Daniel Orr's Blog, page 46

October 26, 1947 – Indian-Pakistani War of 1947: Kashmir’s ruler signs the Instrument of Accession, incorporating Kashmir into India

Within a few days, the rebellion ofKashmiri Muslims had spread to Baramula and threatened Srinagar,Kashmir’s capital.  The Kashmiri ruler fled to India, where he pleaded formilitary assistance with the Indian government. The Indians agreed on the condition that Kashmir be merged with India,to which on October 26, 1947, the Kashmiri ruler gave his consent.  Soon thereafter, Kashmir’sstatus as a sovereign state ended.  Thenext day, October 27, Indian forces arrived in Srinagar and expelled the rebels, who by this time, hadentered the capital.

(Taken from India-Pakistan War of 1947 – Wars of the 20th Century – Volume 2)

Background On August 15, 1947, the newstate of Kashmir (Map 1) found itselfgeographically located next to India and Pakistan, tworival countries that recently had gained their independences after thecataclysmic partition of the Indian subcontinent.  Fearing the widespread violence that hadaccompanied the birth of Indiaand Pakistan, the Kashmirimonarch, who was a Hindu, chose to remain neutral and allow Kashmirto be nominally independent in order to avoid the same tragedy from befallinghis mixed constituency of Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs.

Pakistan exerted diplomatic pressure on Kashmir, however, as the Pakistanigovernment had significant strategic and economic interests in the former Princely State. Most Pakistanis also shared a common religion with the overwhelminglyMuslim Kashmiri population.  India also nurtured ambitions on Kashmir andwanted to bring the former Princely State into its sphere ofinfluence.  After Kashmir gained back itssovereignty, the British colonial troops departed; consequently, Kashmir was left only with a small native army to enforcepeace and order.

War On October 22, 1947, when rumorssurfaced that Kashmir would merge with India, Muslim Kashmiris in thestate’s western regions broke out in rebellion. The rebels soon were joined by Pakistani fighters who entered theKashmiri border from Pakistan.  The rebels and Pakistanis seized the towns ofMuzzafarabad and Dommel (Map 1) where they disarmed the Kashmiri troops, whothereafter also joined the rebels.

Within a few days, the rebellion hadspread to Baramula and threatened Srinagar, Kashmir’s capital. The Kashmiri ruler fled to India, where he pleaded formilitary assistance with the Indian government. The Indians agreed on the condition that Kashmir be merged with India,to which the Kashmiri ruler gave his consent. Soon thereafter, Kashmir’s status as asovereign state ended.  On October 27,1947, Indian forces arrived in Srinagar and expelled the rebels, whoby this time, had entered the capital.

Earlier, Indiaand Pakistan had jointlyagreed to a policy of non-intervention in Kashmir’sinternal affairs.  But with theterritorial merger of Indiaand Kashmir, Indian forces gained the legal authority to occupy the former Princely State. The Pakistani government now ordered its forces to invade Kashmir.  ThePakistan Armed Forces chief of staff, however, who was also a British Armyofficer, refused to comply, since doing so would pit him against LordMountbatten, the British Governor General of India, who had ordered the Indiantroops to Kashmir.  With the Pakistanimilitary leadership in a crisis and its army placed on hold, the Indian Armyvirtually deployed unopposed in Kashmir andsecured much of the state.

In early November 1947, the GilgitScouts, a civilian paramilitary based in the Gilgit region in northern Kashmir, broke out in rebellion over some disagreementwith the Kashmiri government.  The GilgitScouts soon were joined by tribal militias from Chitral in northern Pakistan.  Together, they wrested control of the wholenorthern Kashmir.

By mid-November 1947, the IndianArmy’s counter-attacks in the west had recaptured Uri and Baramula and hadpushed back the coalition of Kashmir rebelsand Pakistani fighters toward the Pakistani border.  Further Indian advances were stalled by theonset of winter, however, as the Indian troops were not prepared for fighting inthe cold, high altitudes and were encountering logistical problems.

With the Indian forces settling downto a defensive position, the rebel coalition forces went on the attack andcaptured the towns of Kotli and Mirpur in the south, thereby extending thebattle lines on the west to a nearly north to south axis.  In southwest Kashmir, the Indians took Chamb,and fortified the key city of Jammu,which remained in their possession throughout the war.

India and Pakistan. Diagram shows India and the two “wings” of Pakistan (West Pakistan and East Pakistan) on either side.  Kashmir, the battleground during the Indian-Pakistani War of 1947, is located in the northern central section of the Indian subcontinent

With the arrival of spring weather inMay 1948, the Indians launched a number of offensive operations in the west andretook the towns of Tithwail, Keran, and Gurais.  In the north, a daring Indian attack usingbattle tanks at high altitudes captured Ziji-La Passand Dras.  But later that year, thearrival of Pakistan Army units in rebel-held Kashmirin the west stopped further significant Indian advances.

PakistanArmy units also were deployed in Kashmir’sHigh Himalayas to augment the Gilgit-Chitral rebel coalition forces.  Together, they advanced south and capturedSkardu and Kargil, and threatened Leh.  Acounter-attack by the Indian Army in May 1948, however, stopped the PakistanArmy-led forces, which were pushed back north of Kargil.

October 25, 1983 – Cold War: The United States and its Caribbean allies invade Grenada

The United States identified three targets for the invasion: PointSalines, Pearls Airportin Grenville, and St. George’s.  Just before dawn on October 25, 1983, abattalion of U.S. Rangers was airdropped at the Point Salines Airport constructionsite.  The soldiers succeeded in takingcontrol of the facility.  The Rangersoriginally were planned to be landed by plane; the plan was aborted when U.S.reconnaissance detected that the airport runway was littered withobstacles.  The anti-aircraft gunfirefrom the Grenadian defenses was silenced by strikes from U.S. helicopter gunships.  The U.S. Rangers soon secured and cleared thePoint Salines Airportsite, allowing American planes to land more troops, weapons, and supplies.

(Taken from U.S. Invasion of Grenada – Wars of the 20th Century – Volume 2)

Background Grenada is a small island country located in thesoutheastern section of the Caribbean Sea (Map36).  In 1974, the country gained itsindependence from the United Kingdom and thereafter experienced a periodof political unrest starting with the contentious general elections of1976.  After the 1976 elections, agovernment was formed, which imposed repressive policies to curb politicalopposition and dissent.  Then on March13, 1979, communist politicians staged a coup that overthrew the government.

A socialist government was formed led by Maurice Bishop, whotook the position of prime minister.  Thenew government opened diplomatic relations with communist countries.  In particular, Grenadabecame allied with Cuba andthe Soviet Union, and supported their foreignpolicy initiatives.  Prime MinisterBishop dissolved the Grenadian constitution, banned elections and multi-partypolitics, and suppressed free expression and all forms of dissent.

The government began many social and economic projects,which ultimately proved successful.  Forinstance, sound financial policies allowed Grenada’s economy to grow andreduce the country’s dependence on imported goods.  The government made major advances inupgrading the educational system, health care, and socialized housingprograms.  Public infrastructure projectswere implemented.

