Daniel A. Masters's Blog, page 8

Every Man for His Own Pork & Beans: The 29th Wisconsin at Mansfield

In this spicy letter which first saw publication in the May12, 1864, edition of the Saturday Evening Press from Menasha, Wisconsin,a soldier correspondent of the 29th Wisconsin with the nom-de-plume Scribusdenounced the folly of how Generals Nathaniel Banks and William Franklinconducted the Red River campaign by sharing the experience of his regiment atthe Battle of Mansfield.

As part of General Robert Cameron’s Third Division of the 13thArmy Corps, a five-company detachment of the 29th Wisconsin alongwith the 46th Indiana (all that was present of the First Brigade) werebrought into line to salvage the collapsing Federal position at Mansfield. Itwasn’t long before Scribus and his comrades in the 29th foundthemselves in great peril.

          “We who could see what was transpiringwere well aware of the danger, yet we remained until the enemy was so near thatwe were completely hemmed in upon the right. Then an overwhelming charge drovethe Second Brigade back, leaving our left quite as much exposed. When the enemy’scavalry was within 20 rods upon our left, galloping down across the road andtheir balls falling like hail, their infantry upon our right commenced agalling fire at short range. We saw it was “every man for his own pork andbeans” as the boys sometimes play ball, and the way the 29thWisconsin got out of the tall grass and over the ground was a caution to FloraTemple!”

Our correspondent concluded by giving “a cheer for Grant,McClernand, and General A.J. Smith, and three groans for Banks and Franklin, “theRebel commissaries!”

Finding themselves flanked on both the left and right, the soldiers of the 29th Wisconsin put their brogans to good use high-tailing it away from their position at Mansfield. It was a discouraging defeat only salvaged (in our correspondent's opinion) by the hard fighting of A.J. Smith's troops the following day. 

Camp of 29thWisconsin Volunteers, Grand Ecore, Louisiana

April 15,1864

          As we have had a little smell ofpowder lately, I wish to vent my ill nature upon the public at large, therebeing prudential motives which prevent its exhibition toward those who havearoused my temper.

          We left Natchitoches on the 6thand arrived at Pleasant Hills the afternoon of the 7th where wefound the cavalry in an excitement as the Rebels had made a stand in the pinewoods just beyond the place and gobbled up a 100-200 of our men. We went intocamp as usual and all was quiet during the night.

          Next morning at an early hour, theFourth Division moved on and ours followed while the First Division of the 19thArmy Corps brought up the rear. Five companies of the 29th Wisconsin(A, C, F, I, and K) were detailed as rear guards for the wagon train leavingonly the 46th Indiana and five companies of our regiment in theFirst Brigade. The train belonging to the cavalry division was near the head ofthe column while batteries and infantry were scattered promiscuously along inorder to have them protected, I suppose.

           As both Generals [Nathaniel] Banks and old[William] Franklin were along with us, we imagined, there was no great dangerof a fight and yet a feeling of uneasiness was over us because our force was somuch scattered. Our route was through a dense forest of young pines where itwas almost impossible to keep skirmishers deployed as the road was very narrowand frequently crossed by small ravines. Only one team could, by anypossibility, cross at once and infantry could scarcely pass if by chance atrace unhitched and a team was obliged to stop.

          We passed the place where the cavalrywas surprised the day before and saw the marks of sharp firing upon the treesaround while a dead Reb and the clothing of others who had been removedindicated that a smart skirmish had taken place. Shortly after this, we heardfiring ahead which was afterwards ascertained to be at a sawmill upon a smallstream some 8-10 miles towards Mansfield from Pleasant Hills. It was betweenthe 23rd and other regiments of the Fourth Division and a body ofRebels made of a show of resisting our attempts to advance. The enemy wasdriven back and we proceeded a few miles to some fields where we found Franklin’sheadquarters flag and saw indications of going into camp.

General William B. Franklin

          We soon turned into a field, stackedarms, and commenced preparations for remaining over night. I learned that theFourth Division was 3-4 miles ahead and the cavalry with Nim’s battery wasstill further on. Very soon we heard the roar of artillery and in a short timethe order was given to “fall in” and go to the support of the Fourth Division.We moved off, not at the double quick, but so near it that we made four milesin less than an hour and the last mile was through the brush as the trains hadblocked up the road. The firing grew heavier as we advanced and soon thevolleys of musketry intermingled with the roar of artillery and we knew therewas work ahead.

