the incensed crowd up as far as 20th st., and some even much higher. Two or three of the Crowd were said to have been killed. A strong squad of police, armed with revolvers and clubs, next made their appearance, but were instantly assailed with a volley of stones, knocking down two of the officers. The police at once drew their clubs and revolvers, but after a contest of a few minutes they were also forced to retreat, which they did in good order until near Fortieth-street, when one of them discharged his revolver four times into the midst of the throng, shooting a horse that was attached to a wagon standing on the corner. A rush was made at once for the officer; he immediately retreated into a store close by, the people in which at once barred the door and endeavoured to give him protection. The crowd, however, went to the back of the house; tore down the fence and rushed into the building, seized the policeman, knocked him down, and actually tore him to pieces- stripping the clothes off his back- and kicking him until he was one mass of jelly. This was Sergeant Ellison, of the 8th Precinct. 

The crowd next set off for the Eighth District, where it was understood Captain Maniere was drafting. On arriving, however, they found that the operations had been suspended on account of the riots in the Ninth.

As far as can be learned, the following are the casualties among the police force:- Sergt. Ellison, of the 8th Precinct, is now lying at the 21st Precinct Station, suffering from severe injuries in the head, and is not expected to recover. Dr. Rannoy is in attendance there. Officer Fleming, of the 29th Precinct, has received a most serious wound on the head, and is also not expected to live. He has been taken to Bellevue Hospital. Officer John H. McCarty, of the 29th, is lying in a house on the 3d Avenue in a very dangerous condition. Officers Henderson, Morrison, Swoinson, Holmes, Lee, Mcintyre and Leaycraft are all very badly injured about the head and body, and are receiving medical aid at the Station House and Hospital. Officer Phillips, of the 15th Precinct, was very much injured about the head and body, and is in a very weak condition. Officer Bennett, of the 15th Precinct, was also seriously injured, and was conveyed to the St. Luke’s Hospital for treatment. Officer John Walsh, of the 9th Precinct, is lying concealed at a house on 3d Avenue, seriously injured. Officer Law, of the 8th Precinct, was sent to Bellevue Hospital, suffering from severe wounds in the head.

Capt. Palmer, of the 21st Precinct, was seen in the crowd in the morning, at the commencement of the riot, but has not since been heard from. Several officers who were on the ground engaged in quelling the riot are missing, and it is feared that they are either killed or lying concealed badly hurt. Several of the policemen were so fortunate as to procure disguises and thus made their escape unnoticed by the crowd. Sergeant Wade was struck in the breast with a stone, but sustained no serious injury. Sergeant McCredle has not been heard from. Philip Rubason, a member of the 1st Battalion Invalid Corps, was attacked by the mob, his musket, bayonet and equipments taken from him, and he was beaten in a terrible manner about the head with his own musket. He was finally rescued by some humane firemen when almost exhausted from the treatment he had received. He was conveyed to the 21st Precinct Station House, and there attended by Dr. Ranney. He will probably survive.

At about 2 o’clock, crowds began to arrive from the lower Wards, and as groups arrived they were loudly cheered by the populace. Some of the fresh arrived men brought heavy firearms with them, but nearly every one had a pistol or revolver. As Mr. Howard, city Editor of the New York Daily Times, was standing on the corner of 46th street and 3d Avenue, he was set on by a crowd, shouting “Here’s a d——d Abolitionist; let’s hang him!” Mr. Howard was knocked down with stones, and rendered, for a time, insensible. Subsequently the crowd assembled before the residence of Mayor Opdycke, and were only prevented from demolishing it by the remonstrances of some politicians whom they believed friendly to them. and also a very conciliatory address made by the Mayor himself.

The Burning of the Colored Orphan Asylum (Library of Congress)

At about 3 o’clock a procession of about five thousand people came up First Avenue, all armed with bars, pistols, &c, threatening vengeance on all persons connected with the draft. They halted in front of the 18th ward station house in 22d-street, and sent up yells which were anything but human. About this time, too, the leaders of the assaulting party proceeded to a large and beautiful dwelling on the corner of 46th-street and Lexington Avenue, followed by an excited crowd, and immediately proceeded to attack this building, which was said to be by some the residence of Major-General Sandford, and by others, that of Mr. Dowe, a tailor, who belonged to the Provost Marshal’s department- others thought it was Horace Greeley’s. They smashed in the doors, which they tore from the hinges, smashed every pane of glass both front and rear, and then commenced to fling out of the windows everything upon which they could lay their hands. Pictures, with gilt frames, elegant pier glasses, sofas, chairs, clocks, furniture of every kind, wearing apparel, bed clothes, &c., &c., a whole library was scattered in showers through the windows, and they wound up by setting fire to the building, amid the wild cheers, yells and hooting of those who surrounded the house.