Despite being officially socialist, the Grenadian governmentmaintained its traditional ties to the West. Grenada retained its British Commonwealth membership, with Queen Elizabeth IIas its symbolic head of state, and the British-inherited position of GovernorGeneral being maintained.  Westernforeign investments were encouraged, and investors from the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada – among other countries –operated freely in the islands.  Foreigntourists, who brought in substantial revenues to the local economy, werewelcomed by the Grenadian government.

However, hardliners in Grenada’s communist party (calledthe New Jewel Movement) disagreed with Prime Minister Bishop’s double-sidedpolicies.  They demanded that he stepdown from office or agree to rule jointly with staunch communist party members.  Prime Minister Bishop rejected bothsuggestions.  On October 12, 1983, thecommunist hardliners overthrew the government in a coup, and Prime MinisterBishop and other high-ranking government officials were arrested andjailed.  A military council was formed torule the country.

Widespread street protests and demonstrations broke out as aresult of the coup, as Prime Minister Bishop was extremely popular with thepeople.  The protesters demanded thatBishop be set free.  Bishop’s militarycaptors acquiesced, and released the ex-prime minister.  But in the ensuing chaos, government troopsopened fire on the protesters, killing perhaps up to a hundred persons.  Bishop and other top government officialswere rounded up and executed by firing squad.

The U.S.administration of President Ronald Reagan, following the events in Grenada with grave concern, believed that Cubahad planned the overthrow of Prime Minister Bishop’s moderately socialistgovernment in order to install a staunchly communist regime.  The United States believed that Cubawould then take full control of Grenada.  Four years earlier in 1979, when theGrenadian communists took over power, U.S.president Jimmy Carter’s government had moved diplomatically to isolate Grenada by stopping U.S. military support anddiscouraging Americans from travelling there.

But President Reagan took an aggressive approach against Grenada: he ordered joint military exercises andmock amphibious operations in U.S.-allied countries in the Caribbeanregion.  He also warned of Soviet-Cubanexpansionism in the Western Hemisphere.  Of particular concern to President Reagan wasthe construction of an airport at Point Salines at the southern tip of Grenada, which the U.S. military believed would be aSoviet airbase because its extended runway could land big, long-range Russianbombers.  The U.S.government surmised that the Soviets planned to use Grenadaas a forward base to supply communists in Central America, i.e. the Sandinistagovernment in Nicaragua andthe communist rebels in El Salvadorand Guatemala.  Increasing the Americans’ suspicion was thepresence of Cuban construction workers at the Point Salines site – after thewar, the U.S.military learned that these were Cuban Army soldiers.

However, the Grenadian government insisted that the PointSalines facility would be used as an international airport for commercialairliners.  As diplomatic relationsdeteriorated between the United Statesand Grenada, PresidentReagan ordered the evacuation of American citizens living in Grenada, the majority of whom were the 800 medicalstudents enrolled at the American-owned St. George’s University.  The U.S. government feared for thesafety of the students, as the Grenadian Army had posted soldiers at the schoolgrounds and a nighttime curfew had been imposed on the island, with a shoot-to-killorder imposed against violators.  Ascommercial flights to Grenadawere cancelled already, President Reagan decided that the U.S. Armed Forcesshould implement the evacuation.

October 24, 1962 – Cold War: Soviet Premier Khrushchev condemns the U.S. naval quarantine of Cuba as an “act of aggression”

The Soviets reacted strongly againstthe naval quarantine, with Premier Khrushchev, on October 24, calling it aviolation of international law and declaring that the blockade was an “act ofaggression” that would lead to war and that Russian warships would ignore theAmerican “piracy”.  The Soviet leaderdeclared that the “armaments…in Cuba,regardless of classification…are solely for defensive purposes…to secure Cubaagainst the attack of an aggressor.” Escorted by submarines, Soviet freighters bound for Cuba appeared determined to ignorethe quarantine.  However, Premier Khrushchevsoon ordered the cargo ships to change course or turn back.  The next day, Adlai Stevenson, U.SAmbassador to the United Nations, presented the U-2 aerial photographicevidence of the nuclear missiles to the UN Security Council.  Stevenson asked Valerian Zorin, theSoviet Ambassador to the UN, about the missiles, but the latter refused toconfirm or deny their deployment.

(Taken from Cuban Missile Crisis – Wars of the 20th Century –Vol. 2)

Background After the unsuccessful Bay ofPigs Invasion in April 1961 (previousarticle), the United Statesgovernment under President John F. Kennedy focused on clandestine methods tooust or kill Cuban leader Fidel Castro and/or overthrow Cuba’s communist government.  In November 1961, a U.S. covert operationcode-named Mongoose was prepared, which aimed at destabilizing Cuba’s politicaland economic infrastructures through various means, including espionage,sabotage, embargos, and psychological warfare. Starting in March 1962, anti-Castro Cuban exiles in Florida,supported by American operatives, penetrated Cuba undetected and carried outattacks against farmlands and agricultural facilities, oil depots andrefineries, and public infrastructures, as well as Cuban ships and foreignvessels operating inside Cuban maritime waters. These actions, together with the United States Armed Forces’ carryingout military exercises in U.S.-friendly Caribbean countries, made Castrobelieve that the United Stateswas preparing another invasion of Cuba.

From the time he seized power in Cuba in 1959, Castro had increased the size andstrength of his armed forces with weapons provided by the Soviet Union.  In Moscow,Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev also believed that anAmerican invasion was imminent, and increased Russian advisers, troops, andweapons to Cuba.  Castro’s revolution had provided communismwith a toehold in the Western Hemisphere andPremier Khrushchev was determined not to lose this invaluable asset.  At the same time, the Soviet leader began toface a security crisis of his own when the United States under the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) installed 300 Jupiternuclear missiles in Italyin 1961 and 150 missiles in Turkey(Map 33) in April 1962.

In the nuclear arms race between thetwo superpowers, the United Statesheld a decisive edge over the Soviet Union,both in terms of the number of nuclear missiles (27,000 to 3,600) and in thereliability of the systems required to deliver these weapons.    The American advantage was even morepronounced in long-range missiles, called ICBMs (Intercontinental BallisticMissiles), where the Soviets possessed perhaps no more than a dozen missileswith a poor delivery system in contrast to the United States that had about 170, which when launched from the U.S. mainland could accurately hit specifictargets in the Soviet Union.

The Soviet nuclear weapons technologyhad been focused on the more likely war in Europe and therefore consisted ofshorter range missiles, the MRBMs (medium-range ballistic missiles) and IRBMs (intermediate-range ballistic missiles), both of which if installed in Cuba, which was located only 100miles from southeastern United States, could target portions of the contiguous48 U.S. States.  In one stroke, such adeployment would serve Castro as a powerful deterrent against an Americaninvasion; for the Soviets, they would have invoked their prerogative to installnuclear weapons in a friendly country, just as the Americans had done in Europe.  Moreimportant, the presence of Soviet nuclear weapons in the Western Hemispherewould radically alter the global nuclear weapons paradigm by posing as a directthreat to the United States.