          To explain a little, it appears thatwhen the cavalry and advance of the infantry commenced preparations forencamping, the Rebs opened upon them and, massing their forces for the attack,succeeded in gobbling up Nim’s battery and driving back the cavalry. The FourthDivision went in and caused the enemy to fall back for a time; but being ingreat force, the Rebels repeated their attempts and finally caused the Fourthto fall back just as we came up. Our brigade deployed to the right of the roadand the Second Brigade formed in line upon the left.

          We were ordered to advance to the edgeof the woods nearly half a mile and having done so, we found an extensive fieldwith a crooked rail fence running along the borders of the timber. Inside ofthe fence was a scattering of dead trees, destitute of bark, and looking very “butternutty.”There was also a line of Rebs less than 20 rods distance from us, but as theywere dressed in dark clothing, we at first supposed it was a portion of our ownmen and for a moment held our fire. But a second look assured us that they werelawful game and two or three volleys were given them before they got across thefield and out of range.

          We soon retired a few rods and stoodin line waiting demonstrations. But a short time elapsed before we couldplainly see a heavy column of the enemy advancing obliquely across the fieldfor the purpose of flanking us upon the right. Yet we were assured constantlythat “the 19th Corps was upon our right” and there was no dangerwhen the fact was we had no support; the 19th Corps was at least sixmiles back towards Pleasant Hills but coming as fast as circumstances wouldpermit. But this didn’t help our cause at all, for with 10,000-15,000 men tooppose our 2,000, they had only to gallop their mounted infantry around andplace themselves in our rear as well as our front.

General Nathaniel P. Banks 

          We who could see what was transpiringwere well aware of the danger, yet we remained until the enemy was so near thatwe were completely hemmed in upon the right. Then an overwhelming charge drovethe Second Brigade back, leaving our left quite as much exposed. When the enemy’scavalry was within 20 rods upon our left, galloping down across the road andtheir balls falling like hail, their infantry upon our right commenced agalling fire at short range.

For the first time, discovering their close proximity to usand convincing the brigade command that we were yet unsupported, then he remarked(it is said) “the men better surrender but he should not be taken alive.” [Lieutenant Colonel Aaron M. Flory commanded the First Brigade] Shortly after he was shot andsupposedly killed. We heard nothing of this, but saw the 46thIndiana making a movement towards the rear and not in the very best order. Wesaw it was “every man for his own pork and beans” as the boys sometimes playball, and the way the 29th Wisconsin got out of the tall grass andover the ground was a caution to Flora Temple!

There is no telling who ran fastest but it is a fact thateveryone who could run gave the Rebs a sight at his coattails, a thing we hadnever done before. We found the teams in a perfect jam, completely blocking upthe road and rendering it impossible for the batteries, which were in advanceof them, to get by or through them. Several guns were lost in this way and thewhole train of the cavalry division was left to the Rebels.

Some two or three miles from the field we met ourreinforcements and much of the prejudice against the “Nutmegs” has been removedby the way they went into the work. The gave the enemy several volleys,effectually checking them and allowing the rest of the retreat to be made ingood order, also allowing all of the teams back of them time to move back toPleasant Hills. It was about 5 p.m. when we opened upon the enemy and nearlydark when the enemy was checked by the 19th Corps.

By 8 o’clock the morning of April 9th, our forcewas all up to Pleasant Hill where we found Colonel Greene with a squad of recruits,they having come up from Grand Ecore with General [A.J.] Smith and a detachmentof the 16th Army Corps of about 10,000-12,000 men. The brigade ofcolored troops commenced skirmishing with the enemy shortly afterwards and aboutnoon we were moving off towards Grand Ecore with the train while General Smithremained there to see whether he could handle the enemy better with artilleryand men than Banks and Franklin had by charging with a wagon train! He dressedthe rascals out handsomely before night and then fell back, following us. Hecaptured 600-700 prisoners that I know of (having seen them) and I have heardthe enemy’s loss estimated as high as 6,000.

Two men of Co. G, Sergeant A.D. Woodman and Private FritzDanner and two others of the 46th Indiana came into camp day beforeyesterday, having eluded the Rebels by striking back into the woods and towardthe river. They had been reported missing but much to our surprise andsatisfaction, they came safely through though rather thin in flesh having hadno food except dry corn and green peppergrass since the fight.