Fires were started in several other portions of the city, and the firemen at times partially prevented from getting to work. The incendiary’s torch was applied to Captain Manniere’s office, 1,148 Broadway, at two o’clock. The fire spread rapidly on both sides, and by 5 o’clock the whole block on Broadway, between 28th and 29th st., and one handsome building in 29th st., had been swept away by the flames. The Bull’s Head Hotel, in 44th st., near 5th Avenue, was sacked and burned early in the day. A handsome brown stone dwelling on the corner of Lexington Avenue and 44th st. was likewise burned to the ground.

About 4 o’clock the crowd reached the Colored Asylum on 5th Avenue, between 43d and 44th sts. They ordered the inmates to leave inside of two hours. At the end of that time the building was fired, front and rear, and destroyed.

A number of houses inhabited by negroes in James st., were fired about 6 o’clock. A fire was also started in some negro tenements in Rosevelt st. about half past eight o’clock.

The State Arsenal, corner of 35th st. and 7th Avenue, was throughout the entire day kept watch on by angry groups. Col. Nugent, however, had detachments of regulars from Governor’s Island and Marines from the Navy Yard on guard, and a cordon of sentinels was kept around the building , in front of which two small howitzers are planted.

Towards 8 o’clock the Tribune office, which had been surrounded several times during the day by a hooting crowd, was assailed by an excited mob, who broke into the lower apartments, smashed down windows and doors, and threatened death to all connected with the establishment. At the present hour we have no means of knowing how much damage was done to that office. Shots were exchanged in the onset, and a policeman was severely wounded.

Amongst the premises destroyed was the store of Capt. John Duffy, in Grand st., Deputy Provost Marshal for the Fifth District, which was set on fire and consumed early in the evening.

Throughout the entire city, wherever a colored person was seen, he was hooted, pelted, or badly beaten; and one even hanged. 

References

New York Irish-American 18th July 1863. Resistance to the Draft. Serious Streeet Rioting, Loss of Life and Destruction of Property.

Filed under: New York Tagged: Abolitionists, Anti-Irish Sentiment, Draft Riots, Irish American, Irish American Civil War, Know-Nothings, New York City Draft Riots, Second Avenue Railroad

An Image of Union Donors to the 1863 Irish Relief Fund, Forty Years On

Regular readers of the blog will be familiar with the donations made by hundreds of Union troops in 1863 towards the relief of the suffering poor in Ireland (see here, here, here and an overview here). These men were about to embark on campaigns that would leave many dead, maimed or captured. Despite this they chose to give money to those in Ireland, individuals who they deemed less fortunate than themselves.

The Irish Brigade at Chancellorsville, New York ‘Irish World’, 1903

I was recently informed of a most remarkable illustration that accompanied an article in the New York ‘Irish World’ on 2nd May 1903. The piece dealt with the Irish Brigade’s role in the Battle of Chancellorsville in 1863 and was published on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of that engagement. The image is centred on Brigadier-General Thomas Francis Meagher (Chancellorsville would be the last fight in which he would command the brigade) and also portrays the rescue of a Union battery by the Irishmen. What is most fascinating is the depiction in the bottom right hand corner. Here the artist has chosen not to present an incident of the battle, but rather a line of Irish Brigade soldiers putting their hands in their pockets and placing money in a box nailed to a tree. On the box is marked ‘Cause of Ireland.’ Clearly even four decades after the event, the fact that these soldiers had remembered those at home on the eve of battle was a source of pride to the veterans and the wider Irish-American community alike. It certainly ranks as one of the most intriguing images portraying the Irish in the American Civil War that I have seen. Unfortunately the story of the relief efforts of these men has been largely forgotten in the intervening 150 years and is deserving of more study. It is a topic to which I intend to return in future posts on the site.

‘Irish Brigade Giving to the Cause of Ireland’, Detail from New York ‘Irish World’, 1903

*I am deeply indebted to Jeff Giambrone who discovered this image and brought it to my attention.

References

New York Irish World 2nd May 1903.

Filed under: Battle of Chancellorsville, Irish Brigade, Irish in the American Civil War Tagged: Battle of Chancellorsville, Irish American, Irish American Civil War, Irish Brigade, Irish Relief Fund, New York Irish World, Relief of the Irish Poor, Thomas Francis Meagher