Yanis Varoufakis's Blog, page 50
December 10, 2020
Designing a postcapitalist future in the midst of the pandemic – The Saturday Paper
Doubts that our world is morally indefensible become unforgiveable when even the bankers of the ultra-rich, along with the bailiffs working diligently on their behalf, are panicking about excessive inequality.
UBS recently reported that, between April and July 2020, as the pandemicâs first wave was surging, the collective stash of the worldâs billionaires grew by 28 per cent and many millionaires joined their ranks. Surely the Swiss megabank is happy to see them laughing all the way to its doors, but it is also genuinely worried.
Similarly, the International Monetary Fund, an institution which for decades operated as the global oligarchyâs bailiffs, forcing governments â including one I served in as finance minister â to pursue inequality-boosting policies including privatisation of basic services, while eliminating benefits for the dirt poor, taxes on the wealthy etcetera. The extent to which the IMF has changed its tune amounts to an Ovidian transformation. Even before Covid-19 subdued economies and drove the weak to hopelessness, the IMF was advocating raising income taxes on the wealthy. Now, in its October 2020 World Economic Outlook report, the Washington-based institution goes further, calling for progressive taxation, capital gains, wealth and digital taxes as well as a crackdown on the tax âminimisationâ schemes by multinationals.
It is not, of course, concern for the billions of people driven into despair that has energised the likes of the IMF and UBS to call for action against breathtaking inequality. Their worry is that so much wealth has been siphoned off by the rich that the spending power remaining in the hands of the many is too feeble to keep demand up and capitalism in reasonable health. Like a lethal virus that rapidly killed off its host, and thus driving itself into extinction, capitalism is undermining itself by impoverishing and disempowering the âlittleâ people.
To see how capitalism steadily undercut itself, it helps to begin in 2008. Following the chain reaction that began with the collapse of US investment bank Lehman Brothers in the midst of the global financial crisis, central banks around the world produced mountain ranges of dirt-cheap debt-money to refloat the financial sector. At the same time, the vast majority of the Westâs population was treated to universal fiscal austerity, which limited the ability for lower and middle income earners to spend. Unable to profit from austerity-hit consumers, corporations and financiers stayed hooked up to the central banksâ constant drip-feed. But this drip feed had serious side-effects on capitalism itself.
Consider the following sequence: The Federal Reserve extends new liquidity to, say, Bank of America, at almost zero interest. To profit from it, Bank of America must lend it on, although never to the âlittleâ people whose circumstances â and ability to repay â are diminished. So, it lends to, say, Apple, which is already awash with cash.
Why is Apple saving money, rather than investing it? Because thatâs how the company maximises its profits in an environment of low consumer demand. To see this, consider that, since 2008, megafirms like Apple look at their potential customers and see a sea of increasingly impecunious âlittleâ people. Having established a virtual monopoly over the market for their products, such as the iPhone, they understand that to maximise their profits they must restrain their output, so as to create the relative scarcity that boosts prices. Output constraints that boost prices require lower investment which, in turn, results in greater savings for Apple at the expense, again, of the âlittle peopleâ who are immersed more deeply into precarious jobs.
Nevertheless, despite the fact Appleâs directors do not need the extra cash, when the Bank of America offers them what amounts to free money, they take it. What for? First, the small interest they pay is tax deductible. Secondly, they take the new money to the stock market where they use it to buy⦠Apple shares. The companyâs share price skyrockets and, along with it, so does the executivesâ salary bonuses â because they are linked to the companyâs share value â as well as the stashes of the ultra-rich holding most of the companyâs shares.
Apple is merely one example. The same applies to all large corporations all over the world. Between 2009 and 2020, this process prised stock prices away from the real economy. It was a time when the world of money inflated while the ratio of investment to available cash shrank to the lowest level in capitalismâs history. The ultra-wealthy grew richer in their sleep, money and power accumulated in the hands of the 0.1 per cent, and a majority of people were held behind. Market uber-power subsequently allowed the uber-rich, and the megafirms they control, to usurp markets, buy justice, capture regulators, pad campaigns â in short, to poison liberal democracy.
That was the state of play before Covid-19 paid global capitalism a devastating visit. The virus hit consumption and production massively and at once. Central banks felt they had no alternative but to pump even more money into the hands of the banks â hoping against hope that, this time, it would be lent to firms that invest. But why would this trick work during a pandemic when it had failed before?
It did not work and, as a result, the freshly minted trillions of central bank money led to obscene growth of stock prices at a time when average wages, prices and profits were collapsing. This is the reason for UBSâs finding that during the few short months of the pandemic, the worldâs billionaires saw their wealth rise by an indecent 28 per cent.
Covid-19 was the last straw for what used to be known as capitalism: the causal link between innovation, profitability, stock prices and capital accumulation. Unbeknownst to both leftists and conservatives, the post-2008 secular stagnation combined forces with the economic impact of Covid-19 to drag us into a variety of post-capitalism.
Why post-capitalism?
Think about it: Capitalism is supposed to be a decentralised system where competition coordinates the decisions of profit-maximising economic actors that are too powerless, individually, to influence the market. Our reality, after 2008, and especially during this pandemic, is nothing like it.
Today, three companies â BlackRock, Vanguard and State Street â own at least 40 per cent of all American public companies and nearly 90 per cent of those listed in the New York Stock Exchange. Tacit collusion is rampant, because every chief executive knows the parent megafirm is likely to be talking to CEOs of rival companies it owns. The result is higher prices, less innovation and stagnant wages. This system, in which Big Tech and the financial sector yield immense power, and the ultra-rich own almost everything, cannot really be described as capitalism. Techno-feudalism comes closer to capturing the spirit of the present.
Under this dystopic post-capitalism, our techno-feudal lords have the power to manipulate our behaviour at an industrial scale advertisers could never even dream of. Moreover, whereas in years past, extreme poverty hit mostly the unskilled, the rural and the marginalised workers, now it is spreading to white collar professionals, to well-educated people stuck at home or in sectors fast declining, to fading city centres, to artists, musicians and people that used to survive well by doing creative things while doing odd jobs.
If I am right that we are already in the early phase of a spontaneously evolved grim post-capitalism, maybe it is time to start designing, rationally and together, a desirable post-capitalism. But where to begin?
First, suppose that was automatically to grant each person a free, digital bank account. Then, instead of lending to commercial banks in the hope that the money will trickle down to the âlittleâ people, the central bank could credit a certain amount to everyone, with the government taxing that sum at the end of the year, depending on oneâs total income. The central bank could go even further by granting every newborn an account with, say, $100,000 to be spent as an adult on education, setting up a business or some other creative project â in effect, a trust fund for every baby.
Secondly, central banks can agree to create a digital accounting unit, letâs call it the Kosmos, in which all international trade and cross-border money transfers are denominated  with a free-floating exchange rate between national currencies and the Kosmos. This would allow to tax every trade deficit, every trade surplus, and every surge of capital out of, or into, any country, so that Kosmos units accumulate steadily in a Global Sovereign Wealth Fund, which are used to finance green transition projects in developing countries.
While these ideas alone are not a complete blueprint of âanother now”, they offer insights into what we can actually do now, instead of merely lamenting the rise of the new feudalism that is threatening our species.
To that effect, I recently published Another Now: Dispatches from an alternative present (London: The Bodley Head), a book offering such a vision, its controversial premise being that only by ending capitalism fully (i.e. eradicating labour and share markets) can a fully-fledged competitive, and democratic, market economy emerge.
FOR THE WEBSITE OF ‘THE SATURDAY PAPER’ CLICK HERE.
UBS recently reported that, between April and July 2020, as the pandemicâs first wave was surging, the collective stash of the worldâs billionaires grew by 28 per cent and many millionaires joined their ranks. Surely the Swiss megabank is happy to see them laughing all the way to its doors, but it is also genuinely worried.
Similarly, the International Monetary Fund, an institution which for decades operated as the global oligarchyâs bailiffs, forcing governments â including one I served in as finance minister â to pursue inequality-boosting policies including privatisation of basic services, while eliminating benefits for the dirt poor, taxes on the wealthy etcetera. The extent to which the IMF has changed its tune amounts to an Ovidian transformation. Even before Covid-19 subdued economies and drove the weak to hopelessness, the IMF was advocating raising income taxes on the wealthy. Now, in its October 2020 World Economic Outlook report, the Washington-based institution goes further, calling for progressive taxation, capital gains, wealth and digital taxes as well as a crackdown on the tax âminimisationâ schemes by multinationals.
It is not, of course, concern for the billions of people driven into despair that has energised the likes of the IMF and UBS to call for action against breathtaking inequality. Their worry is that so much wealth has been siphoned off by the rich that the spending power remaining in the hands of the many is too feeble to keep demand up and capitalism in reasonable health. Like a lethal virus that rapidly killed off its host, and thus driving itself into extinction, capitalism is undermining itself by impoverishing and disempowering the âlittleâ people.
To see how capitalism steadily undercut itself, it helps to begin in 2008. Following the chain reaction that began with the collapse of US investment bank Lehman Brothers in the midst of the global financial crisis, central banks around the world produced mountain ranges of dirt-cheap debt-money to refloat the financial sector. At the same time, the vast majority of the Westâs population was treated to universal fiscal austerity, which limited the ability for lower and middle income earners to spend. Unable to profit from austerity-hit consumers, corporations and financiers stayed hooked up to the central banksâ constant drip-feed. But this drip feed had serious side-effects on capitalism itself.
Consider the following sequence: The Federal Reserve extends new liquidity to, say, Bank of America, at almost zero interest. To profit from it, Bank of America must lend it on, although never to the âlittleâ people whose circumstances â and ability to repay â are diminished. So, it lends to, say, Apple, which is already awash with cash.
Why is Apple saving money, rather than investing it? Because thatâs how the company maximises its profits in an environment of low consumer demand. To see this, consider that, since 2008, megafirms like Apple look at their potential customers and see a sea of increasingly impecunious âlittleâ people. Having established a virtual monopoly over the market for their products, such as the iPhone, they understand that to maximise their profits they must restrain their output, so as to create the relative scarcity that boosts prices. Output constraints that boost prices require lower investment which, in turn, results in greater savings for Apple at the expense, again, of the âlittle peopleâ who are immersed more deeply into precarious jobs.
Nevertheless, despite the fact Appleâs directors do not need the extra cash, when the Bank of America offers them what amounts to free money, they take it. What for? First, the small interest they pay is tax deductible. Secondly, they take the new money to the stock market where they use it to buy⦠Apple shares. The companyâs share price skyrockets and, along with it, so does the executivesâ salary bonuses â because they are linked to the companyâs share value â as well as the stashes of the ultra-rich holding most of the companyâs shares.
Apple is merely one example. The same applies to all large corporations all over the world. Between 2009 and 2020, this process prised stock prices away from the real economy. It was a time when the world of money inflated while the ratio of investment to available cash shrank to the lowest level in capitalismâs history. The ultra-wealthy grew richer in their sleep, money and power accumulated in the hands of the 0.1 per cent, and a majority of people were held behind. Market uber-power subsequently allowed the uber-rich, and the megafirms they control, to usurp markets, buy justice, capture regulators, pad campaigns â in short, to poison liberal democracy.
That was the state of play before Covid-19 paid global capitalism a devastating visit. The virus hit consumption and production massively and at once. Central banks felt they had no alternative but to pump even more money into the hands of the banks â hoping against hope that, this time, it would be lent to firms that invest. But why would this trick work during a pandemic when it had failed before?
It did not work and, as a result, the freshly minted trillions of central bank money led to obscene growth of stock prices at a time when average wages, prices and profits were collapsing. This is the reason for UBSâs finding that during the few short months of the pandemic, the worldâs billionaires saw their wealth rise by an indecent 28 per cent.
Covid-19 was the last straw for what used to be known as capitalism: the causal link between innovation, profitability, stock prices and capital accumulation. Unbeknownst to both leftists and conservatives, the post-2008 secular stagnation combined forces with the economic impact of Covid-19 to drag us into a variety of post-capitalism.
Why post-capitalism?
Think about it: Capitalism is supposed to be a decentralised system where competition coordinates the decisions of profit-maximising economic actors that are too powerless, individually, to influence the market. Our reality, after 2008, and especially during this pandemic, is nothing like it.