The total loss in killed, wounded, and missing is 65 men, aliberal loss for only five companies. I would send you a list of casualties ifI had time but the mail leaves at 2 o’clock and I fear I cannot complete it. Witha cheer for Grant, McClernand, and General A.J. Smith, and three groans forBanks and Franklin, “the Rebel commissaries!”

To learn more about the Battle of Mansfield/Sabine Crossroads, please check out this post:

Worse Than Madness for Us: the 56th Ohio at Sabine Crossroads

Source:

Letter fromScribus, 29th Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry, Saturday EveningPress (Menasha, Wisconsin), May 12, 1864, pg. 2

I Gave Them All the Bullets I Had: With the 18th Connecticut at Second Winchester

Writing tohis mother ten days after the disaster that had befallen his regiment at SecondWinchester, Private George W. Cross of the 18th Connecticut countedhimself lucky to have escaped unharmed.

It was early in the morning of June 15, 1863, when theregiment, trying to escape from Winchester to Harper’s Ferry, found itselftrapped near Stephenson’s Depot. Ordered to charge by General Robert Milroy, the18th Connecticut turned off the road, formed into line, and wentinto the fight. It wasn’t long before the line unraveled and was ordered to disperse.

“Just as we had orders to scatter and save our lives, a horsecame running out of the woods between me and the Rebels,” Cross recalled. “Iput for him and caught him. About the time I go on his back, the bullets flewaround my head like hail and plowed the ground all around me. The Rebels sungout to me, “Halt, you damned Yankee, your retreat is cut off!” I put the buttof my gun around the horse’s legs and off I went as fast as he could carry me.I put for the mountains and Lord knows where I went to for I don’t.”

Private Cross’s account of Second Winchester and his escapeinto Pennsylvania first saw publication in the July 10, 1863, edition of the WillimanticJournal.

 

Captain Frederick A. Palmer and First Lieutenant John T. Maginnis of Co. E, 18th Connecticut Infantry pose with their swords in an image made at Israel and Co. in Baltimore, Maryland. The image was likely made in late 1862-early 1863 at the regiment was stationed at Fort McHenry from the time it mustered into service in August 1862 until it was sent to Winchester on May 22, 1863. Lieutenant Maginnis would be captured June 15, 1863, at Stephenson's Depot and confined at Macon, Georgia until March 1864. He returned to the regiment only to be killed in action June 5, 1864, at the Battle of Piedmont. Captain Palmer had been discharged for disability just a week earlier. 

BloodyCreek, Pennsylvania

June 25,1863

Dear mother,

          Today is the first chance I have hadto write to you since the Battle of Winchester. I went through the whole fightand did not get wounded. How I escaped from being taken prisoner is more than Ican see into. I got into a field once where there were over 3,000 Rebels hid inthe bushes and grass. The fight commenced Saturday morning. We whipped themtill Sunday afternoon then another force came up in our rear and, in fact, onall sides of us. Our force was only 6,000-7,000 men while the Rebels had about30,000. We had plenty of forts but no cannons to put in them.

          Sunday night by 6 o’clock the Rebelshad captured every fort but one and every cannon but four. From that time up to10 in the evening the fight was terrible. Their cannons were no further offthat Mott’s house from you and the way the shells flew was a caution. At 1 o’clockMonday morning, we spiked the four cannons and retreated towards Harper’sFerry. We left two baggage wagons filled with tents and knapsacks. We did nottry to take them with us so I have lost everything except what I have got on. Ishall miss the photograph the most of all.

          We got through the Rebel line and hadgone four miles when we were surrounded again in a piece of woods and here wehad to fight for life. We would charge on them and drive them some ways thenthey would drive us. We stood our ground for two or three hours and thenscattered in every direction. Some men cut their way through, some were takenprisoner, and others were shot. Captain Bowen was shot. They were carrying himoff in a litter when he raised his head up and the Rebels shot him dead.

The 18th Connecticut was marching on the road to Harper's Ferry when they discovered themselves trapped north of Winchester near Stephenson's Depot. In the confused fighting that followed, most of the regiment found itself surrounded and was captured. Private Cross was among the few to escape by jumping on a horse and heading west to the mountains, then heading north to Pennsylvania.
(Map courtesy of American Battlefield Trust)

          We hung together till we lost near allof our officers. I saw Colonel Ely’s horse without a rider. One of ourlieutenants was shot and taken prisoner and others were taken prisoner. Thereare not over a dozen men of Co. C now at headquarters. I am the only one fromthe Falls; there are a great many more scattered over the mountains. We did notscatter until daybreak. The Rebels had several cannons and poured the grapeshotand shells into us so fast that we could not stand it. When it was dark, theyfired over us most every time. When men stand up in front of cannons for two orthree hours (which are not more than 6 rods off), you may be sure that they arefighting for their lives.