In April 1962, Premier Khrushchevconceived of such a plan, and felt that the United States would respond to itwith no more than a diplomatic protest, and certainly would not take militaryaction.  Furthermore, Premier Khrushchevbelieved that President Kennedy was weak and indecisive, primarily because ofthe American president’s half-hearted decisions during the failed Bay of PigsInvasion in April 1961, and President Kennedy’s weak response to the EastGerman-Soviet building of the Berlin Wall in August 1961.

Map 33: NATO’s deployment ofnuclear missiles in Turkeyand Italy was a major factorin the Soviet Union’s decision to install nuclear weapons in Cuba.

A Sovietdelegation sent to Cubamet with Fidel Castro, who gave his consent to Khrushchev’s proposal.  Subsequently in July 1962, Cuba and the Soviet Unionsigned an agreement pertinent to the nuclear arms deployment.  The planning and implementation of theproject was done in utmost secrecy, with only a few of the top Soviet and Cubanofficials being informed.  In Cuba,Soviet technical and military teams secretly identified the locations for the nuclearmissile sites.

In August 1962, U.S. reconnaissance flights over Cubadetected the presence of powerful Soviet aircraft: 39 MiG-21 fighter aircraftand 22 nuclear weapons-capable Ilyushin Il-28 light bombers.  More disturbing was the discovery of the S-75Dvina surface-to-air missile batteries, which were known to be contingent tothe deployment of nuclear missiles.  Bylate August, the U.S.government and Congress had raised the possibility that the Soviets wereintroducing nuclear missiles in Cuba.

October 23, 1912 – First Balkan War: Serbian and Ottoman forces clash in the two-day Battle of Kumanovo

In the Battle of Kumanovoon October 23-24, 1912, the Ottomans surprised the Serbians initially andgained the initiative.  But with thearrival of reinforcements, the Serbians launched a counter-attack that broke theOttoman lines, forcing the Turkish forces to retreat in confusion toward Monastir Province.  The Serbians thereafter gained control of Kosovo Province.

(Taken from First Balkan War – Wars of the 20th Century –Vol. 3)

Background Atthe start of the twentieth century, the Ottoman Empire was a spent force, ashadow of its former power of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries that hadstruck fear in Europe.  The empire did continue to hold vastterritories, but only tolerated by competing interests among the Europeanpowers who wanted to maintain a balance of power in Europe.  In particular, Britainand Francesupported and sometimes intervened on the side of the Ottomans in order torestrain expansionist ambitions of the emerging giant, the Russian Empire.

In Europe,the Ottomans had lost large areas of the Balkans, and all of its possessions incentral and central eastern Europe.  By1910, Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro,and Greecehad gained their independence.  As aresult, the Ottoman Empire’s last remaining possession in the European mainlandwas Rumelia (Map 4), a longstrip of the Balkans extending from Eastern Thrace, to Macedonia, and into Albaniain the Adriatic Coast. And even Rumelia itself was coveted by the new Balkan states, as itcontained large ethnic populations of Serbians, Belgians, and Greeks, eachwanting to merge with their mother countries.

The Russian Empire, seekingto bring the Balkans into its sphere of influence, formed a military alliancewith fellow Slavic Serbia, Bulgaria,and Montenegro.  In March 1912, a Russian initiative led to aSerbian-Bulgarian alliance called the Balkan League.  In May 1912, Greece joined the alliance when theBulgarian and Greek governments signed a similar agreement.  Later that year, Montenegrojoined as well, signing separate treaties with Bulgariaand Serbia.

The Balkan League was envisioned asan all-Slavic alliance, but Bulgariasaw the need to bring in Greece,in particular the modern Greek Navy, which could exert control in the AegeanSea and neutralize Ottoman power in the Mediterranean Sea,once fighting began.  The Balkan Leaguebelieved that it could achieve an easy victory over the Ottoman Empire, for the following reasons. First, the Ottomans currently were locked in a war with the ItalianEmpire in Tripolitania (part ofpresent-day Libya),and were losing; and second, because of this war, the Ottoman politicalleadership was internally divided and had suffered a number of coups.

Balkan region showing location of Rumelia (shaded)

Most of the major Europeanpowers, and especially Austria-Hungary,objected to the Balkan League and regarded it as an initiative of the RussianEmpire to allow the Russian Navy to have access to the Mediterranean Seathrough the Adriatic Coast.  Landlocked Serbiaalso had ambitions on Bosnia and Herzegovinain order to gain a maritime outlet through the AdriaticCoast, but was frustrated when Austria-Hungary, which had occupiedOttoman-owned Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1878, formally annexed theregion in 1908.

The Ottomans soon discoveredthe invasion plan and prepared for war as well. By August 1912, increasing tensions in Rumelia indicated an imminentoutbreak of hostilities.

October 22, 1963 – Sand War: Cuban troops arrive in Algeria

On October 22, 1963, a contingent of Cuban troops arrived inAlgeria.The Cuban force consisted of some 700 troops and dozens of battle tanks,anti-aircraft guns, and field artillery. Cuban leader Fidel Castro had sent the contingent upon the request ofthe Algerian government.  The contingentwas intended to provide training to the Algerian Army and to engage in combatagainst the Moroccans.

(Taken from Sand War – Wars of the 20th Century –Vol. 4)

Background In1956, Morocco regained itsindependence, ending 44 years as a protectorate under France and Spain.  Six years later, in 1962, Algeria, Morocco’seastern neighbor, also achieved statehood from France after prevailing in itscolonial war of independence.  Nowsovereign states, Moroccoand Algeriafaced a crisis: a contentious border issue.

The origin of the border crisisgoes back to more than a century earlier, to 1830, when France invaded and captured Algiers, ending Ottoman rule and (ultimately)influence in the region.  The Frenchgained full control during the rest of the 19th century and into the20th century, gradually expanded south, east, and west and added moreterritory into what ultimately would form French Algeria.

In 1842, the French colonialgovernment tried to negotiate a common border with the Sultanate of Morocco,its western neighbor and an independent political entity.  The Moroccan sultan demurred, however.  Then in 1844, war broke out between France and Morocco because of the Moroccansultan’s support for an Algerian uprising against French rule.  In this war, known as the FirstFranco-Moroccan War, the French decisively defeated the Moroccans and in theTreaty of Tangiers, signed in October 1844 and later the Treaty of LallaMaghnia, signed in March 1845, the two sides ended the war.  Furthermore, the latter treaty wassignificant in that Franceand Moroccoagreed to a partial demarcation of their border, i.e. from the coast to TenietSassi, a distance of 100 miles.  Nophysical demarcation was carried out further south, which now formed part ofthe barren, thinly populated Sahara Desert; instead, the two sides agreed that the areasinhabited by tribes that traditionally recognized the Moroccan sultan’ssovereignty formed part of Morocco,while those tribes and their lands associated under  the former Ottoman rule in Algiers belonged to French Algeria.  Some of these tribes, however, were nomadicor had undefined territorial ranges, rendering border demarcation impossible tocarry out.  French expansion deep intothe Sahara also brought regions historically associated with Moroccan influenceor sovereignty (e.g. Touat, Gourara, and Tidikelt, which are now located inpresent-day central Algeria)into the realm of French Algeria.