Today, three companies â BlackRock, Vanguard and State Street â own at least 40 per cent of all American public companies and nearly 90 per cent of those listed in the New York Stock Exchange. Tacit collusion is rampant, because every chief executive knows the parent megafirm is likely to be talking to CEOs of rival companies it owns. The result is higher prices, less innovation and stagnant wages. This system, in which Big Tech and the financial sector yield immense power, and the ultra-rich own almost everything, cannot really be described as capitalism. Techno-feudalism comes closer to capturing the spirit of the present.
Under this dystopic post-capitalism, our techno-feudal lords have the power to manipulate our behaviour at an industrial scale advertisers could never even dream of. Moreover, whereas in years past, extreme poverty hit mostly the unskilled, the rural and the marginalised workers, now it is spreading to white collar professionals, to well-educated people stuck at home or in sectors fast declining, to fading city centres, to artists, musicians and people that used to survive well by doing creative things while doing odd jobs.
If I am right that we are already in the early phase of a spontaneously evolved grim post-capitalism, maybe it is time to start designing, rationally and together, a desirable post-capitalism. But where to begin?
First, suppose that was automatically to grant each person a free, digital bank account. Then, instead of lending to commercial banks in the hope that the money will trickle down to the âlittleâ people, the central bank could credit a certain amount to everyone, with the government taxing that sum at the end of the year, depending on oneâs total income. The central bank could go even further by granting every newborn an account with, say, $100,000 to be spent as an adult on education, setting up a business or some other creative project â in effect, a trust fund for every baby.
Secondly, central banks can agree to create a digital accounting unit, letâs call it the Kosmos, in which all international trade and cross-border money transfers are denominated  with a free-floating exchange rate between national currencies and the Kosmos. This would allow to tax every trade deficit, every trade surplus, and every surge of capital out of, or into, any country, so that Kosmos units accumulate steadily in a Global Sovereign Wealth Fund, which are used to finance green transition projects in developing countries.
While these ideas alone are not a complete blueprint of âanother now”, they offer insights into what we can actually do now, instead of merely lamenting the rise of the new feudalism that is threatening our species.
To that effect, I recently published Another Now: Dispatches from an alternative present (London: The Bodley Head), a book offering such a vision, its controversial premise being that only by ending capitalism fully (i.e. eradicating labour and share markets) can a fully-fledged competitive, and democratic, market economy emerge.
FOR THE WEBSITE OF ‘THE SATURDAY PAPER’ CLICK HERE.
December 8, 2020
“Is Global Stability A Pipe Dream?” Watch Yanis Varoufakis debate John Bolton at the Îolberg 2020 Debate
While the catastrophic pandemic is pushing hundreds of millions into economic destitution, our world is being subjected to an escalating climate emergency and a New Cold War between the West and China, not to mention ominous tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Caucasus, Libya etc. In the midst of all this instability, is Global Stability a pipe dream?
John Bolton (veteran diplomat who served under Presidents Reagan, Bush Sr & Jr and Trump) say ‘yes’ and thinks that the only remedy is a United States ready and willing to take on China and other states he deems a threat to the West.
Yanis Varoufakis (former Greek finance minister, DiEM25 co-founder and currently Leader of MeRA25) thinks that this very Western interventionism is part of the problem (citing the catastrophic invasion of Iraq), not the solution – and that Global Stability requires a New Bretton Woods type- agreement involving primarily the United States, the European Union and China.
The debate was moderated by Oslo University’s  Scott Gates.
Participants
Amb. John Bolton. Photo: Gage Skidmore (CC 3.0)
John Bolton
John Bolton is an American attorney, diplomat, Republican consultant and political commentator who served as the 25th United States Ambassador to the United Nations from 2005 to 2006 and as the 27th United States National Security Advisor from 2018 to 2019. He has also served in various positions in the US Administration under Presidents George W. Bush, George H. W. Bush and Ronald Reagan. Amb. Bolton is the author of three books: Surrender Is Not an Option: Defending America at the United Nations and Abroad (2007); How Barack Obama Is Endangering Our National Sovereignty (2010); and The Room Where It Happened: A White House Memoir (2020), where he describes his time as National Security Advisor for U.S. President Donald Trump from April 2018 to September 2019.
Yanis Varoufakis. Photo: PrivateÂ
Yanis Varoufakis
Yanis Varoufakis is a member of Greeceâs Parliament and parliamentary leader of MeRA25, the Greek political party belonging to DiEM25 â Europeâs first transnational pan-European movement. Previously he served as Greeceâs Finance Minister during the first six months of 2015, as a member of Syriza, and he led negotiations with Greece’s creditors during the government-debt crisis. Varoufakis has taught economics at the universities of East Anglia, Cambridge, Sydney, Glasgow, Texas and Athens where he still holds a Chair in Political Economy and Economic Theory. He also holds several honorary professorships. He is the author of a number of best-selling books, including Adults in the Room: My Battle With Europeâs Deep Establishment (2017); Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: A brief history of capitalism (2017), And the Weak Suffer What They Must? Europe, Austerity and the Threat to Global Stability (2016). His latest book is Another Now: Dispatches from an Alternative Present (2020).
Scott Gates. Photo: University of Oslo
Moderator: Scott Gates
Scott Gates is an American political scientist and economist based in Norway. He is currently Professor of Political Science at the University of Oslo (UiO), as well as Guest Researcher at UiOâs Department of Economics. Gates is also Research Professor at Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), and he is Editor of the Journal of Peace Research, and of the International Area Studies Review. From 2002 to 2013, Gates was director of PRIOâs Centre for the Study of Civil War. Gates has previously worked at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) and Michigan State University (MSU).
John Bolton (veteran diplomat who served under Presidents Reagan, Bush Sr & Jr and Trump) say ‘yes’ and thinks that the only remedy is a United States ready and willing to take on China and other states he deems a threat to the West.
Yanis Varoufakis (former Greek finance minister, DiEM25 co-founder and currently Leader of MeRA25) thinks that this very Western interventionism is part of the problem (citing the catastrophic invasion of Iraq), not the solution – and that Global Stability requires a New Bretton Woods type- agreement involving primarily the United States, the European Union and China.
The debate was moderated by Oslo University’s  Scott Gates.
Participants
Amb. John Bolton. Photo: Gage Skidmore (CC 3.0)John Bolton
John Bolton is an American attorney, diplomat, Republican consultant and political commentator who served as the 25th United States Ambassador to the United Nations from 2005 to 2006 and as the 27th United States National Security Advisor from 2018 to 2019. He has also served in various positions in the US Administration under Presidents George W. Bush, George H. W. Bush and Ronald Reagan. Amb. Bolton is the author of three books: Surrender Is Not an Option: Defending America at the United Nations and Abroad (2007); How Barack Obama Is Endangering Our National Sovereignty (2010); and The Room Where It Happened: A White House Memoir (2020), where he describes his time as National Security Advisor for U.S. President Donald Trump from April 2018 to September 2019.
Yanis Varoufakis. Photo: Private Yanis Varoufakis
Yanis Varoufakis is a member of Greeceâs Parliament and parliamentary leader of MeRA25, the Greek political party belonging to DiEM25 â Europeâs first transnational pan-European movement. Previously he served as Greeceâs Finance Minister during the first six months of 2015, as a member of Syriza, and he led negotiations with Greece’s creditors during the government-debt crisis. Varoufakis has taught economics at the universities of East Anglia, Cambridge, Sydney, Glasgow, Texas and Athens where he still holds a Chair in Political Economy and Economic Theory. He also holds several honorary professorships. He is the author of a number of best-selling books, including Adults in the Room: My Battle With Europeâs Deep Establishment (2017); Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: A brief history of capitalism (2017), And the Weak Suffer What They Must? Europe, Austerity and the Threat to Global Stability (2016). His latest book is Another Now: Dispatches from an Alternative Present (2020).
Scott Gates. Photo: University of OsloModerator: Scott Gates
Scott Gates is an American political scientist and economist based in Norway. He is currently Professor of Political Science at the University of Oslo (UiO), as well as Guest Researcher at UiOâs Department of Economics. Gates is also Research Professor at Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), and he is Editor of the Journal of Peace Research, and of the International Area Studies Review. From 2002 to 2013, Gates was director of PRIOâs Centre for the Study of Civil War. Gates has previously worked at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) and Michigan State University (MSU).
“Is Global Stability A Pipe Dream?” Watch Yanis Varoufakis debate John Bolton at the Ηolberg 2020 Debate
While the catastrophic pandemic is pushing hundreds of millions into economic destitution, our world is being subjected to an escalating climate emergency and a New Cold War between the West and China, not to mention ominous tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Caucasus, Libya etc. In the midst of all this instability, is Global Stability a pipe dream?
John Bolton (veteran diplomat who served under Presidents Reagan, Bush Sr & Jr and Trump) say ‘yes’ and thinks that the only remedy is a United States ready and willing to take on China and other states he deems a threat to the West.
Yanis Varoufakis (former Greek finance minister, DiEM25 co-founder and currently Leader of MeRA25) thinks that this very Western interventionism is part of the problem (citing the catastrophic invasion of Iraq), not the solution – and that Global Stability requires a New Bretton Woods type- agreement involving primarily the United States, the European Union and China.
The debate was moderated by Oslo University’s Scott Gates.
Participants
Amb. John Bolton. Photo: Gage Skidmore (CC 3.0)
John Bolton
John Bolton is an American attorney, diplomat, Republican consultant and political commentator who served as the 25th United States Ambassador to the United Nations from 2005 to 2006 and as the 27th United States National Security Advisor from 2018 to 2019. He has also served in various positions in the US Administration under Presidents George W. Bush, George H. W. Bush and Ronald Reagan. Amb. Bolton is the author of three books: Surrender Is Not an Option: Defending America at the United Nations and Abroad (2007); How Barack Obama Is Endangering Our National Sovereignty (2010); and The Room Where It Happened: A White House Memoir (2020), where he describes his time as National Security Advisor for U.S. President Donald Trump from April 2018 to September 2019.
Yanis Varoufakis. Photo: Private
Yanis Varoufakis
Yanis Varoufakis is a member of Greece’s Parliament and parliamentary leader of MeRA25, the Greek political party belonging to DiEM25 – Europe’s first transnational pan-European movement. Previously he served as Greece’s Finance Minister during the first six months of 2015, as a member of Syriza, and he led negotiations with Greece’s creditors during the government-debt crisis. Varoufakis has taught economics at the universities of East Anglia, Cambridge, Sydney, Glasgow, Texas and Athens where he still holds a Chair in Political Economy and Economic Theory. He also holds several honorary professorships. He is the author of a number of best-selling books, including Adults in the Room: My Battle With Europe’s Deep Establishment (2017); Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: A brief history of capitalism (2017), And the Weak Suffer What They Must? Europe, Austerity and the Threat to Global Stability (2016). His latest book is Another Now: Dispatches from an Alternative Present (2020).
Scott Gates. Photo: University of Oslo
Moderator: Scott Gates
Scott Gates is an American political scientist and economist based in Norway. He is currently Professor of Political Science at the University of Oslo (UiO), as well as Guest Researcher at UiO’s Department of Economics. Gates is also Research Professor at Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), and he is Editor of the Journal of Peace Research, and of the International Area Studies Review. From 2002 to 2013, Gates was director of PRIO’s Centre for the Study of Civil War. Gates has previously worked at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) and Michigan State University (MSU).
John Bolton (veteran diplomat who served under Presidents Reagan, Bush Sr & Jr and Trump) say ‘yes’ and thinks that the only remedy is a United States ready and willing to take on China and other states he deems a threat to the West.
Yanis Varoufakis (former Greek finance minister, DiEM25 co-founder and currently Leader of MeRA25) thinks that this very Western interventionism is part of the problem (citing the catastrophic invasion of Iraq), not the solution – and that Global Stability requires a New Bretton Woods type- agreement involving primarily the United States, the European Union and China.
The debate was moderated by Oslo University’s Scott Gates.
Participants
Amb. John Bolton. Photo: Gage Skidmore (CC 3.0)John Bolton
John Bolton is an American attorney, diplomat, Republican consultant and political commentator who served as the 25th United States Ambassador to the United Nations from 2005 to 2006 and as the 27th United States National Security Advisor from 2018 to 2019. He has also served in various positions in the US Administration under Presidents George W. Bush, George H. W. Bush and Ronald Reagan. Amb. Bolton is the author of three books: Surrender Is Not an Option: Defending America at the United Nations and Abroad (2007); How Barack Obama Is Endangering Our National Sovereignty (2010); and The Room Where It Happened: A White House Memoir (2020), where he describes his time as National Security Advisor for U.S. President Donald Trump from April 2018 to September 2019.