 

“We wentabout four miles and our skirmishers began to fire. We drew up in line and gavethem a volley. They had a battery but we had none with us. We fought threehours when General [Robert] Milroy gave the command to charge and take thebattery. We started and as soon as we got by, Milroy ran away. We did not takethe battery for they had it across a bridge. We went up that time just to giveGeneral Milroy a chance to escape. When we retreated out of the woods, theRebels were coming in on all side so Colonel Ely had to surrender. He felt sobad, the tears rolled down his cheeks. We stacked our guns, took off our belts,and marched to the fort.” ~Private Jonathan S. Colburn, Co. H, 18thConnecticut 

Just as we had orders to scatter and save our lives, a horsecame running out of the woods between me and the Rebels. I put for him andcaught him. About the time I go on his back, the bullets flew around my headlike hail and plowed the ground all around me. The Rebels sung out to me, “Halt,you damned Yankee, your retreat is cut off!” I put the butt of my gun aroundthe horse’s legs and off I went as fast as he could carry me.

Colonel William G. Ely
18th Connecticut

I put for the mountains and Lord knows where I went to for I don’t.I tried to go northwest but all I had to guide me was the sun. I knew theRebels were in Martinsburg so I thought I would put up into Pennsylvania. Icame out at Bath on the Potomac. Just as I had got over the river, what shouldI see but the Rebels coming into the town? So I put back over the river againand went up the river as fast as the horse would go. At St. John’s, I met atrain of cars just going out, so I jumped off the horse and got into the carsand rode up to Cumberland, Pennsylvania. When I got there, I found several ofthe 18th Connecticut. I was so tired I could barely stand up.

If you had seen me when on horse you would have smiled. Iwore the seats of my pants and drawers through. We went from Cumberland to NewCreek and from there we struck off through the mountains to Bedford,Pennsylvania. We walked about 40 miles and brought up within four miles ofCumberland again. This about discouraged us. We jumped into an empty car androde about 8 miles and now we are at Bloody Creek, about 8 miles from Bedford.About 100 men from my regiment are here.

I hope when we go into another fight we will have a chance topay the Rebels up. I gave them all the bullets I had. Seven of us fired a Rebelofficer on horseback and killed him. Which of us hit him is hard to say. Forthe last week I have not had anything to eat, only what I have begged fromfolks.

Tolearn more about the three-days fighting at Second Winchester, please check outthese posts:

Disaster atSecond Winchester with the 122nd Ohio

Three HardDays in June: The 110th Ohio at Second Winchester

Sources:

Letter fromPrivate George W. Cross, Co. C, 18th Connecticut Volunteer Infantry,Willimantic Journal (Connecticut), July 10, 1863, pg. 1

Letter fromPrivate Jonathan S. Colburn, Co. H, 18th Connecticut VolunteerInfantry, Willimantic Journal (Connecticut), August 14, 1863, pg. 1

Knee Deep in the Swamp: The 10th Connecticut at Kinston

The Battleof Kinston, North Carolina, was fought December 14, 1862, between Federalforces under General John G. Foster and a small force of Confederates led byGeneral Nathan Evans. Foster marched out from New Bern with roughly 10,000 menaiming to break the Wilmington & Weldon Railroad.

In this letter written home to his parents in Connecticut,Private Eugene W. Chaffee of Co. E, 10th Connecticut Infantrydescribes his experiences in this all-but -forgotten engagement that cost hisregiment 104 casualties. His letter first appeared in the January 23, 1863,edition of the Willimantic Journal published in Willimantic,Connecticut.

 

The thickly wooded Kinston Swamp proved a tough obstacle to the Federal troops at the Battle of Kinston. As Private Chaffee recalled, "we pushed through the tangled swamp, knee deep in mud, as best we could. We could not keep any shape and hardly could keep up with our officers." 

          After a mile or two again we heard theroar of cannons, the herald of approaching battle. It took us two or threehours to reach the vicinity, halting along the way as we did all the while. Theadvance was engaged principally with artillery, trying to shell them out. Wecame up, passed several regiments, filed into the field, and were orderedforward into the swamp. In we went by the left of companies to the front and we pushed through the tangled swamp, knee deep in mud as best we could. We couldnot keep any shape and hardly could keep up with our officers.