Meanwhile, as a result of France’s colonial expansion into western Africa,in April 1904, Britain and France signed the Entente Cordiale, an agreementwhere the British agreed to cede control of Moroccoto the French (in exchange for the French recognizing British sovereignty over Egypt).  The agreement also recognized Spain’s historical sphere of influence over Morocco.  In October of that year, France and Spainagreed on a delineation of zones over Moroccowhich finally resulted in the establishment of a French protectorate over Moroccoin March 1912.  Then in November 1912, France handed areas of Morocco to Spain,with the latter establishing a protectorate over these areas: a northern zonearound Ceuta and Melilla,and a southern zone centered at Cape Juby (Figure 12).  As a protectorate, Morocco ceded control of itsforeign affairs initiatives but remained a sovereign state according tointernational law.

In 1912, shortly afterestablishing a protectorate over Morocco, France undertook a demarcation of itsAlgerian colony for administration purposes, the land survey leading to theestablishment of the Varnier Line (French: Ligne Varnier, named after MauriceVarnier, French High Commissioner for Eastern Morocco) that extended the“border” from Teniet Sassi south to Figueg (which remained with Morocco),turned west to include Colomb-Bechar, Kenadza, and Abdla as part of FrenchAlgeria, and then turned south to an undelineated “uninhabited desert”.  In the 1920s, French authorities held anumber of conferences to delineate the limits of protectorate Morocco and colonial Algeria, but these all failed toyield definitive results.  In 1929, theFrench published the Confinsalgéro-marocains, which delineatedshared security and administrative jurisdictions between Morocco and Algeria along designatedoperational limits (Limite opérationnelle).  In 1934, France carried out another demarcation surveyfor administration purposes that included the Draa Valley,producing the Trinquet Line (French: Ligne Trinquet).

France intended some of these surveys to be used foradministrative purposes and others to establish territorial limits, furtheringthe confusion; moreover, the latter maps that were released ran contradictoryto earlier maps and sometimes went against other international treaties.  However, the French established control inareas inside the survey lines, which ultimately became crucial in the borderdispute in the post-independence period.

Shortly after World War IIended in 1945, a wave of nationalism swept across the colonized peoples of Africaand Asia. In Morocco, anindependence movement led by the ultra-nationalist Istiqlal Party gained widepopular support for self-determination and to end France’sprotectorate over Morocco.  In April 1956, Mohammed V, the Moroccansultan, succeeded in convincing Franceand Spainto end their protectorates, thus regaining full independence for hiscountry.  Now independent, Moroccoestablished a constitutional monarchy, with broad powers vested on the sultan(in 1957, Mohammed V assumed the title of king).  The monarchy was conservative, right-wing,and anti-communist, and was aligned with France,the United States,and the Western powers in the Cold War.

Meanwhile in Algeria, France was fighting a bitter war ofindependence against Algerian nationalists led by the National Liberation Front(FLN; French: Frontde Libération Nationale).  In 1952, when Morocco’sstruggle for complete self-determination was underway, France once more redrew theadministrative line, declaring that the territory extending from Colomb-Becharto Tindouf was part of French Algeria. The French particularly were interested in Tindouf, where commercialquantities of iron ore were discovered recently and the prospect of finding oiland natural gas reserves were luring French investors.  In 1956, however, when the Algerianindependence war was raging and the now independent Moroccowas aligned with France and the West, the French government offered Moroccansultan Hassan II the territorial transfer of Colomb-Bechar and Tindouf to Morocco in exchange for the Moroccan government’sending its support for Algerian nationalist guerillas who operated out of Morocco.  The Moroccan monarch turned down the offer,however, saying that he would deal with the Algerian nationalists directly.

In July 1961, the Moroccangovernment and the Algerian revolutionary government-in-exile (called the Gouvemement Provisoire de la République
Algérienne, or GPRA, based in Cairo Egypt)did reach a tentative agreement: Moroccowould respect independent Algeria’sterritorial integrity, but the border would be negotiated later throughbilateral talks.  The following year,1962, Algeriagained its independence.  In a briefpolitical power struggle that followed, the moderate GPRA was pushed aside anda hard-line regime under President Ahmed Ben Bella was established.

October 21, 1983 – U.S. Invasion of Grenada: The United States is asked to intervene in Grenada

On October 21, 1983, the Organization of Eastern CaribbeanStates asked the United Statesto intervene militarily in Grenada,fearing that the political instability in that island could spread across the Caribbean region. The United States Armed Forces then revised its plan from an evacuationto include an invasion of Grenada.

The U.S.military identified three targets for the invasion: Point Salines, Pearls Airportin Grenville, and St. George’s.  Just before dawn on October 25, 1983, abattalion of U.S. Rangers was airdropped at the Point Salines Airport constructionsite.  The soldiers succeeded in takingcontrol of the facility.  The Rangersoriginally were planned to be landed by plane; the plan was aborted when U.S.reconnaissance detected that the airport runway was littered withobstacles.  The anti-aircraft gunfirefrom the Grenadian defenses was silenced by strikes from U.S. helicopter gunships.  The U.S. Rangers soon secured and cleared thePoint Salines Airportsite, allowing American planes to land more troops, weapons, and supplies.

(Taken from U.S. Invasion of Grenada – Wars of the 20th Century – Volume 2)

Background Grenada is a small island country located in thesoutheastern section of the Caribbean Sea (Map36).  In 1974, the country gained itsindependence from the United Kingdom and thereafter experienced a periodof political unrest starting with the contentious general elections of1976.  After the 1976 elections, agovernment was formed, which imposed repressive policies to curb politicalopposition and dissent.  Then on March13, 1979, communist politicians staged a coup that overthrew the government.

A socialist government was formed led by Maurice Bishop, whotook the position of prime minister.  Thenew government opened diplomatic relations with communist countries.  In particular, Grenadabecame allied with Cuba andthe Soviet Union, and supported their foreignpolicy initiatives.  Prime MinisterBishop dissolved the Grenadian constitution, banned elections and multi-partypolitics, and suppressed free expression and all forms of dissent.

The government began many social and economic projects,which ultimately proved successful.  Forinstance, sound financial policies allowed Grenada’s economy to grow andreduce the country’s dependence on imported goods.  The government made major advances inupgrading the educational system, health care, and socialized housingprograms.  Public infrastructure projectswere implemented.

Despite being officially socialist, the Grenadian governmentmaintained its traditional ties to the West. Grenada retained its British Commonwealth membership, with Queen Elizabeth IIas its symbolic head of state, and the British-inherited position of GovernorGeneral being maintained.  Westernforeign investments were encouraged, and investors from the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada – among other countries –operated freely in the islands.  Foreigntourists, who brought in substantial revenues to the local economy, were welcomedby the Grenadian government.