Yanis Varoufakis. Photo: Private Yanis Varoufakis
Yanis Varoufakis is a member of Greece’s Parliament and parliamentary leader of MeRA25, the Greek political party belonging to DiEM25 – Europe’s first transnational pan-European movement. Previously he served as Greece’s Finance Minister during the first six months of 2015, as a member of Syriza, and he led negotiations with Greece’s creditors during the government-debt crisis. Varoufakis has taught economics at the universities of East Anglia, Cambridge, Sydney, Glasgow, Texas and Athens where he still holds a Chair in Political Economy and Economic Theory. He also holds several honorary professorships. He is the author of a number of best-selling books, including Adults in the Room: My Battle With Europe’s Deep Establishment (2017); Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: A brief history of capitalism (2017), And the Weak Suffer What They Must? Europe, Austerity and the Threat to Global Stability (2016). His latest book is Another Now: Dispatches from an Alternative Present (2020).
Scott Gates. Photo: University of OsloModerator: Scott Gates
Scott Gates is an American political scientist and economist based in Norway. He is currently Professor of Political Science at the University of Oslo (UiO), as well as Guest Researcher at UiO’s Department of Economics. Gates is also Research Professor at Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), and he is Editor of the Journal of Peace Research, and of the International Area Studies Review. From 2002 to 2013, Gates was director of PRIO’s Centre for the Study of Civil War. Gates has previously worked at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) and Michigan State University (MSU).
December 4, 2020
DiEM25-TV’s ANOTHER NOW is back, with an episode linking our anti-AMAZON campaign with visions of… Another Now
As our Progressive International campaign against Amazon is gathering pace, DiEM25-TV’s ANOTHER NOW is back. Our first episode of this season links our Amazon campaign with my vision of… Another Now – a democratic socialism that comes about as a result of such global campaigns against Techno-feudalism, the new mode of production that is already usurping and replacing capitalism.
A chat on ANOTHER NOW with The Guardian’s Zoe Williams – The Guardian Live
‘Another Now is structurally, ideologically and linguistically an extraordinary work’ Zoe Williams
“Is Global Stability A Pipe Dream?” John Bolton vs Yanis Varoufakis at the 2020 Ηolberg Debate, Saturday at 15.00CET live on YouTube
What a year 2020 turned out to be? Besides the catastrophic pandemic that pushed hundreds of millions into economic destitution, 2020 featured the escalation of the climate emergency, the spectre of a New Cold War between the West and China, not to mention ominous tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean.
So, while internationally coordinated political action has never been more necessary, the international institutions for providing it (from the UN to the Bretton Woods institutions and the G20) have never been less able to provide it. At a time of dangerous global instability, the United States and the European Union seem, for different reasons, ungovernable and ill at east with one another. Thus, Global Instability, fuelled by macroeconomic imbalances and the climate change disaster, seems unstoppable.
So, is Global Stability a Pipe Dream?
That will be the bone of contention in this year’s Holberg Debate pitting John Bolton (veteran diplomat who served under Presidents Reagan, Bush Sr & Jr and Trump) versus Yanis Varoufakis (former Greek finance minister, DiEM25 co-founder and currently Leader of MeRA25). The debate will be monitored by Oslo University’s Scott Gates.
WATCH THE DEBATE LIVE, on Saturday 5th December 2020 at 15.00 CET here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yyXIOBIOTCE&feature=youtu.be
Participants
Amb. John Bolton. Photo: Gage Skidmore (CC 3.0)
John Bolton
John Bolton is an American attorney, diplomat, Republican consultant and political commentator who served as the 25th United States Ambassador to the United Nations from 2005 to 2006 and as the 27th United States National Security Advisor from 2018 to 2019. He has also served in various positions in the US Administration under Presidents George W. Bush, George H. W. Bush and Ronald Reagan. Amb. Bolton is the author of three books: Surrender Is Not an Option: Defending America at the United Nations and Abroad (2007); How Barack Obama Is Endangering Our National Sovereignty (2010); and The Room Where It Happened: A White House Memoir (2020), where he describes his time as National Security Advisor for U.S. President Donald Trump from April 2018 to September 2019.
Yanis Varoufakis. Photo: Private
Yanis Varoufakis
Yanis Varoufakis is a member of Greece’s Parliament and parliamentary leader of MeRA25, the Greek political party belonging to DiEM25 – Europe’s first transnational pan-European movement. Previously he served as Greece’s Finance Minister during the first six months of 2015, as a member of Syriza, and he led negotiations with Greece’s creditors during the government-debt crisis. Varoufakis has taught economics at the universities of East Anglia, Cambridge, Sydney, Glasgow, Texas and Athens where he still holds a Chair in Political Economy and Economic Theory. He also holds several honorary professorships. He is the author of a number of best-selling books, including Adults in the Room: My Battle With Europe’s Deep Establishment (2017); Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: A brief history of capitalism (2017), And the Weak Suffer What They Must? Europe, Austerity and the Threat to Global Stability (2016). His latest book is Another Now: Dispatches from an Alternative Present (2020).
Scott Gates. Photo: University of Oslo
Moderator: Scott Gates
Scott Gates is an American political scientist and economist based in Norway. He is currently Professor of Political Science at the University of Oslo (UiO), as well as Guest Researcher at UiO’s Department of Economics. Gates is also Research Professor at Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), and he is Editor of the Journal of Peace Research, and of the International Area Studies Review. From 2002 to 2013, Gates was director of PRIO’s Centre for the Study of Civil War. Gates has previously worked at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) and Michigan State University (MSU).
So, while internationally coordinated political action has never been more necessary, the international institutions for providing it (from the UN to the Bretton Woods institutions and the G20) have never been less able to provide it. At a time of dangerous global instability, the United States and the European Union seem, for different reasons, ungovernable and ill at east with one another. Thus, Global Instability, fuelled by macroeconomic imbalances and the climate change disaster, seems unstoppable.
So, is Global Stability a Pipe Dream?
That will be the bone of contention in this year’s Holberg Debate pitting John Bolton (veteran diplomat who served under Presidents Reagan, Bush Sr & Jr and Trump) versus Yanis Varoufakis (former Greek finance minister, DiEM25 co-founder and currently Leader of MeRA25). The debate will be monitored by Oslo University’s Scott Gates.
WATCH THE DEBATE LIVE, on Saturday 5th December 2020 at 15.00 CET here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yyXIOBIOTCE&feature=youtu.be
Participants
Amb. John Bolton. Photo: Gage Skidmore (CC 3.0)John Bolton
John Bolton is an American attorney, diplomat, Republican consultant and political commentator who served as the 25th United States Ambassador to the United Nations from 2005 to 2006 and as the 27th United States National Security Advisor from 2018 to 2019. He has also served in various positions in the US Administration under Presidents George W. Bush, George H. W. Bush and Ronald Reagan. Amb. Bolton is the author of three books: Surrender Is Not an Option: Defending America at the United Nations and Abroad (2007); How Barack Obama Is Endangering Our National Sovereignty (2010); and The Room Where It Happened: A White House Memoir (2020), where he describes his time as National Security Advisor for U.S. President Donald Trump from April 2018 to September 2019.
Yanis Varoufakis. Photo: Private Yanis Varoufakis
Yanis Varoufakis is a member of Greece’s Parliament and parliamentary leader of MeRA25, the Greek political party belonging to DiEM25 – Europe’s first transnational pan-European movement. Previously he served as Greece’s Finance Minister during the first six months of 2015, as a member of Syriza, and he led negotiations with Greece’s creditors during the government-debt crisis. Varoufakis has taught economics at the universities of East Anglia, Cambridge, Sydney, Glasgow, Texas and Athens where he still holds a Chair in Political Economy and Economic Theory. He also holds several honorary professorships. He is the author of a number of best-selling books, including Adults in the Room: My Battle With Europe’s Deep Establishment (2017); Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: A brief history of capitalism (2017), And the Weak Suffer What They Must? Europe, Austerity and the Threat to Global Stability (2016). His latest book is Another Now: Dispatches from an Alternative Present (2020).
Scott Gates. Photo: University of OsloModerator: Scott Gates
Scott Gates is an American political scientist and economist based in Norway. He is currently Professor of Political Science at the University of Oslo (UiO), as well as Guest Researcher at UiO’s Department of Economics. Gates is also Research Professor at Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), and he is Editor of the Journal of Peace Research, and of the International Area Studies Review. From 2002 to 2013, Gates was director of PRIO’s Centre for the Study of Civil War. Gates has previously worked at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) and Michigan State University (MSU).
ÎιαÏί κÏÏβεÏÏε ανÏί να είÏÏε ÏÏη ÎÎ¿Ï Î»Î® να αÏανÏήÏεÏε κ. ÎηÏÏοÏάκη;
ÎÏ
Ïή Ïην ÏÏα, ÏÏÏί ÏÎ·Ï Î Î±ÏαÏκεÏ
Î®Ï 4ηÏ ÎεκεμβÏίοÏ
, δεδομÎνοÏ
ÏÏι Ïον ÎοÎμβÏιο, είÏαμε 3 ÏοÏÎÏ ÏεÏιÏÏÏÏεÏοÏ
Ï Î¸Î±Î½Î¬ÏοÏ
Ï Î±ÏÏ ÏÏοÏ
Ï Î±ÏÏ Ïην αÏÏή ÏÎ·Ï ÏανδημίαÏ, είÏαμε 14 ÏοÏÎÏ ÏεÏιÏÏÏÏεÏα ημεÏήÏια θÏμαÏα, και ÏÏεδÏν ÏενÏαÏλαÏιαÏÎ¼Ï ÏÏν νοÏηλεÏ
ÏμενÏν ÏÏÎ¹Ï ÎÎÎ, ÏεÏιμÎναμε Ïον κ. ÎηÏÏοÏάκη να ÎÏθει ÏÏη ÎοÏ
λή να αÏανÏήÏει, ÏÏην ÎÏα ÏοÏ
Î ÏÏθÏ
ÏοÏ
ÏγοÏ, ÏÏÎ¹Ï ÎµÏÏÏήÏÎµÎ¹Ï Î¼Î±Ï Î³Î¹Î±Â Ïο μείζον θÎμα. Ποιο μείζον θÎμα;
Îίναι Ïα ÏÏοιÏεία ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÎÎÎ¥ ÎÎ³ÎºÏ Ïα και ακÏιβή; ÎιαÏίθενÏαι ÎγκαιÏα ÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï Î»Î¿Î¹Î¼ÏξιολÏÎ³Î¿Ï Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Ï Î¿ÏÎ¿Î¯Î¿Ï Ï ÏÏ Î½ÎµÏÏÏ ÎµÏικαλείÏαι ο Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγÏÏ;
ÎÏ ÏÏ ÎµÎ¯Î½Î±Î¹ Ïο εÏÏÏημα ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÎθεÏα και ÏÏο οÏοίο είÏε Ïην Ï ÏοÏÏÎÏÏη να ÎµÎ¯Î½Î±Î¹Â Î±Ï Ïή Ïη ÏÏιγμή ÏÏη ÎÎ¿Ï Î»Î® να αÏανÏήÏει â κάÏι Ïο οÏοίο, για να ÏÎ±Ï Î±ÏÎµÏ Î¸Ïνομαι μÎÏÏ Î±Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Î²Î¯Î½Ïεο, ÏÏοÏανÏÏ Î´ÎµÎ½ Îκανε.
Î ÎºÏ Î²ÎÏνηÏη Ïο ÏαÏαδÎÏθηκε: ÎÏÏηÏαν 2 διαÏοÏεÏικά ÏηÏιακά αÏÏεία, κι Î±Ï ÏÏ Ïο μάθαμε εÏειδή η ÏÏαÏξή ÏÎ¿Ï ÎµÎ½ÏÏ ÎµÎº ÏÏν δÏο αÏοκαλÏÏθηκε αÏÏ Ïον ΤÏÏο!