However, hardliners in Grenada’s communist party (calledthe New Jewel Movement) disagreed with Prime Minister Bishop’s double-sidedpolicies.  They demanded that he stepdown from office or agree to rule jointly with staunch communist partymembers.  Prime Minister Bishop rejectedboth suggestions.  On October 12, 1983,the communist hardliners overthrew the government in a coup, and Prime MinisterBishop and other high-ranking government officials were arrested and jailed.  A military council was formed to rule thecountry.

Widespread street protests and demonstrations broke out as aresult of the coup, as Prime Minister Bishop was extremely popular with thepeople.  The protesters demanded thatBishop be set free.  Bishop’s militarycaptors acquiesced, and released the ex-prime minister.  But in the ensuing chaos, government troopsopened fire on the protesters, killing perhaps up to a hundred persons.  Bishop and other top government officialswere rounded up and executed by firing squad.

The U.S.administration of President Ronald Reagan, following the events in Grenada with grave concern, believed that Cubahad planned the overthrow of Prime Minister Bishop’s moderately socialistgovernment in order to install a staunchly communist regime.  The United States believed that Cubawould then take full control of Grenada.  Four years earlier in 1979, when theGrenadian communists took over power, U.S.president Jimmy Carter’s government had moved diplomatically to isolate Grenada by stopping U.S. military support anddiscouraging Americans from travelling there.

But President Reagan took an aggressive approach against Grenada: he ordered joint military exercises andmock amphibious operations in U.S.-allied countries in the Caribbeanregion.  He also warned of Soviet-Cubanexpansionism in the Western Hemisphere.  Of particular concern to President Reagan wasthe construction of an airport at Point Salines at the southern tip of Grenada, which the U.S. military believed would be aSoviet airbase because its extended runway could land big, long-range Russianbombers.  The U.S.government surmised that the Soviets planned to use Grenadaas a forward base to supply communists in Central America, i.e. the Sandinistagovernment in Nicaragua andthe communist rebels in El Salvadorand Guatemala.  Increasing the Americans’ suspicion was thepresence of Cuban construction workers at the Point Salines site – after thewar, the U.S.military learned that these were Cuban Army soldiers.

However, the Grenadian government insisted that the PointSalines facility would be used as an international airport for commercialairliners.  As diplomatic relationsdeteriorated between the United Statesand Grenada, PresidentReagan ordered the evacuation of American citizens living in Grenada, the majority of whom were the 800medical students enrolled at the American-owned St. George’s University.  The U.S. government feared for thesafety of the students, as the Grenadian Army had posted soldiers at the schoolgrounds and a nighttime curfew had been imposed on the island, with ashoot-to-kill order imposed against violators. As commercial flights to Grenadawere cancelled already, President Reagan decided that the U.S. Armed Forcesshould implement the evacuation.

October 20, 1962 – Sino-Indian War: Chinese forces launch offensives in Aksai Chin and North-East Frontier Agency, starting hostilities

Fighting broke out on October 20, 1962, with Chinese forceslaunching offensives in two main sectors: in the eastern sector (North-EastFrontier Agency; NEFA) north of the McMahon Line, and in the western sector inAksai Chin.  Some fighting also occurredin the Nathu La Pass, Sikkim near the China-India border.  The Chinese government called the operation a“self-defensive counterattack”, implying that India had started the war bycrossing north of the McMahon Line.

(Taken from Sino-Indian War – Wars of the 20th Century – Twenty Wars in Asia: Vol. 5)

Background In the19th century, the British and Russian Empires were locked in a political andterritorial rivalry known as the Great Game, where the two powers sought tocontrol and dominate Central Asia.  The Russians advanced southward intoterritories that ultimately would form the present-day countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, while the Britishadvanced northward across the Indian subcontinent.  By the mid-1800s, Britainhad established full control over territories of British India and the Princely States(present-day India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh).  Just as it did with the Russians regardingBritish territories in northwest India,the British government sought to establish its territorial limits in the eastwith the other great regional power, China.  British authorities particularly wanted todelineate British India’s boundaries in Kashmir in the north with China’sXinjiang Province, as well as British India’s borders in the east with Tibet (asemi-autonomous state under Chinese suzerainty), thereby establishing a commonBritish India-China border across the towering Himalaya Mountains. 

In 1865, the Survey of India published a boundary for Kashmir that included the 37,000 square-kilometer AksaiChin region (Figure 43), a barren, uninhabited high-altitude (22,000 feet)desert containing salt and soda flats. However, this delineation, called the Johnson Line (named after WilliamJohnson, a British surveyor), was rejected by the British government.

In 1893, a Chinese official in Kashgar proposed to theBritish that the Laktsang Range serve as the British India-China border, withthe Lingzi Tang Plains to its south to become part of Kashmir and Aksai Chin toits north to become part of China.  The proposal found favor with the British,who in 1899, drew the Macartney-MacDonald Line (named after George Macartney,the British consul-general in Kashgar and Claude MacDonald, a Britishdiplomat), which was presented to the Chinese government.  The latter did not respond, which the Britishtook to mean that the Chinese agreed with the Line.  Thereafter, up until about 1908, British mapsof Indiafeatured the Macartney-MacDonald Line (Figure 44) as the China-Indiaborder.  However, by the 1920s, theBritish published new maps using the Johnson Line as the Kashmir-Xinjiangborder.

Similarly, British authorities took steps to establishBritish India’s boundaries with Tibetand China.  For this purpose, in 1913-1914, in a series ofnegotiations held in Simla (present-day Shimla in northern India), representatives from China, Tibet,and British India agreed on the territorial limits between “Outer Tibet” and British India. Outer Tibetwas to be formed as an autonomous Tibetan polity under Chinese suzerainty.  However, the Chinese delegate objected to theproposed border between “Outer Tibet” and “Inner Tibet”, and walked out of theconference.  Tibetan and Britishrepresentatives continued with the conference, leading to the Simla Accord(1914) which established the McMahon Line (named after Henry McMahon, theForeign Secretary of British India). Inparticular, some 80,000 square kilometers became part of British India, which later was administered as the North-East FrontierAgency (NEFA).  The Tawang area, locatednear the Bhutan-Tibet-India junction, also was ceded to British India and would become a major battleground in the Sino-IndianWar.

The Chinese government rejected the Simla Accord, statingthat Tibet, as a politicalsubordinate of China,could not enter into treaties with foreign governments.  The British also initially were averse toimplementing the Simla Accord, as it ran contrary to the 1907 Anglo-RussianConvention which recognized China’ssuzerainty over Tibet.  But with Russiaand Britainagreeing to void the 1907 Convention, the British established the McMahon Line(Figure 44) as the Tibet-India border. By the 1930s, the British government had begun to use the McMahon Linein its British Indian maps.

In August 1947, British rule in Indiaended with the partition of British India into the independent countries of India and Pakistan.  Meanwhile, for much of the first half of the20th century, China convulsed in a multitude of conflicts: the Revolution of1911 which ended 2,000 years of imperial rule; the fracturing of China duringthe warlord era (1916-1928); the Japanese invasion and occupation of Manchuriain 1931, and then of other parts of China in 1937-1945; and the Chinese CivilWar (1927-1949) between Communist and Nationalist forces.  By 1949, communist forces had prevailed inthe civil war and in October of that year, Mao Zedong, Chairman of theCommunist Party of China, proclaimed the formation of the People’s Republic of China(PRC).

The government of Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru wasamong the first in the international community to recognize the PRC, and in theyears that followed, sought to cultivate strong Indian-Chinese relations.

In the early 1950s, a series of diplomatic and culturalexchanges between India and China led in April 1954 to an eight-year agreementcalled the Panchsheel Treaty (Sanskrit, panch, meaning five, and sheel, meaningvirtues), otherwise known as the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, whichwas meant to form the basis for good relations between India and China.  The Panscheel five principles are: mutualrespect for each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty; mutualnon-aggression; mutual non-interference in each other’s internal affairs;equality and cooperation for mutual benefit; and peaceful co-existence.  The slogan “Indians and Chinese are brothers”(Hindi: Hindi China bhai bhai) was popular and Prime Minister Nehru advocated aSino-Indian “Asian Axis” to serve as a counter-balance to the American-SovietCold War rivalry.

However, the poorly defined India-China border wouldovercome these attempts to establish warm bilateral relations.  From the outset, Indiaand Chinaclaimed ownership over Aksai Chin and NEFA. India released mapsthat essentially duplicated the British-era maps which showed both areas aspart of India.  China likewise claimed sovereigntyover these areas, but also stated that as it had not signed any border treatieswith the former British Indian government, the India-China border must be resolvedthrough new negotiations.

Two events caused Sino-Indian relations to deterioratefurther.  First, in the 1950s, China built a road through Aksai Chin thatlinked Xinjiang and Tibet.  Second, in 1959, in the aftermath of a failedTibetan uprising against the Chinese occupation forces in Tibet, the Indian government provided refuge in India for the Dalai Lama, Tibet’s political and spiritualleader.  Earlier in 1950, China had invaded and annexed Tibet.  The Indian government had hoped that Tibet would remain an independent state (and abuffer zone between Indiaand China, as it had been inthe colonial era), but in the early 1950s period of friendly Sino-Indianrelations, India did notoppose Chinese military action in Tibet.

October 19, 1950 – Korean War: UN forces capture Pyongyang

On October 8, 1950, the daythat UN forces crossed the 38th parallel into North Korea, Chinese forces in Manchuria (theNorth East Frontier Force, or NEFF) were ordered to deploy at the Yalu River in preparation toenter North Koreafrom the north.  On October 19, 1950, theday Pyongyang fell, on Chairman Mao’s order, the NEFFcrossed into North Korea.  Chinese authorities called this force the“People’s Volunteer Army”, the “volunteer” designation conferring on it anon-official status in order that China would not be directlyinvolved in a war with the US/UN.

(Taken from Korean War – Wars of the 20th Century – Twenty Wars in Asia: Vol. 5)

War On June 25, 1950,after some initial fighting in the Ongjin area, North Korea launched a full-scaleinvasion across the 38th parallel.  North Korean invasionforces, which consisted of 90,000 troops and supported by armored and artilleryunits, crossed into South Korea from east to west of the line.  South Korean border defenses south of theline were easily overcome.  South Koreanforces, lacking heavy artillery and powerful anti-tank weapons, surrendered ordefected en masse, or fled south.  OnJune 28, 1950, Seoulfell, with President Rhee and his government having vacated the capital inadvance of the North Korean offensive. To forestall the North Koreans, the South Korean military destroyed themain bridge south of Seoul across the Han River, causing the deaths of hundreds of civilianswho were crossing the bridge at the time. Thousands of South Korean troops also were unable to leave the city andwere later captured by the North Koreans. By the third day of the invasion, South Korea was verging oncollapse.

On June 25, 1950, the UnitedNations Security Council (UNSC) passed Resolution 82 which called for an end tohostilities, and demanded that North Korean forces withdraw from South Korea.  The resolution passed because at that time,the Soviet Union, which was a permanent UNSC member with veto power, hadboycotted the UNSC meetings in protest of the UN’s continued non-recognition ofChina.  The Soviet government also challenged the UN’slegitimacy to decide on the Korean conflict, stating that the war was aninternal security issue, and that the 38th parallel was a militarydemarcation and not an international border.

Then on June 27, 1950, theUNSC passed Resolution 83, which called on UN member states to provide militaryassistance to South Koreato counter the North Korean invasion. Like South Korea, theUnited States was caughtoff-guard by the invasion, but quickly moved into action, and used its strongdiplomatic influence to mobilize international condemnation of North Korea.  Up until now, President Truman viewed the Cold Waras relating only to Europe, and the U.S.containment policy as directed against the Soviet Union and its Eastern Bloc allies.  But with the outbreak of the Korean War, forthe United States, the ColdWar had come upon Asia.

President Truman particularlylikened the North Korean invasion to Germany’saggression in World War II, and announced that his government would not repeatthe pre-war Allied appeasement policy, and that the United States would meet the NorthKorean “challenge” with force.  And inview of this expanded Cold War policy, on June 27, 1950 (two days after thestart of the Korean War), President Truman ordered the U.S.7th Fleet to proceed to the Taiwan Strait, to prevent hostilities between theRepublic of China (Taiwan) and the People’s Republic of China.  Both Chinese states pursued a policy todestroy its rival, but the arrival of the American naval fleet deterred thePeople’s Republic of Chinafrom launching its long-planned invasion of Taiwan.

At the start of the war, the U.S.military was undergoing a drastic reduction in combat strength because of majorcutbacks in military appropriations following World War II.  Furthermore, because of the perceived greatersecurity threat in Europe, the United Statesconcentrated its forces there in line with its “Europe First” policy, leadingto the U.S. militaryscrambling to assemble enough American military units for Korea.  During the early stages of the war, the United States experienced some difficultydispatching sufficient forces to the fighting, as U.S.units in Japanwere insufficiently trained for combat and seriously under-strength.  As a result, only small advance unitsinitially were sent to the fighting in Korea.

Subsequently during the war,a combined total of some 370,000 foreign troops from 16 UN countries fought onthe side of South Korea.  Of this number, nearly 90% was provided bythe United States (326,000 troops), while Britain(14,000), Canada (8,000),and Turkey(5,000) also sent sizable contingents.

On the day of the invasion,the U.S. governmentevacuated American civilians from South Korea.  On June 27, 1950, with the passage of UNSCResolution 83 authorizing the use of force against the North Korean invasion,the U.S. military based in Japan sent warplanes into bombing raids in North Korea.  U.S. planes attacked airfields anddestroyed several North Korean planes on the ground.  U.S. ships also were rushed toKorean waters, where they shelled North Korean positions along the coast,somewhat slowing down the North Korean advance in these coastal areas.

On July 7, 1950, the UNSCpassed Resolution 85, which merged all UN member units into one unified force(called the United Nations Command, or UNC) under one commander.  That same day, President Truman named GeneralDouglas MacArthur (head of the Far East Command based in Tokyo, Japan)as commander-in-chief of the UNC.  TheEighth U.S. Army, headquartered in Japan, would serve as the mainAmerican force in the Korean War.  Itscommander, General Walton Walker, was named as commander of the UNC groundforces.  The South Korean government,whose army had been reduced to 22,000 troops from 90,000 since the start of thewar, allowed its remaining forces to be placed under the UNC.