ÎιαÏί δÏο αÏÏεία κε Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγÎ;
ÎιαÏί ÎÏÏ Ïην 27η ÎοεμβÏÎ¯Î¿Ï Ïο ÎÎ¸Î½Î¹ÎºÏ ÎÎνÏÏο ÎιμοδοÏÎ¯Î±Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Îκανε ÏεÏÏ Î´ÎµÎ½ ήÏαν ÏÏ Î½Î´ÎµÎ´ÎµÎ¼Îνο με Ïο βαÏÎ¹ÎºÏ Î¼Î·ÏÏÏο ÏÎ·Ï ÎÎÎÎÎ;
Îεν γνÏÏίζεÏε ÏÏι ÏÏαν ζηÏÎ¬Ï Î±ÏÏ Ïα εÏγαÏÏήÏια να ÏÏÎÎ»Î½Î¿Ï Î½ Ïα ίδια ÏÏοιÏεία Ïε δÏο αÏοδÎκÏεÏ, η ÏιθανÏÏηÏα Î»Î¬Î¸Î¿Ï Ï ÏÏην μεÏαβίβαÏη ÏÏν δεδομÎνÏν μεγαλÏνει ÏÏÏÎ¯Ï Î»Ïγο;
Îεν καÏαλαβαίνεÏε ÏÏι ÏÏαν ÎÏÎµÎ¹Ï Î´Ïο αÏÏεία να διαÏειÏιÏÏÎµÎ¯Ï Î±Î½Ïί για Îνα, ÏÏÏε ÎºÎ±Î¸Ï ÏÏεÏεί η ÏÏÏÏβαÏη ÏÏα δεδομÎνα ÏÏν εÏιÏÏημÏνÏν;
Îεν ακοÏÏαÏε ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÎµÏιÏÏήμονÎÏ ÏÎ±Ï Î½Î± λÎνε ÏÏι και η μικÏÏÏεÏη ÎºÎ±Î¸Ï ÏÏÎÏηÏη κοÏÏίζει Ïε ζÏÎÏ;
ÎιαÏί λοιÏÏν 2 αÏÏεία;
ÎήÏÏÏ Î³Î¹Î± να γίνει αÏâ ÎµÏ Î¸ÎµÎ¯Î±Ï Î±Î½Î¬Î¸ÎµÏη Ïε εÏαιÏεία μÎÏÏ ÎΣΠΠη οÏοία, ÏαÏεμÏιÏÏÏνÏÏÏ, ÏÏην ιÏÏοÏελίδα ÏÎ·Ï ÎºÎ¿ÎºÎ¿ÏεÏεÏαι ÏÏι είναι ÏÏ Î½ÎµÏγάÏÎ·Ï ÏηÏ CISCO;
ÎνÏÏίζει ο Î Î ÏÏι, ÏαÏά ÏÎ¹Ï Î´Î¹Î±Î²ÎµÎ²Î±Î¹ÏÏÎµÎ¹Ï ÏÏι η ÏÏμβαÏη με Î±Ï Ïή Ïην εÏαιÏεία ανÎβηκε εγκαίÏÏÏ ÏÏη ÎÎÎÎ¥ÎÎÎÎ, αν Ïην Î²Î¬Î»ÎµÎ¹Ï Ïον ÏίÏλο ÏÎ·Ï ÏÏμβαÏÎ·Ï Ïε μηÏανή ÏαξίμαÏÎ¿Ï ÏÏο ÎιαδίκÏÏ Î¿ δεν θα Î´ÎµÎ¹Ï Î±Î½Î±ÏοÏά ÏÏη ÎÎÎÎ¥ÎÎÎΠαλλά μÏνο ÏÏη Ïελίδα ÏÎ·Ï ÎομιÏιÏν ÏÎ¿Ï Î±Î½Î±ÏÎÏεÏαι ÏÏα ÏÏογÏάμμαÏα ÎΣΠÎ;
ÎήÏÏÏ Ïελικά Ïο διÏÎ»Ï Î±ÏÏείο Îγινε για να ÏάÏει μεÏικά αÏγÏÏια κι Î¬Î»Î»Î¿Ï Î·Î¼ÎÏεÏÎ¿Ï ÎºÎ±Î¹, καÏÏÏιν, να κÏÏ ÏÏεί η ÏÏμβαÏή ÏÎ¿Ï Ïε κοινή θÎα;
Πκ. ÎηÏÏοÏÎ¬ÎºÎ·Ï ÎµÎ¯Ïε Ï ÏοÏÏÎÏÏÎ·Â Î±Ï Ïή Ïη ÏÏιγμή, Ïην ÎÏα ÏÎ¿Ï Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγοÏ, ΠαÏαÏÎºÎµÏ Î® ÏÏÏί, να είναι ÏÏη ÎÎ¿Ï Î»Î® να αÏανÏάει. Î Î¿Î»Ï Î¸Î± ήθελα να μην ÏÏειαÏÏεί να ÏÎ¿Ï Î±ÏανÏÏ, και να μην εÏικοινÏÎ½Ï Î¼Î±Î¶Î¯ ÏαÏ, μÎÏÏ Î±Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Î²Î¯Î½Ïεο. Îλλά δεδομÎÎ½Î·Ï ÏÎ·Ï Î±ÏÏÏαÏÎ·Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Îº. ÎηÏÏοÏάκη να ÏÏ Î³Î¿Î´Î¹ÎºÎ®Ïει, να κÏÏ ÏÏεί, άλλη εÏιλογή δεν Ï ÏάÏÏει.
Îε Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγÎ, μÏοÏεί να κÏÏ ÏÏήκαÏε αÏÏ Ïη ÎÎ¿Ï Î»Î® ÏήμεÏα αλλά δεν θα καÏαÏÎÏεÏε να αÏοκÏÏÏεÏε αÏÏ Ïην κοινή γνÏμη Î±Ï ÏÏ ÏÎ¿Ï ÎºÎ¬Î½Î±Ïε:
ÎάναÏε Ïην Πανδημία ÎµÏ ÎºÎ±Î¹Ïία για ημÎÏεÏα αÏÏακÏικά.
Îεν είναι ÏÏÏÏοÏανÎÏ, βÎβαια, Î±Ï ÏÏ.
Πκλίκα ÏÎ¿Ï ÎµÎºÏÏοÏÏÏείÏε, κι η οÏοία ÏÎ±Ï ÏÏηÏίζει, μεÏÎÏÏεÏε Ïην κοινÏνική καÏαÏÏÏοÏή αÏÏ Ïο 2010 Ïε ÎµÏ ÎºÎ±Î¹Ïία. Σε ÎµÏ ÎºÎ±Î¹Ïία ÏÏÏÏα να βάλει ÏÎÏι ÏÏη δημÏÏια ÏεÏÎ¹Î¿Ï Ïία και, ÏήμεÏα, εν μÎÏÏ ÏανδημίαÏ, να λεηλαÏεί Ï,Ïι Îμεινε ÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï Î¼Î¹ÎºÏομεÏÎ±Î¯Î¿Ï Ï Î¼ÎÏÏ ÏÎ·Ï ÏÏληÏÎ·Ï ÏÏν κÏκκινÏν δανείÏν ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï Î±ÏÏακÏικοÏÏ ÎºÏÎºÎ»Î¿Ï Ï ÏαÏ.
Îα αÏήναÏε Ïην Ïανδημία να Ïάει ÏαμÎνη; ÎÏι βÎβαια.
Î£Î±Ï ÏαÏÎ±ÎºÎ¿Î»Î¿Ï Î¸Î¿Ïμε κε ÎηÏÏοÏάκη.
ΠαÏÎ±ÎºÎ¿Î»Î¿Ï Î¸Î¿Ïμε Ïη Î²Î¿Ï Î»Î¹Î¼Î¯Î± με Ïην οÏοία μεÏαÏÏÎÏεÏε Ïον αÏαÏαίÏηÏο ÏηÏÎ¹Î±ÎºÏ Î¼ÎµÏαÏÏημαÏιÏÎ¼Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÎºÏάÏÎ¿Ï Ï Ïε ÏηÏÎ¹Î±ÎºÏ ÏαγοÏÏÏι ÏÏν ημεÏÎÏÏν ÏαÏ.
ΠαÏÎ±ÎºÎ¿Î»Î¿Ï Î¸Î¿Ïμε και καÏαγÏάÏÎ¿Ï Î¼Îµ κε ÎηÏÏοÏάκη ÏÏÏ ÏαÏαδίδεÏε Ïο κÏάÏοÏ, και μάλιÏÏα Ïο Ïιο ÎµÏ Î±Î¯ÏθηÏο Ïημείο ÏÎ¿Ï , Ïα μηÏÏÏα ÏÏν αÏÏÏÏÏÏν αÏÏ ÎºÎ¿ÏÏνοÏÏ, ÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏηÏιακοÏÏ Î¼Î±Ï ÏαγοÏίÏÎµÏ ÏÏÏÎ¯Ï Î½Î± ÏÎ±Ï ÎºÎ±Î¯Î³ÎµÏαι καÏÏάκι για Ïο αν Î±Ï ÏÏ Î±Ï Î¾Î¬Î½ÎµÎ¹ Ïα θÏμαÏα. ÎδÏ, εξοÏλÏνÏÎ±Ï Î³ÏαμμάÏια ÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÎºÎ»Î¹Î½Î¹ÎºÎ¬ÏÏεÏ, δεν ÏÏ Î½Î±Î½ÏήÏαÏε ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÎµÎºÏÏοÏÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏÏν νοÏοκομειακÏν γιαÏÏÏν αÏÏ Ïον ΦεβÏÎ¿Ï Î¬Ïιο ÎÏÏ ÏήμεÏα, δεν διοÏίÏαÏε μÏÎ½Î¹Î¼Î¿Ï Ï Î½Î¿ÏÎ·Î»ÎµÏ ÏÎÏ, δεν Î´Î·Î¼Î¹Î¿Ï ÏγήÏαÏε Ïο δημÏÏιο δίκÏÏ Î¿ κÎνÏÏÏν μαζικÏν ÏεÏÏ ÏÎ¿Ï Î®Ïαν ο μÏÎ½Î¿Ï ÏÏÏÏÎ¿Ï Î±ÏοÏÏ Î³Î®Ï ÏÎ¿Ï 2Î¿Ï Â Î»Î¿ÎºÎ½ÏÎ¬Î¿Ï Î½, και ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÏÏο εÏκολα θα μεÏαÏÏεÏÏÏαν Ïε δίκÏÏ Î¿ κÎνÏÏÏν εμβολιαÏμοÏ⦠ΣÏα δημÏÏια ÏηÏιακά αÏÏεία θα κολλάγαÏε;
Îε ÎηÏÏοÏάκη, ÏήμεÏα αÏοδείξαÏε ÏÏι, Ïαν Ïον καÏεÏάνιο ÏÎ¿Ï Î³Î»Ï ÎºÎ¿Ï Î½ÎµÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Î¼Îµ Ïο ÏÎ¿Ï Ïιάνει η καÏαιγίδα κÏÏβεÏαι ÏÏην καμÏίνα ÏÎ¿Ï ÏανικÏβληÏοÏ, είÏÏε εÏιδÎÎ¾Î¹Î¿Ï ÏÏο να κÏÏβεÏÏε. ÎÏεÏε ÏÏοÏονηθεί ÏÏη ÏÏ Î³Î¿Î´Î¹ÎºÎ¯Î±. Την 4η ÎÎ¿Ï Î½Î¯Î¿Ï ÏÎ±Ï ÎµÎ¯Ïα θÎÏει ÎÏίκαιÏη ÎÏεÏÏÏηÏη ÏÏÏÏνÏÎ±Ï ÏÎ±Ï Î³Î¹Î± Ïο ÏÏÏο οÏγανÏμÎνοι είÏÏε για Ïο δεÏÏεÏο κÏμα ÏÎ¿Ï Î¸Î± εÏÏÏÏαν μεÏά Ïον ÎκÏÏβÏιο. Îεν ήÏθαÏε να αÏανÏήÏεÏε. ΣήμεÏα Ïάλι δεν ήÏθαÏε ÏÏην ÎÏα ÏÎ¿Ï Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγοÏ. ÎÏÏβεÏÏε ÏίÏÏ Î±ÏÏ Ïον ÎºÏ Î²ÎµÏνηÏÎ¹ÎºÏ ÎµÎºÏÏÏÏÏÏο ÏÎ¿Ï ÎºÎ¬Î¸Îµ ÏοÏά ÏÎ¿Ï Î¼Î¹Î»Î¬ καÏαÏÏÏÎÏει κι άλλο αÏÏ Ïο κεÏάλαιο ÏÎ·Ï ÎµÎ¼ÏιÏÏοÏÏÎ½Î·Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Î±ÏλÏÏεÏα ÏÎ±Ï ÎδÏÏε ο ελληνικÏÏ Î»Î±ÏÏ ÏÏÎ¹Ï Î±ÏÏÎÏ ÏÎ·Ï ÏανδημίαÏ.