On July 1, 1950, the first U.S. force, a 400-man battalion called TaskForce Smith (named after itscommander), arrived in Korea.  Four days later, July 5, Task Force Smithencountered an armored North Korean column consisting of 5,000 troops that wasadvancing toward Osan.  In the ensuingbattle, Task Force Smith caused some material damage to the enemy, destroying anumber of North Korean tanks, but itself was decimated and forced into achaotic retreat.  But Task Force Smithachieved one objective: it delayed the North Korean advance to allow time for moreUN forces to arrive in the southern edge of the peninsula, where they couldestablish a stronger defensive line.

Meanwhile, other Americanunits that had arrived in Korea also used delaying tactics in clashes atPyeongtaek, Cheonan, Chochiwon, and Taejon, but were forced to retreat bynumerically superior North Korean forces that advanced using both frontalattacks and flanking tactics.  At Taejon particularly, the U.S. 24th InfantryDivision was nearly destroyed and its commander, Major General William Dean,was captured by the North Koreans.  Bythis time, South Korean and UN forces had been pushed to nearly the southernedge of the Korean Peninsula and faced thedanger of being annihilated or driven to the sea.

However, in early August1950, UN forces succeeded in establishing the Pusan Perimeter (Figure 16), a 140-mile long defensive line that partially followedthe length of the Naktong River.  The Pusan Perimeter was so-named for Pusan, South Korea’smajor southern port, where U.S.and other UN forces, together with their war materials, were arriving in largenumbers daily.

In August 1950, North Koreanforces attacked many points along the Pusan Perimeter, and heavy fighting took place in Taegu,Masan, P’ohang-dong, and across the Naktong River. Because UN forces yet were numerically inadequate to defend the wholeline, General Walker used a “mobile defense” strategy, where his forces were movedconstantly to areas of enemy attack. North Korean forces broke through in many places, including a flankingmaneuver that threatened to drive straight to Pusan. But UN forces succeeded in establishing new defensive positions and thencounterattacked, driving back the North Koreans.

By early September 1950,North Korean forces were experiencing supply problems, as UN (mainly American)planes, which controlled the skies, were taking a heavy toll on North Koreanlogistical lines, attacking North Korean rail and road networks, weaponsdepots, oil refineries, and military facilities.  As well, UN forces now had 180,000troops.  By contrast, the North Koreaninvasion force, which had experienced heavy casualties, stood at some 100,000troops with the arrival of more reinforcements. UN forces also now had 600 tanks while North Korean armor, which hadspearheaded the invasion, had been reduced to fewer than 100 tanks from theoriginal 270 at the start of the war.

Some key areas during the Korean War

Nevertheless, in earlySeptember 1950, North Korean forces, comprising 13 divisions, launched anall-out coordinated five-prong offensive in a desperate attempt to finallybreak through the Pusan Perimeter.  Intense fightingtook place in Haman, Kyongju, Yongsan Tabu-Dong, and Ka-san.  The North Koreans, using the element ofsurprise and exceptionally fierce attacks, pushed back the UN forces in manyplaces.  But by mid-September 1950, UNforces had succeeded in re-establishing a new defensive line, although thesituation remained critical.

As early as July 1950,General MacArthur had conceived of aplan to launch a UN amphibious assault at Inchon harbor, located 27kilometers southwest of Seoulon the central west coast.  The successof such an operation would have the strategic effect of destabilizing the NorthKorean supply lines to the south, and threaten the North Korean forces fightingin the Pusan Perimeter.  The U.S. JointChiefs of Staff (JCS) initially were skeptical about the operation because ofthe risks involved, but soon gave its approval when General MacArthur expressedunwavering optimism in the feasibility of his plan.  U.S.forces then prepared to launch an amphibious landing on Inchon.

On September 15, 1950,preceded by days of heavy air attacks and naval artillery bombardment, some75,000 U.S. and South Korean troops (of the newly reconstituted U.S. X Corps)in 260 naval vessels were amphibiously landed north and south of Inchon, taking the city where they met only light resistancefrom the small North Korean garrison.

October 18, 1973 – Yom Kippur War: Israeli forces construct a roller bridge across the Suez Canal

An Israeli armored division in the Sinai advanced to theSuez Canal in order to establish a crossing and to protect the Israeli forcesin Egyptfrom being cut off.  Egyptian tank unitsmet the Israeli advance.  In an intensetwo-day encounter that saw nighttime tank battles at very close range and costhundreds of soldier deaths and 180 tanks destroyed, Israeli forces succeeded ingaining a toehold on the eastern bank of the Suez Canal.  On October 18, 1973, the Israelis laid down aroller bridge to the other side; soon, infantry and armored units were crossinginto Egypt.

The objectives of the Israeli offensives into Egypt were forone armored division to move north and capture the city of Ismailia to cut offEgypt’s Second Army across the Suez Canal, and for another armored division,flanked by an auxiliary third armored unit, to head south and take the city ofSuez to isolate the Egypt’s Third Army across the channel.

The Israeli crossings caught the Egyptians off-guard.  Consequently, the Israelis made rapidadvance, beating back the Egyptian forces in several battles and penetrating 20miles into Egyptalong a 25-mile axis.  In their drivetoward Ismailia,the Israelis overran the Egyptian lines of defense in a series of armoredbattles.  By October 21, they were withinsight of the city.  Egyptian resistancesoon intensified, and an Israeli attempt to encircle the city was foiled.  The Israeli offensive finally was stopped tenkilometers off Ismailia.  The Israelis had failed to cut off theEgyptian Second Army whose supply and communication lines to Ismailia remained secure.

Meanwhile, the Israeli advance to the city of Suez saw many tactical,disorganized battles where the Egyptian forces were thrown back.  On October 22, the UN imposed a ceasefire,which was not respected as fighting continued, with the Egyptians and Israelisaccusing each other of continuing hostilities. The Israelis advanced further south, widening their areas of control andcutting off the Egyptian Third Army in the Sinai.  The Israelis gained control of sections of Suez City;on October 25, an armored unit captured Adabiya, the Israelis’ farthestsouthward advance.

(Taken from Yom Kippur War – Wars of the 20th Century – Volume 2)

Background Withits decisive victory in the Six-Day War (previous article) in June 1967, Israel gained control of the Sinai Peninsula andGaza Strip from Egypt, theGolan Heights from Syria,and the West Bank from Jordan.  The Sinai Peninsula and Golan Heights wereintegral territories of Egyptand Syria,respectively, and both countries were determined to take them back.  In September 1967, Egypt and Syria, togetherwith other Arab countries, issued the Khartoum Declaration of the “Three No’s”,that is, no peace, recognition, and negotiations with Israel, which meant thatonly armed force would be used to win back the lost lands.

Shortly after the Six-Day War ended, Israel offered to return the Sinai Peninsula andGolan Heights in exchange for a peace agreement, but the plan apparently wasnot received by Egypt and Syria.  In October 1967, Israel withdrew the offer.

In the ensuing years after the Six-Day War, Egyptcarried out numerous small attacks against Israeli military and governmenttargets in the Sinai.  In what is nowknown as the “War of Attrition”, Egyptwas determined to exact a heavy economic and human toll and force Israelto withdraw from the Sinai.  By way ofretaliation, Israeli forces also launched attacks into Egypt.  Armed incidents also took place across Israel’s borders with Syria,Jordan, and Lebanon.  Then, as the United States, which backed Israel,and the Soviet Union, which supported the Arab countries, increasingly becameinvolved, the two superpowers prevailed upon Israeland Egyptto agree to a ceasefire in August 1970.

In September 1970, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egypt’s hard-line president, passedaway.  Succeeding as Egypt’s head of state was Vice-President AnwarSadat, who began a dramatic shift in foreign policy toward Israel.  Whereas the former regime was staunchlyhostile to Israel,President Sadat wanted a diplomatic solution to the Egyptian-Israeliconflict.  In secret meetings with U.S. government officials and a United Nations(UN) representative, President Sadat offered a proposal that in exchange for Israel’s return of the Sinai to Egypt, the Egyptian government would sign apeace treaty with Israeland recognize the Jewish state.

However, the Israeli government of Prime Minister Golda Meirrefused to negotiate.  President Sadat,therefore, decided to use military force. He knew, however, that his armed forces were incapable of dislodging theIsraelis from the Sinai.  He decided thatan Egyptian military victory on the battlefield, however limited, would compel Israelto see the need for negotiations.  Egyptbegan preparations for war.  Largeamounts of modern weapons were purchased from the Soviet Union.  Egypt restructured its large, butineffective, armed forces into a competent fighting force.

In order to conceal its war plans, Egypt carried out a number ofruses.  The Egyptian Army constantlyconducted military exercises along the western bank of the Suez Canal, which soon were taken lightly by the Israelis.  Egypt’s persistent war rhetoriceventually was regarded by the Israelis as mere bluff.  Through press releases, Egypt underreported the truestrength of its armed forces.  Thegovernment also announced maintenance and spare parts problems with its warequipment and the lack of trained personnel to operate sophisticated militaryhardware.  Furthermore, when PresidentSadat expelled 20,000 Soviet advisers from Egyptin July 1972, Israelbelieved that the Egyptian Army’s military capability was weakenedseriously.  In fact, thousands of Sovietpersonnel remained in Egyptand Soviet arms shipments continued to arrive. Egyptian military planners worked closely and secretly with their Syriancounterparts to devise a simultaneous two-front attack on Israel.  Consequently, Syria also secretly mobilized forwar.

Israel’sintelligence agencies learned many details of the invasion plan, even the dateof the attack itself, October 6.  Israel detected the movements of large numbersof Egyptian and Syrian troops, armor, and – in the Suez Canal– bridging equipment. On October 6, a few hours before Egyptand Syriaattacked, the Israeli government called for a mobilization of 120,000 soldiersand the entire Israeli Air Force. However, many top Israeli officials continued to believe that Egypt and Syria were incapable of starting awar and that the military movements were just another army exercise.  Israeli officials decided against carryingout a pre-emptive air strike (as Israel had done in the Six-Day War)to avoid being seen as the aggressor.  Egypt and Syria chose to attack on Yom Kippur(which fell on October 6 in 1973), the holiest day of the Jewish calendar, whenmost Israeli soldiers were on leave.

October 17, 1912 – First Balkan War: Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece joins Montenegro in declaring war on the Ottoman Empire

On October 8, 1912, Montenegro,which had territorial ambitions on the sanjak (district) of Novi Prazar,declared war on the Ottoman Empire.  The rest of the Balkan League then issued ajoint ultimatum on the Ottoman government, which contained a demand that theOttomans withdraw their troops from the frontier regions.  When the Ottomans rejected the ultimatum, Serbia, Bulgaria,and Greecedeclared war on October 17, 1912.

In the war, the Ottomans fought from a disadvantageousposition.  Their forces in Rumelia wereoutnumbered by 3:1, they had to defend a long, hostile border on three sidesfrom their Balkan enemies who could strike at any point along the border, andsuccess in sending reinforcements to Rumelia relied on the Ottoman Navyachieving superiority in the Aegean Seaagainst the Greek fleet.

(Taken from First Balkan War – Wars of the 20th Century – Volume 3)

Background At thestart of the twentieth century, the Ottoman Empire was a spent force, a shadowof its former power of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries that had struckfear in Europe.  The empire did continue to hold vast territories,but only tolerated by competing interests among the European powers who wantedto maintain a balance of power in Europe.  In particular, Britainand Francesupported and sometimes intervened on the side of the Ottomans in order torestrain expansionist ambitions of the emerging giant, the Russian Empire.

In Europe, the Ottomans hadlost large areas of the Balkans, and all of its possessions in central andcentral eastern Europe.  By 1910, Serbia, Bulgaria,Montenegro, and Greecehad gained their independence.  As aresult, the Ottoman Empire’s last remaining possession in the European mainlandwas Rumelia (Map 4), a long strip of the Balkans extending from Eastern Thrace,to Macedonia, and into Albania in the Adriatic Coast.  And even Rumelia itself was coveted by thenew Balkan states, as it contained large ethnic populations of Serbians,Belgians, and Greeks, each wanting to merge with their mother countries.

The Russian Empire, seeking to bring the Balkans into itssphere of influence, formed a military alliance with fellow Slavic Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro.  In March 1912, a Russian initiative led to aSerbian-Bulgarian alliance called the Balkan League.  In May 1912, Greece joined the alliance when theBulgarian and Greek governments signed a similar agreement.  Later that year, Montenegrojoined as well, signing separate treaties with Bulgariaand Serbia.

The Balkan League was envisioned as an all-Slavic alliance,but Bulgaria saw the need tobring in Greece, inparticular the modern Greek Navy, which could exert control in the Aegean Seaand neutralize Ottoman power in the Mediterranean Sea,once fighting began.  The Balkan Leaguebelieved that it could achieve an easy victory over the Ottoman Empire, for the following reasons. First, the Ottomans currently were locked in a war with the ItalianEmpire in Tripolitania (part of present-day Libya), and were losing; andsecond, because of this war, the Ottoman political leadership was internallydivided and had suffered a number of coups.

Most of the major European powers, and especially Austria-Hungary, objected to the Balkan Leagueand regarded it as an initiative of the Russian Empire to allow the RussianNavy to have access to the Mediterranean Sea through the Adriatic Coast.  Landlocked Serbiaalso had ambitions on Bosnia and Herzegovinain order to gain a maritime outlet through the AdriaticCoast, but was frustrated when Austria-Hungary, which had occupiedOttoman-owned Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1878, formally annexed theregion in 1908.

The Ottomans soon discovered the invasion plan and preparedfor war as well.  By August 1912,increasing tensions in Rumelia indicated an imminent outbreak of hostilities.