ÎÏοÏείÏε να κÏÏβεÏÏε κε ÎηÏÏοÏάκη αÏÏ Ïη ÎÎ¿Ï Î»Î® ÏήμεÏα, ÏÏÏÏ ÎºÏÏβεÏÏε Î¼Î®Î½ÎµÏ ÏÏÏα αÏÏ ÏÎ¿Ï Ï Î½Î¿ÏοκομειακοÏÏ Î³Î¹Î±ÏÏοÏÏ ÏÎ¿Ï Î±ÏνείÏÏε να ÏÏ Î½Î±Î½ÏήÏεÏε. ÎμÏÏ Î´Îµ θα καÏαÏÎÏεÏε να κÏÏ ÏÏείÏε αÏÏ Ïην κοινή γνÏμη ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ±Ï ÎºÎ±Ïάλαβε Ïια. ÎÏÏ ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏολίÏÎµÏ ÏÎ¿Ï ÏαÏÎ±ÎºÎ¿Î»Î¿Ï Î¸Î¿Ïν ÎºÎ¿Ï Î½ÏνÏÎ±Ï Ïο κεÏάλι μια ÎºÏ Î²ÎÏνηÏη ÏÏÏÎ¯Ï ÏÏÎδιο, Îνα εÏιÏÎµÎ»Î¹ÎºÏ ÏαÏα-κÏάÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Ïο μÏνο για Ïο οÏοίο νοιάζεÏαι είναι να ενιÏÏÏει ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏηÏιακοÏÏ Î¼Î±Ï ÏαγοÏίÏεÏ.
ÎÎÏεÏε κε Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγÎ, ο λαÏÏ Î¼Î±Ï ÎÏει Î¼ÎµÎ³Î¬Î»ÎµÏ Î±Î½ÏοÏÎÏ ÎºÎ±Î¹ μεγάλη καÏδιά. ÎÏÏÏ Î½Î± ÏÎ±Ï ÏÏ Î³ÏÏÏοÏÏε Ïο ÏÏήÏιμο ÏÎ·Ï ÏηÏÎ¹Î±ÎºÎ®Ï ÏαÏÎ±Î¿Î¹ÎºÎ¿Î½Î¿Î¼Î¯Î±Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÏÏεÏαι να ÏÏ Î¼ÏληÏÏÏει Ïη λεηλαÏία ÏÏν μικÏομεÏαίÏν αÏÏ Ïα αÏÏακÏικά Ïαμεία ÏαÏ. Îλλά Ïο ÏηÏÎ¹Î±ÎºÏ ÏαγοÏÏÏι ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÏήÏαÏε ÏÎ¬Î½Ï ÏÏα δεδομÎνα ÏÏν Î¸Ï Î¼Î¬ÏÏν ÏÎ·Ï ÏÏÎ¿Ï Î»Î·Ï ÏÎ±Î½Î´Î·Î¼Î¯Î±Ï Î´ÎµÎ½ ÏÏÏκειÏαι να ÏÎ±Ï Ïο ÏÏ Î³ÏÏÏήÏει.
Îίναι Ïα ÏÏοιÏεία ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÎÎÎ¥ ÎÎ³ÎºÏ Ïα και ακÏιβή; ÎιαÏίθενÏαι ÎγκαιÏα ÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï Î»Î¿Î¹Î¼ÏξιολÏÎ³Î¿Ï Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Ï Î¿ÏÎ¿Î¯Î¿Ï Ï ÏÏ Î½ÎµÏÏÏ ÎµÏικαλείÏαι ο Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγÏÏ;
ÎÏ ÏÏ ÎµÎ¯Î½Î±Î¹ Ïο εÏÏÏημα ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÎθεÏα και ÏÏο οÏοίο είÏε Ïην Ï ÏοÏÏÎÏÏη να ÎµÎ¯Î½Î±Î¹Â Î±Ï Ïή Ïη ÏÏιγμή ÏÏη ÎÎ¿Ï Î»Î® να αÏανÏήÏει â κάÏι Ïο οÏοίο, για να ÏÎ±Ï Î±ÏÎµÏ Î¸Ïνομαι μÎÏÏ Î±Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Î²Î¯Î½Ïεο, ÏÏοÏανÏÏ Î´ÎµÎ½ Îκανε.
Î ÎºÏ Î²ÎÏνηÏη Ïο ÏαÏαδÎÏθηκε: ÎÏÏηÏαν 2 διαÏοÏεÏικά ÏηÏιακά αÏÏεία, κι Î±Ï ÏÏ Ïο μάθαμε εÏειδή η ÏÏαÏξή ÏÎ¿Ï ÎµÎ½ÏÏ ÎµÎº ÏÏν δÏο αÏοκαλÏÏθηκε αÏÏ Ïον ΤÏÏο!
ÎιαÏί δÏο αÏÏεία κε Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγÎ;
ÎιαÏί ÎÏÏ Ïην 27η ÎοεμβÏÎ¯Î¿Ï Ïο ÎÎ¸Î½Î¹ÎºÏ ÎÎνÏÏο ÎιμοδοÏÎ¯Î±Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Îκανε ÏεÏÏ Î´ÎµÎ½ ήÏαν ÏÏ Î½Î´ÎµÎ´ÎµÎ¼Îνο με Ïο βαÏÎ¹ÎºÏ Î¼Î·ÏÏÏο ÏÎ·Ï ÎÎÎÎÎ;
Îεν γνÏÏίζεÏε ÏÏι ÏÏαν ζηÏÎ¬Ï Î±ÏÏ Ïα εÏγαÏÏήÏια να ÏÏÎÎ»Î½Î¿Ï Î½ Ïα ίδια ÏÏοιÏεία Ïε δÏο αÏοδÎκÏεÏ, η ÏιθανÏÏηÏα Î»Î¬Î¸Î¿Ï Ï ÏÏην μεÏαβίβαÏη ÏÏν δεδομÎνÏν μεγαλÏνει ÏÏÏÎ¯Ï Î»Ïγο;
Îεν καÏαλαβαίνεÏε ÏÏι ÏÏαν ÎÏÎµÎ¹Ï Î´Ïο αÏÏεία να διαÏειÏιÏÏÎµÎ¯Ï Î±Î½Ïί για Îνα, ÏÏÏε ÎºÎ±Î¸Ï ÏÏεÏεί η ÏÏÏÏβαÏη ÏÏα δεδομÎνα ÏÏν εÏιÏÏημÏνÏν;
Îεν ακοÏÏαÏε ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÎµÏιÏÏήμονÎÏ ÏÎ±Ï Î½Î± λÎνε ÏÏι και η μικÏÏÏεÏη ÎºÎ±Î¸Ï ÏÏÎÏηÏη κοÏÏίζει Ïε ζÏÎÏ;
ÎιαÏί λοιÏÏν 2 αÏÏεία;
ÎήÏÏÏ Î³Î¹Î± να γίνει αÏâ ÎµÏ Î¸ÎµÎ¯Î±Ï Î±Î½Î¬Î¸ÎµÏη Ïε εÏαιÏεία μÎÏÏ ÎΣΠΠη οÏοία, ÏαÏεμÏιÏÏÏνÏÏÏ, ÏÏην ιÏÏοÏελίδα ÏÎ·Ï ÎºÎ¿ÎºÎ¿ÏεÏεÏαι ÏÏι είναι ÏÏ Î½ÎµÏγάÏÎ·Ï ÏηÏ CISCO;
ÎνÏÏίζει ο Î Î ÏÏι, ÏαÏά ÏÎ¹Ï Î´Î¹Î±Î²ÎµÎ²Î±Î¹ÏÏÎµÎ¹Ï ÏÏι η ÏÏμβαÏη με Î±Ï Ïή Ïην εÏαιÏεία ανÎβηκε εγκαίÏÏÏ ÏÏη ÎÎÎÎ¥ÎÎÎÎ, αν Ïην Î²Î¬Î»ÎµÎ¹Ï Ïον ÏίÏλο ÏÎ·Ï ÏÏμβαÏÎ·Ï Ïε μηÏανή ÏαξίμαÏÎ¿Ï ÏÏο ÎιαδίκÏÏ Î¿ δεν θα Î´ÎµÎ¹Ï Î±Î½Î±ÏοÏά ÏÏη ÎÎÎÎ¥ÎÎÎΠαλλά μÏνο ÏÏη Ïελίδα ÏÎ·Ï ÎομιÏιÏν ÏÎ¿Ï Î±Î½Î±ÏÎÏεÏαι ÏÏα ÏÏογÏάμμαÏα ÎΣΠÎ;
ÎήÏÏÏ Ïελικά Ïο διÏÎ»Ï Î±ÏÏείο Îγινε για να ÏάÏει μεÏικά αÏγÏÏια κι Î¬Î»Î»Î¿Ï Î·Î¼ÎÏεÏÎ¿Ï ÎºÎ±Î¹, καÏÏÏιν, να κÏÏ ÏÏεί η ÏÏμβαÏή ÏÎ¿Ï Ïε κοινή θÎα;
Πκ. ÎηÏÏοÏÎ¬ÎºÎ·Ï ÎµÎ¯Ïε Ï ÏοÏÏÎÏÏÎ·Â Î±Ï Ïή Ïη ÏÏιγμή, Ïην ÎÏα ÏÎ¿Ï Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγοÏ, ΠαÏαÏÎºÎµÏ Î® ÏÏÏί, να είναι ÏÏη ÎÎ¿Ï Î»Î® να αÏανÏάει. Î Î¿Î»Ï Î¸Î± ήθελα να μην ÏÏειαÏÏεί να ÏÎ¿Ï Î±ÏανÏÏ, και να μην εÏικοινÏÎ½Ï Î¼Î±Î¶Î¯ ÏαÏ, μÎÏÏ Î±Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Î²Î¯Î½Ïεο. Îλλά δεδομÎÎ½Î·Ï ÏÎ·Ï Î±ÏÏÏαÏÎ·Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Îº. ÎηÏÏοÏάκη να ÏÏ Î³Î¿Î´Î¹ÎºÎ®Ïει, να κÏÏ ÏÏεί, άλλη εÏιλογή δεν Ï ÏάÏÏει.
Îε Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγÎ, μÏοÏεί να κÏÏ ÏÏήκαÏε αÏÏ Ïη ÎÎ¿Ï Î»Î® ÏήμεÏα αλλά δεν θα καÏαÏÎÏεÏε να αÏοκÏÏÏεÏε αÏÏ Ïην κοινή γνÏμη Î±Ï ÏÏ ÏÎ¿Ï ÎºÎ¬Î½Î±Ïε:
ÎάναÏε Ïην Πανδημία ÎµÏ ÎºÎ±Î¹Ïία για ημÎÏεÏα αÏÏακÏικά.
Îεν είναι ÏÏÏÏοÏανÎÏ, βÎβαια, Î±Ï ÏÏ.
Πκλίκα ÏÎ¿Ï ÎµÎºÏÏοÏÏÏείÏε, κι η οÏοία ÏÎ±Ï ÏÏηÏίζει, μεÏÎÏÏεÏε Ïην κοινÏνική καÏαÏÏÏοÏή αÏÏ Ïο 2010 Ïε ÎµÏ ÎºÎ±Î¹Ïία. Σε ÎµÏ ÎºÎ±Î¹Ïία ÏÏÏÏα να βάλει ÏÎÏι ÏÏη δημÏÏια ÏεÏÎ¹Î¿Ï Ïία και, ÏήμεÏα, εν μÎÏÏ ÏανδημίαÏ, να λεηλαÏεί Ï,Ïι Îμεινε ÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï Î¼Î¹ÎºÏομεÏÎ±Î¯Î¿Ï Ï Î¼ÎÏÏ ÏÎ·Ï ÏÏληÏÎ·Ï ÏÏν κÏκκινÏν δανείÏν ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï Î±ÏÏακÏικοÏÏ ÎºÏÎºÎ»Î¿Ï Ï ÏαÏ.
Îα αÏήναÏε Ïην Ïανδημία να Ïάει ÏαμÎνη; ÎÏι βÎβαια.
Î£Î±Ï ÏαÏÎ±ÎºÎ¿Î»Î¿Ï Î¸Î¿Ïμε κε ÎηÏÏοÏάκη.
ΠαÏÎ±ÎºÎ¿Î»Î¿Ï Î¸Î¿Ïμε Ïη Î²Î¿Ï Î»Î¹Î¼Î¯Î± με Ïην οÏοία μεÏαÏÏÎÏεÏε Ïον αÏαÏαίÏηÏο ÏηÏÎ¹Î±ÎºÏ Î¼ÎµÏαÏÏημαÏιÏÎ¼Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÎºÏάÏÎ¿Ï Ï Ïε ÏηÏÎ¹Î±ÎºÏ ÏαγοÏÏÏι ÏÏν ημεÏÎÏÏν ÏαÏ.
ΠαÏÎ±ÎºÎ¿Î»Î¿Ï Î¸Î¿Ïμε και καÏαγÏάÏÎ¿Ï Î¼Îµ κε ÎηÏÏοÏάκη ÏÏÏ ÏαÏαδίδεÏε Ïο κÏάÏοÏ, και μάλιÏÏα Ïο Ïιο ÎµÏ Î±Î¯ÏθηÏο Ïημείο ÏÎ¿Ï , Ïα μηÏÏÏα ÏÏν αÏÏÏÏÏÏν αÏÏ ÎºÎ¿ÏÏνοÏÏ, ÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏηÏιακοÏÏ Î¼Î±Ï ÏαγοÏίÏÎµÏ ÏÏÏÎ¯Ï Î½Î± ÏÎ±Ï ÎºÎ±Î¯Î³ÎµÏαι καÏÏάκι για Ïο αν Î±Ï ÏÏ Î±Ï Î¾Î¬Î½ÎµÎ¹ Ïα θÏμαÏα. ÎδÏ, εξοÏλÏνÏÎ±Ï Î³ÏαμμάÏια ÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÎºÎ»Î¹Î½Î¹ÎºÎ¬ÏÏεÏ, δεν ÏÏ Î½Î±Î½ÏήÏαÏε ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÎµÎºÏÏοÏÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏÏν νοÏοκομειακÏν γιαÏÏÏν αÏÏ Ïον ΦεβÏÎ¿Ï Î¬Ïιο ÎÏÏ ÏήμεÏα, δεν διοÏίÏαÏε μÏÎ½Î¹Î¼Î¿Ï Ï Î½Î¿ÏÎ·Î»ÎµÏ ÏÎÏ, δεν Î´Î·Î¼Î¹Î¿Ï ÏγήÏαÏε Ïο δημÏÏιο δίκÏÏ Î¿ κÎνÏÏÏν μαζικÏν ÏεÏÏ ÏÎ¿Ï Î®Ïαν ο μÏÎ½Î¿Ï ÏÏÏÏÎ¿Ï Î±ÏοÏÏ Î³Î®Ï ÏÎ¿Ï 2Î¿Ï Â Î»Î¿ÎºÎ½ÏÎ¬Î¿Ï Î½, και ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÏÏο εÏκολα θα μεÏαÏÏεÏÏÏαν Ïε δίκÏÏ Î¿ κÎνÏÏÏν εμβολιαÏμοÏ⦠ΣÏα δημÏÏια ÏηÏιακά αÏÏεία θα κολλάγαÏε;
Îε ÎηÏÏοÏάκη, ÏήμεÏα αÏοδείξαÏε ÏÏι, Ïαν Ïον καÏεÏάνιο ÏÎ¿Ï Î³Î»Ï ÎºÎ¿Ï Î½ÎµÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Î¼Îµ Ïο ÏÎ¿Ï Ïιάνει η καÏαιγίδα κÏÏβεÏαι ÏÏην καμÏίνα ÏÎ¿Ï ÏανικÏβληÏοÏ, είÏÏε εÏιδÎÎ¾Î¹Î¿Ï ÏÏο να κÏÏβεÏÏε. ÎÏεÏε ÏÏοÏονηθεί ÏÏη ÏÏ Î³Î¿Î´Î¹ÎºÎ¯Î±. Την 4η ÎÎ¿Ï Î½Î¯Î¿Ï ÏÎ±Ï ÎµÎ¯Ïα θÎÏει ÎÏίκαιÏη ÎÏεÏÏÏηÏη ÏÏÏÏνÏÎ±Ï ÏÎ±Ï Î³Î¹Î± Ïο ÏÏÏο οÏγανÏμÎνοι είÏÏε για Ïο δεÏÏεÏο κÏμα ÏÎ¿Ï Î¸Î± εÏÏÏÏαν μεÏά Ïον ÎκÏÏβÏιο. Îεν ήÏθαÏε να αÏανÏήÏεÏε. ΣήμεÏα Ïάλι δεν ήÏθαÏε ÏÏην ÎÏα ÏÎ¿Ï Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγοÏ. ÎÏÏβεÏÏε ÏίÏÏ Î±ÏÏ Ïον ÎºÏ Î²ÎµÏνηÏÎ¹ÎºÏ ÎµÎºÏÏÏÏÏÏο ÏÎ¿Ï ÎºÎ¬Î¸Îµ ÏοÏά ÏÎ¿Ï Î¼Î¹Î»Î¬ καÏαÏÏÏÎÏει κι άλλο αÏÏ Ïο κεÏάλαιο ÏÎ·Ï ÎµÎ¼ÏιÏÏοÏÏÎ½Î·Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Î±ÏλÏÏεÏα ÏÎ±Ï ÎδÏÏε ο ελληνικÏÏ Î»Î±ÏÏ ÏÏÎ¹Ï Î±ÏÏÎÏ ÏÎ·Ï ÏανδημίαÏ.
ÎÏοÏείÏε να κÏÏβεÏÏε κε ÎηÏÏοÏάκη αÏÏ Ïη ÎÎ¿Ï Î»Î® ÏήμεÏα, ÏÏÏÏ ÎºÏÏβεÏÏε Î¼Î®Î½ÎµÏ ÏÏÏα αÏÏ ÏÎ¿Ï Ï Î½Î¿ÏοκομειακοÏÏ Î³Î¹Î±ÏÏοÏÏ ÏÎ¿Ï Î±ÏνείÏÏε να ÏÏ Î½Î±Î½ÏήÏεÏε. ÎμÏÏ Î´Îµ θα καÏαÏÎÏεÏε να κÏÏ ÏÏείÏε αÏÏ Ïην κοινή γνÏμη ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ±Ï ÎºÎ±Ïάλαβε Ïια. ÎÏÏ ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏολίÏÎµÏ ÏÎ¿Ï ÏαÏÎ±ÎºÎ¿Î»Î¿Ï Î¸Î¿Ïν ÎºÎ¿Ï Î½ÏνÏÎ±Ï Ïο κεÏάλι μια ÎºÏ Î²ÎÏνηÏη ÏÏÏÎ¯Ï ÏÏÎδιο, Îνα εÏιÏÎµÎ»Î¹ÎºÏ ÏαÏα-κÏάÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï Ïο μÏνο για Ïο οÏοίο νοιάζεÏαι είναι να ενιÏÏÏει ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏηÏιακοÏÏ Î¼Î±Ï ÏαγοÏίÏεÏ.
ÎÎÏεÏε κε Î ÏÏÎ¸Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÏγÎ, ο λαÏÏ Î¼Î±Ï ÎÏει Î¼ÎµÎ³Î¬Î»ÎµÏ Î±Î½ÏοÏÎÏ ÎºÎ±Î¹ μεγάλη καÏδιά. ÎÏÏÏ Î½Î± ÏÎ±Ï ÏÏ Î³ÏÏÏοÏÏε Ïο ÏÏήÏιμο ÏÎ·Ï ÏηÏÎ¹Î±ÎºÎ®Ï ÏαÏÎ±Î¿Î¹ÎºÎ¿Î½Î¿Î¼Î¯Î±Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÏÏεÏαι να ÏÏ Î¼ÏληÏÏÏει Ïη λεηλαÏία ÏÏν μικÏομεÏαίÏν αÏÏ Ïα αÏÏακÏικά Ïαμεία ÏαÏ. Îλλά Ïο ÏηÏÎ¹Î±ÎºÏ ÏαγοÏÏÏι ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÏήÏαÏε ÏÎ¬Î½Ï ÏÏα δεδομÎνα ÏÏν Î¸Ï Î¼Î¬ÏÏν ÏÎ·Ï ÏÏÎ¿Ï Î»Î·Ï ÏÎ±Î½Î´Î·Î¼Î¯Î±Ï Î´ÎµÎ½ ÏÏÏκειÏαι να ÏÎ±Ï Ïο ÏÏ Î³ÏÏÏήÏει.
Γιατί κρύβεστε αντί να είστε στη Βουλή να απαντήσετε κ. Μητσοτάκη;
Αυτή την ώρα, πρωί της Παρασκευής 4ης Δεκεμβρίου, δεδομένου ότι τον Νοέμβριο, είχαμε 3 φορές περισσότερους θανάτους από όσους από την αρχή της πανδημίας, είχαμε 14 φορές περισσότερα ημερήσια θύματα, και σχεδόν πενταπλασιασμό των νοσηλευόμενων στις ΜΕΘ, περιμέναμε τον κ. Μητσοτάκη να έρθει στη Βουλή να απαντήσει, στην Ώρα του Πρωθυπουργού, στις ερωτήσεις μας για το μείζον θέμα. Ποιο μείζον θέμα;
Είναι τα στοιχεία του ΕΟΔΥ έγκυρα και ακριβή; Διατίθενται έγκαιρα στους λοιμωξιολόγους τους οποίους συνεχώς επικαλείται ο Πρωθυπουργός;
Αυτό είναι το ερώτημα που του έθεσα και στο οποίο είχε την υποχρέωση να είναι αυτή τη στιγμή στη Βουλή να απαντήσει – κάτι το οποίο, για να σας απευθύνομαι μέσω αυτού του βίντεο, προφανώς δεν έκανε.
Η κυβέρνηση το παραδέχθηκε: Έστησαν 2 διαφορετικά ψηφιακά αρχεία, κι αυτό το μάθαμε επειδή η ύπαρξή του ενός εκ των δύο αποκαλύφθηκε από τον Τύπο!
Γιατί δύο αρχεία κε Πρωθυπουργέ;
Γιατί έως την 27η Νοεμβρίου το Εθνικό Κέντρο Αιμοδοσίας που έκανε τεστ δεν ήταν συνδεδεμένο με το βασικό μητρώο της ΗΔΙΚΑ;
Δεν γνωρίζετε ότι όταν ζητάς από τα εργαστήρια να στέλνουν τα ίδια στοιχεία σε δύο αποδέκτες, η πιθανότητα λάθους στην μεταβίβαση των δεδομένων μεγαλώνει χωρίς λόγο;
Δεν καταλαβαίνετε ότι όταν έχεις δύο αρχεία να διαχειριστείς αντί για ένα, τότε καθυστερεί η πρόσβαση στα δεδομένα των επιστημόνων;
Δεν ακούσατε τους επιστήμονές σας να λένε ότι και η μικρότερη καθυστέρηση κοστίζει σε ζωές;
Γιατί λοιπόν 2 αρχεία;
Μήπως για να γίνει απ’ ευθείας ανάθεση σε εταιρεία μέσω ΕΣΠΑ η οποία, παρεμπιπτόντως, στην ιστοσελίδα της κοκορεύεται ότι είναι συνεργάτης της CISCO;
Γνωρίζει ο ΠΘ ότι, παρά τις διαβεβαιώσεις ότι η σύμβαση με αυτή την εταιρεία ανέβηκε εγκαίρως στη ΔΙΑΥΓΕΙΑ, αν την βάλεις τον τίτλο της σύμβασης σε μηχανή ψαξίματος στο Διαδίκτυο δεν θα δεις αναφορά στη ΔΙΑΥΓΕΙΑ αλλά μόνο στη σελίδα της Κομισιόν που αναφέρεται στα προγράμματα ΕΣΠΑ;
Μήπως τελικά το διπλό αρχείο έγινε για να πάρει μερικά αργύρια κι άλλος ημέτερος και, κατόπιν, να κρυφτεί η σύμβασή του σε κοινή θέα;
Ο κ. Μητσοτάκης είχε υποχρέωση αυτή τη στιγμή, την Ώρα του Πρωθυπουργού, Παρασκευή πρωί, να είναι στη Βουλή να απαντάει. Πολύ θα ήθελα να μην χρειαστεί να του απαντώ, και να μην επικοινωνώ μαζί σας, μέσω αυτού του βίντεο. Αλλά δεδομένης της απόφασης του κ. Μητσοτάκη να φυγοδικήσει, να κρυφτεί, άλλη επιλογή δεν υπάρχει.
Κε Πρωθυπουργέ, μπορεί να κρυφτήκατε από τη Βουλή σήμερα αλλά δεν θα καταφέρετε να αποκρύψετε από την κοινή γνώμη αυτό που κάνατε:
Κάνατε την Πανδημία ευκαιρία για ημέτερα αρπακτικά.
Δεν είναι πρωτοφανές, βέβαια, αυτό.
Η κλίκα που εκπροσωπείτε, κι η οποία σας στηρίζει, μετέτρεψε την κοινωνική καταστροφή από το 2010 σε ευκαιρία. Σε ευκαιρία πρώτα να βάλει χέρι στη δημόσια περιουσία και, σήμερα, εν μέσω πανδημίας, να λεηλατεί ό,τι έμεινε στους μικρομεσαίους μέσω της πώλησης των κόκκινων δανείων τους στους αρπακτικούς κύκλους σας.
Θα αφήνατε την πανδημία να πάει χαμένη; Όχι βέβαια.
Σας παρακολουθούμε κε Μητσοτάκη.
Παρακολουθούμε τη βουλιμία με την οποία μετατρέπετε τον απαραίτητο ψηφιακό μετασχηματισμό του κράτους σε ψηφιακό φαγοπότι των ημετέρων σας.
Παρακολουθούμε και καταγράφουμε κε Μητσοτάκη πως παραδίδετε το κράτος, και μάλιστα το πιο ευαίσθητο σημείο του, τα μητρώα των αρρώστων από κορωνοϊό, στους ψηφιακούς μαυραγορίτες χωρίς να σας καίγεται καρφάκι για το αν αυτό αυξάνει τα θύματα. Εδώ, εξοφλώντας γραμμάτια στους κλινικάρχες, δεν συναντήσατε τους εκπροσώπους των νοσοκομειακών γιατρών από τον Φεβρουάριο έως σήμερα, δεν διορίσατε μόνιμους νοσηλευτές, δεν δημιουργήσατε το δημόσιο δίκτυο κέντρων μαζικών τεστ που ήταν ο μόνος τρόπος αποφυγής του 2ου λοκντάουν, και που τόσο εύκολα θα μετατρεπόταν σε δίκτυο κέντρων εμβολιασμού… Στα δημόσια ψηφιακά αρχεία θα κολλάγατε;
Κε Μητσοτάκη, σήμερα αποδείξατε ότι, σαν τον καπετάνιο του γλυκού νερού που με το που πιάνει η καταιγίδα κρύβεται στην καμπίνα του πανικόβλητος, είστε επιδέξιος στο να κρύβεστε. Έχετε προπονηθεί στη φυγοδικία. Την 4η Ιουνίου σας είχα θέσει Επίκαιρη Επερώτηση ρωτώντας σας για το πόσο οργανωμένοι είστε για το δεύτερο κύμα που θα ερχόταν μετά τον Οκτώβριο. Δεν ήρθατε να απαντήσετε. Σήμερα πάλι δεν ήρθατε στην Ώρα του Πρωθυπουργού. Κρύβεστε πίσω από τον κυβερνητικό εκπρόσωπο που κάθε φορά που μιλά καταστρέφει κι άλλο από το κεφάλαιο της εμπιστοσύνης που απλόχερα σας έδωσε ο ελληνικός λαός στις αρχές της πανδημίας.
Μπορείτε να κρύβεστε κε Μητσοτάκη από τη Βουλή σήμερα, όπως κρύβεστε μήνες τώρα από τους νοσοκομειακούς γιατρούς που αρνείστε να συναντήσετε. Όμως δε θα καταφέρετε να κρυφτείτε από την κοινή γνώμη που σας κατάλαβε πια. Από τους πολίτες που παρακολουθούν κουνώντας το κεφάλι μια κυβέρνηση χωρίς σχέδιο, ένα επιτελικό παρα-κράτος που το μόνο για το οποίο νοιάζεται είναι να ενισχύει τους ψηφιακούς μαυραγορίτες.
Ξέρετε κε Πρωθυπουργέ, ο λαός μας έχει μεγάλες αντοχές και μεγάλη καρδιά. Ίσως να σας συγχωρούσε το στήσιμο της ψηφιακής παραοικονομίας που έρχεται να συμπληρώσει τη λεηλασία των μικρομεσαίων από τα αρπακτικά ταμεία σας. Αλλά το ψηφιακό φαγοπότι που στήσατε πάνω στα δεδομένα των θυμάτων της ύπουλης πανδημίας δεν πρόκειται να σας το συγχωρήσει.
Είναι τα στοιχεία του ΕΟΔΥ έγκυρα και ακριβή; Διατίθενται έγκαιρα στους λοιμωξιολόγους τους οποίους συνεχώς επικαλείται ο Πρωθυπουργός;
Αυτό είναι το ερώτημα που του έθεσα και στο οποίο είχε την υποχρέωση να είναι αυτή τη στιγμή στη Βουλή να απαντήσει – κάτι το οποίο, για να σας απευθύνομαι μέσω αυτού του βίντεο, προφανώς δεν έκανε.
Η κυβέρνηση το παραδέχθηκε: Έστησαν 2 διαφορετικά ψηφιακά αρχεία, κι αυτό το μάθαμε επειδή η ύπαρξή του ενός εκ των δύο αποκαλύφθηκε από τον Τύπο!
Γιατί δύο αρχεία κε Πρωθυπουργέ;
Γιατί έως την 27η Νοεμβρίου το Εθνικό Κέντρο Αιμοδοσίας που έκανε τεστ δεν ήταν συνδεδεμένο με το βασικό μητρώο της ΗΔΙΚΑ;
Δεν γνωρίζετε ότι όταν ζητάς από τα εργαστήρια να στέλνουν τα ίδια στοιχεία σε δύο αποδέκτες, η πιθανότητα λάθους στην μεταβίβαση των δεδομένων μεγαλώνει χωρίς λόγο;
Δεν καταλαβαίνετε ότι όταν έχεις δύο αρχεία να διαχειριστείς αντί για ένα, τότε καθυστερεί η πρόσβαση στα δεδομένα των επιστημόνων;
Δεν ακούσατε τους επιστήμονές σας να λένε ότι και η μικρότερη καθυστέρηση κοστίζει σε ζωές;
Γιατί λοιπόν 2 αρχεία;
Μήπως για να γίνει απ’ ευθείας ανάθεση σε εταιρεία μέσω ΕΣΠΑ η οποία, παρεμπιπτόντως, στην ιστοσελίδα της κοκορεύεται ότι είναι συνεργάτης της CISCO;
Γνωρίζει ο ΠΘ ότι, παρά τις διαβεβαιώσεις ότι η σύμβαση με αυτή την εταιρεία ανέβηκε εγκαίρως στη ΔΙΑΥΓΕΙΑ, αν την βάλεις τον τίτλο της σύμβασης σε μηχανή ψαξίματος στο Διαδίκτυο δεν θα δεις αναφορά στη ΔΙΑΥΓΕΙΑ αλλά μόνο στη σελίδα της Κομισιόν που αναφέρεται στα προγράμματα ΕΣΠΑ;
Μήπως τελικά το διπλό αρχείο έγινε για να πάρει μερικά αργύρια κι άλλος ημέτερος και, κατόπιν, να κρυφτεί η σύμβασή του σε κοινή θέα;
Ο κ. Μητσοτάκης είχε υποχρέωση αυτή τη στιγμή, την Ώρα του Πρωθυπουργού, Παρασκευή πρωί, να είναι στη Βουλή να απαντάει. Πολύ θα ήθελα να μην χρειαστεί να του απαντώ, και να μην επικοινωνώ μαζί σας, μέσω αυτού του βίντεο. Αλλά δεδομένης της απόφασης του κ. Μητσοτάκη να φυγοδικήσει, να κρυφτεί, άλλη επιλογή δεν υπάρχει.
Κε Πρωθυπουργέ, μπορεί να κρυφτήκατε από τη Βουλή σήμερα αλλά δεν θα καταφέρετε να αποκρύψετε από την κοινή γνώμη αυτό που κάνατε:
Κάνατε την Πανδημία ευκαιρία για ημέτερα αρπακτικά.
Δεν είναι πρωτοφανές, βέβαια, αυτό.
Η κλίκα που εκπροσωπείτε, κι η οποία σας στηρίζει, μετέτρεψε την κοινωνική καταστροφή από το 2010 σε ευκαιρία. Σε ευκαιρία πρώτα να βάλει χέρι στη δημόσια περιουσία και, σήμερα, εν μέσω πανδημίας, να λεηλατεί ό,τι έμεινε στους μικρομεσαίους μέσω της πώλησης των κόκκινων δανείων τους στους αρπακτικούς κύκλους σας.
Θα αφήνατε την πανδημία να πάει χαμένη; Όχι βέβαια.
Σας παρακολουθούμε κε Μητσοτάκη.
Παρακολουθούμε τη βουλιμία με την οποία μετατρέπετε τον απαραίτητο ψηφιακό μετασχηματισμό του κράτους σε ψηφιακό φαγοπότι των ημετέρων σας.
Παρακολουθούμε και καταγράφουμε κε Μητσοτάκη πως παραδίδετε το κράτος, και μάλιστα το πιο ευαίσθητο σημείο του, τα μητρώα των αρρώστων από κορωνοϊό, στους ψηφιακούς μαυραγορίτες χωρίς να σας καίγεται καρφάκι για το αν αυτό αυξάνει τα θύματα. Εδώ, εξοφλώντας γραμμάτια στους κλινικάρχες, δεν συναντήσατε τους εκπροσώπους των νοσοκομειακών γιατρών από τον Φεβρουάριο έως σήμερα, δεν διορίσατε μόνιμους νοσηλευτές, δεν δημιουργήσατε το δημόσιο δίκτυο κέντρων μαζικών τεστ που ήταν ο μόνος τρόπος αποφυγής του 2ου λοκντάουν, και που τόσο εύκολα θα μετατρεπόταν σε δίκτυο κέντρων εμβολιασμού… Στα δημόσια ψηφιακά αρχεία θα κολλάγατε;
Κε Μητσοτάκη, σήμερα αποδείξατε ότι, σαν τον καπετάνιο του γλυκού νερού που με το που πιάνει η καταιγίδα κρύβεται στην καμπίνα του πανικόβλητος, είστε επιδέξιος στο να κρύβεστε. Έχετε προπονηθεί στη φυγοδικία. Την 4η Ιουνίου σας είχα θέσει Επίκαιρη Επερώτηση ρωτώντας σας για το πόσο οργανωμένοι είστε για το δεύτερο κύμα που θα ερχόταν μετά τον Οκτώβριο. Δεν ήρθατε να απαντήσετε. Σήμερα πάλι δεν ήρθατε στην Ώρα του Πρωθυπουργού. Κρύβεστε πίσω από τον κυβερνητικό εκπρόσωπο που κάθε φορά που μιλά καταστρέφει κι άλλο από το κεφάλαιο της εμπιστοσύνης που απλόχερα σας έδωσε ο ελληνικός λαός στις αρχές της πανδημίας.
Μπορείτε να κρύβεστε κε Μητσοτάκη από τη Βουλή σήμερα, όπως κρύβεστε μήνες τώρα από τους νοσοκομειακούς γιατρούς που αρνείστε να συναντήσετε. Όμως δε θα καταφέρετε να κρυφτείτε από την κοινή γνώμη που σας κατάλαβε πια. Από τους πολίτες που παρακολουθούν κουνώντας το κεφάλι μια κυβέρνηση χωρίς σχέδιο, ένα επιτελικό παρα-κράτος που το μόνο για το οποίο νοιάζεται είναι να ενισχύει τους ψηφιακούς μαυραγορίτες.
Ξέρετε κε Πρωθυπουργέ, ο λαός μας έχει μεγάλες αντοχές και μεγάλη καρδιά. Ίσως να σας συγχωρούσε το στήσιμο της ψηφιακής παραοικονομίας που έρχεται να συμπληρώσει τη λεηλασία των μικρομεσαίων από τα αρπακτικά ταμεία σας. Αλλά το ψηφιακό φαγοπότι που στήσατε πάνω στα δεδομένα των θυμάτων της ύπουλης πανδημίας δεν πρόκειται να σας το συγχωρήσει.
«Îίναι η ΠαγκÏÏμια ΣÏαθεÏÏÏηÏα άÏιαÏÏο ÏνειÏο;» ÎÏÏλÏον vs ÎαÏÎ¿Ï Ïάκη ÏÏο 2020 Îolberg Debate, ΣάββαÏο 4μμ
Τι ÏÏονιά κι αÏ
Ïή! Îνα ÏÏαγμαÏικÏ annus horribils ÏοÏ
ÏημαδεÏÏηκε αÏÏ Î¼Î¹Î± καÏαÏÏÏοÏική Ïανδημία, αÏÏ Ïην κλιμακοÏμενη κλιμαÏική καÏαÏÏÏοÏή, αÏÏ Ïο ÏάÏμα ενÏÏ ÎÎοÏ
ΨÏ
ÏÏÎ¿Ï Î Î¿Î»ÎμοÏ
ÎÎ Î-ÎίναÏ, και βÎβαια αÏÏ ÏÏμÏανα ÏολÎμοÏ
ÏÏο Îιγαίο και Ïην ÎναÏολική ÎεÏÏγειο.
Îι ÎµÎ½Ï ÏοÏΠδεν ήÏαν ÏÏÏο αÏαÏαίÏηÏη η ÏολιÏική ÏαÏÎμβαÏη Ïε ÏαγκÏÏμιο εÏίÏεδο, ÏοÏΠδεν ήÏαν ÏÏÏο καÏαÏÏακÏμÎνοι οι ÏαγκÏÏμιοι θεÏμοί ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÏÎ¿Ï Î½ ÏÏηθεί αÏÏ Ïο 1945 ÎÏÏ ÏήμεÏα για να ÏαÏÎµÎ¼Î²Î±Î¯Î½Î¿Ï Î½, Ï ÏοÏίθεÏαι Ï ÏÎÏ ÏÎ·Ï ÎιÏÎ®Î½Î·Ï ÎºÎ±Î¹ ÏÎ·Ï Î£ÏαθεÏÏÏηÏαÏ. ΠαÏαξίÏÏη ÏÏν ÎνÏμÎνÏν ÎθνÏν, η μεÏαÏÏοÏή ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÎΤ και ÏÎ·Ï Î Î±Î³ÎºÏÏÎ¼Î¹Î±Ï Î¤ÏάÏÎµÎ¶Î±Ï Ïε Ï ÏοÏείÏια ÏÏν δανειÏÏÏν, η κÏίÏÎ·Â Î´Î¹Î±ÎºÏ Î²ÎÏνηÏÎ·Ï ÏÎ·Ï ÎÎ ÏÏÏο ÏÏÎ¹Ï ÎÏ ÏÏÏαÏκÎÏ Î ÏÏÏεÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎµÏ ÏÏο και ÏÏην ÎÏ Î¬ÏινγκÏον – ÏÎ»ÎµÏ Î±Ï ÏÎÏ Î¿Î¹ ÎµÎ¾ÎµÎ»Î¯Î¾ÎµÎ¹Ï ÏÏ ÏοδοÏοÏν Ïην ÎÏÏάθεια ÏÏιμοδοÏÏνÏÎ±Ï Ïην ÎβεβαιÏÏηÏα.
Îίναι, λοιÏÏν, άÏιαÏÏο ÏνειÏο η ΠαγκÏÏμια ΣÏαθεÏÏÏηÏα;
ÎÏ ÏÏ Î¸Î± είναι Ïο ανÏικείμενο ÏÎ¿Ï Â debate ανάμεÏα ÏÏον John Bolton, Ïο βεÏεÏάνο διÏλÏμάÏη, διÏλÏμάÏη και ÏολιÏικÏ, ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏηÏÎÏηÏε ÏÎ¹Ï ÏÏοεδÏÎ¯ÎµÏ Î´Ïο ÎÏοÏÏ, ενÏÏ Î¡Î®Î³ÎºÎ±Î½ και ÏÎ¿Ï Î¤ÏÎ±Î¼Ï ÎºÎ±Î¹ ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÏ Î½Î¹Î´ÏÏ Ïή ÏÎ¿Ï Â DiEM25 και γÏαμμαÏÎα ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÎΡÎ25 Îιάνη ÎαÏÎ¿Ï Ïάκη.
Τη ÏÏ Î¶Î®ÏηÏη ÏÏ Î½Ïονίζει ο  ÏολιÏικÏÏ ÎµÏιÏÏήμÏν ÏÎ¿Ï Î Î±Î½ÎµÏιÏÏÎ·Î¼Î¯Î¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÏλο και οικονομολÏγοÏ Scott Gates.
ÎÏοÏείÏε να ÏαÏÎ±ÎºÎ¿Î»Î¿Ï Î¸Î®ÏεÏε Ïο event εδÏ: Îα ÏÏοβληθεί εδÏ: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yyXIOBIOTCE&feature=youtu.be
Îι ÎµÎ½Ï ÏοÏΠδεν ήÏαν ÏÏÏο αÏαÏαίÏηÏη η ÏολιÏική ÏαÏÎμβαÏη Ïε ÏαγκÏÏμιο εÏίÏεδο, ÏοÏΠδεν ήÏαν ÏÏÏο καÏαÏÏακÏμÎνοι οι ÏαγκÏÏμιοι θεÏμοί ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÏÎ¿Ï Î½ ÏÏηθεί αÏÏ Ïο 1945 ÎÏÏ ÏήμεÏα για να ÏαÏÎµÎ¼Î²Î±Î¯Î½Î¿Ï Î½, Ï ÏοÏίθεÏαι Ï ÏÎÏ ÏÎ·Ï ÎιÏÎ®Î½Î·Ï ÎºÎ±Î¹ ÏÎ·Ï Î£ÏαθεÏÏÏηÏαÏ. ΠαÏαξίÏÏη ÏÏν ÎνÏμÎνÏν ÎθνÏν, η μεÏαÏÏοÏή ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÎΤ και ÏÎ·Ï Î Î±Î³ÎºÏÏÎ¼Î¹Î±Ï Î¤ÏάÏÎµÎ¶Î±Ï Ïε Ï ÏοÏείÏια ÏÏν δανειÏÏÏν, η κÏίÏÎ·Â Î´Î¹Î±ÎºÏ Î²ÎÏνηÏÎ·Ï ÏÎ·Ï ÎÎ ÏÏÏο ÏÏÎ¹Ï ÎÏ ÏÏÏαÏκÎÏ Î ÏÏÏεÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎµÏ ÏÏο και ÏÏην ÎÏ Î¬ÏινγκÏον – ÏÎ»ÎµÏ Î±Ï ÏÎÏ Î¿Î¹ ÎµÎ¾ÎµÎ»Î¯Î¾ÎµÎ¹Ï ÏÏ ÏοδοÏοÏν Ïην ÎÏÏάθεια ÏÏιμοδοÏÏνÏÎ±Ï Ïην ÎβεβαιÏÏηÏα.
Îίναι, λοιÏÏν, άÏιαÏÏο ÏνειÏο η ΠαγκÏÏμια ΣÏαθεÏÏÏηÏα;
ÎÏ ÏÏ Î¸Î± είναι Ïο ανÏικείμενο ÏÎ¿Ï Â debate ανάμεÏα ÏÏον John Bolton, Ïο βεÏεÏάνο διÏλÏμάÏη, διÏλÏμάÏη και ÏολιÏικÏ, ÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏηÏÎÏηÏε ÏÎ¹Ï ÏÏοεδÏÎ¯ÎµÏ Î´Ïο ÎÏοÏÏ, ενÏÏ Î¡Î®Î³ÎºÎ±Î½ και ÏÎ¿Ï Î¤ÏÎ±Î¼Ï ÎºÎ±Î¹ ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÏ Î½Î¹Î´ÏÏ Ïή ÏÎ¿Ï Â DiEM25 και γÏαμμαÏÎα ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÎΡÎ25 Îιάνη ÎαÏÎ¿Ï Ïάκη.
Τη ÏÏ Î¶Î®ÏηÏη ÏÏ Î½Ïονίζει ο  ÏολιÏικÏÏ ÎµÏιÏÏήμÏν ÏÎ¿Ï Î Î±Î½ÎµÏιÏÏÎ·Î¼Î¯Î¿Ï ÏÎ¿Ï ÎÏλο και οικονομολÏγοÏ Scott Gates.
ÎÏοÏείÏε να ÏαÏÎ±ÎºÎ¿Î»Î¿Ï Î¸Î®ÏεÏε Ïο event εδÏ: Îα ÏÏοβληθεί εδÏ: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yyXIOBIOTCE&feature=youtu.be
«Είναι η Παγκόσμια Σταθερότητα άπιαστο όνειρο;» Μπόλτον vs Βαρουφάκη στο 2020 Ηolberg Debate, Σάββατο 4μμ
Τι χρονιά κι αυτή! Ένα πραγματικό annus horribils που σημαδεύτηκε από μια καταστροφική πανδημία, από την κλιμακούμενη κλιματική καταστροφή, από το φάσμα ενός Νέου Ψυχρού Πολέμου ΗΠΑ-Κίνας, και βέβαια από τύμπανα πολέμου στο Αιγαίο και την Ανατολική Μεσόγειο.
Κι ενώ ποτέ δεν ήταν τόσο απαραίτητη η πολιτική παρέμβαση σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο, ποτέ δεν ήταν τόσο καταρρακωμένοι οι παγκόσμιοι θεσμοί που έχουν στηθεί από το 1945 έως σήμερα για να παρεμβαίνουν, υποτίθεται υπέρ της Ειρήνης και της Σταθερότητας. Η απαξίωση των Ηνωμένων Εθνών, η μετατροπή του ΔΝΤ και της Παγκόσμιας Τράπεζας σε υποχείρια των δανειστών, η κρίση διακυβέρνησης της ΕΕ τόσο στις Ευρωπαϊκές Πρωτεύουσες όσο και στην Ουάσινγκτον – όλες αυτές οι εξελίξεις πυροδοτούν την Αστάθεια πριμοδοτώντας την Αβεβαιότητα.
Είναι, λοιπόν, άπιαστο όνειρο η Παγκόσμια Σταθερότητα;
Αυτό θα είναι το αντικείμενο του debate ανάμεσα στον John Bolton, το βετεράνο διπλωμάτη, διπλωμάτη και πολιτικό, που υπηρέτησε τις προεδρίες δύο Μπούς, ενός Ρήγκαν και του Τραμπ και του συνιδρυτή του DiEM25 και γραμματέα του ΜέΡΑ25 Γιάνη Βαρουφάκη.
Τη συζήτηση συντονίζει ο πολιτικός επιστήμων του Πανεπιστημίου του Όσλο και οικονομολόγος Scott Gates.
Μπορείτε να παρακολουθήσετε το event εδώ: Θα προβληθεί εδώ: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yyXIOBIOTCE&feature=youtu.be
Κι ενώ ποτέ δεν ήταν τόσο απαραίτητη η πολιτική παρέμβαση σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο, ποτέ δεν ήταν τόσο καταρρακωμένοι οι παγκόσμιοι θεσμοί που έχουν στηθεί από το 1945 έως σήμερα για να παρεμβαίνουν, υποτίθεται υπέρ της Ειρήνης και της Σταθερότητας. Η απαξίωση των Ηνωμένων Εθνών, η μετατροπή του ΔΝΤ και της Παγκόσμιας Τράπεζας σε υποχείρια των δανειστών, η κρίση διακυβέρνησης της ΕΕ τόσο στις Ευρωπαϊκές Πρωτεύουσες όσο και στην Ουάσινγκτον – όλες αυτές οι εξελίξεις πυροδοτούν την Αστάθεια πριμοδοτώντας την Αβεβαιότητα.
Είναι, λοιπόν, άπιαστο όνειρο η Παγκόσμια Σταθερότητα;
Αυτό θα είναι το αντικείμενο του debate ανάμεσα στον John Bolton, το βετεράνο διπλωμάτη, διπλωμάτη και πολιτικό, που υπηρέτησε τις προεδρίες δύο Μπούς, ενός Ρήγκαν και του Τραμπ και του συνιδρυτή του DiEM25 και γραμματέα του ΜέΡΑ25 Γιάνη Βαρουφάκη.
Τη συζήτηση συντονίζει ο πολιτικός επιστήμων του Πανεπιστημίου του Όσλο και οικονομολόγος Scott Gates.
Μπορείτε να παρακολουθήσετε το event εδώ: Θα προβληθεί εδώ: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yyXIOBIOTCE&feature=youtu.be
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