          On we went till we came to two otherregiments lying down doing nothing. We formed in line of battle and pushedforward over them- the new 45th Massachusetts and the old 103rdPennsylvania until we reached ahead of the 103rd then we lay downand replied to the sharp firing of the foe for we had by this time reached the edgeof the swamp in plain sight of them. We kept up an awful fire upon them inconjunction with some of the 103rd until it became intolerable forthem, I suppose, for they filed off.

Lieutenant John M. Simms
Co. G, 10th C.V.
Severely wounded in right shoulder
Died of wounds Jan 11, 1863

We could see them away to the left and some supposed theywere our men flanking them and we ceased firing. I thought all the while theywere Rebels and so did others. We were ordered to rise up and move forward inline which we did until we came to a slight elevation previously occupied bythe enemy. Here we could see them skedaddling across the bridge into Kinston.Then we halted and began such a fire upon the bridge as soon caused the tide tomove the other way and escape the fire by getting under the bank of the rover.One came out with a flag of truce and we went out to meet it on the doublequick.

When we came to the brink of the river, from 50-100 Rebelsthrew down their arms and surrendered. Beyond the river was a large fieldacross which the Rebels were scattering besides the column on the road. Wepoured into them a desultory fire and the artillery came up and opened. HereLieutenant Perkins was killed and one or two wounded by the sharpshooters ofthe Rebel rearguard. All this while the bridge, which had been fired by theRebels was burning slowly. A squad from the battery and 10th Connecticutwith the artillery buckets went on to the bridge and put out the fire; I wasone of them. We worked hard but put it out and then the 10th and oneof the New York regiments went across, but the Rebels were all out of sight exceptfor stragglers who wanted to be taken prisoner. [Altogether the Confederateslost about 400 men taken prisoner during the fight.]

General John G. Foster

Colonel Stevenson rode up and thanked us for the honor we hadconferred on his brigade by our gallantry. Soon after, General [John G.] Fosterrode by and as cheer after cheer went up, he stopped, uncovered his head, androde up to us. He, too, thanked us for our gallant conduct. He told us we wereentitled to the name bravest of the brave, prayed God to bless us, and ahundred other expressions of thankfulness for having, as he said, won thebattle.

It was an hour of glory for the 10th but purchasedat what cost! Of a little over 300 men in the battle, 104 were killed orwounded, most of the wounded severely. That night’s bivouac was a sorrowfulone; my bedfellow was wounded, others were killed. All had a friend in themorning that was not there and the 10th Connecticut’s line of stacks wasfar shorter than when broken in the morning.

Source:

Letter fromPrivate Eugene Winslow Chaffee, Co. E, 10th Connecticut VolunteerInfantry, Willimantic Journal (Connecticut), January 23, 1863, pg. 1

Captured at Corinth: A Wisconsin POW's Story

In the Second Battle of Corinth fought October 3-4, 1862, the Federal Army of Mississippi under General William S. Rosecrans a total of 2,520 casualties, including  324 men missing or captured. Among those captured was Corporal Francis E. Engle of the 14th Wisconsin Infantry. In the following letter written home to his family from Benton Barracks in St. Louis, Missouri, Engle describes his time in captivity, his fare consisting largely of cornbread and fresh beef. The corporal was promptly exchanged, returning to Federal hands about two weeks after first being captured on the battlefield at Corinth. 

          Corporal Engle’s description of histime in captivity first saw publication in the November 13, 1862, edition ofthe Manitowoc Herald published in Manitowoc, Wisconsin.

 

Corporal Francis E. Engle, Co. E, 14th Wisconsin Volunteers was wounded in the mouth on the first day of the Battle of Corinth and soon found himself in Confederate hands. The 19-year-old Indiana native would survive his brief imprisonment only to be wounded again at Vicksburg the following May. He ended the war as a second lieutenant and passed away in Indianapolis in 1907. 

BentonBarracks, St. Louis, Missouri

October 30,1862

          The initial portions of the letterwere not printed; the editors picked up the story Friday morning, October 3, 1862,when the Federal forces made their stand north of town:

          In a few moments, our skirmishers weredrawn in and then our whole line fell back in good order to the breastworkswhere Colonel Hancock ordered to halt and give it to the Rebels. My piece beingempty, I loaded, rose, and fired; before I could drop behind the breastwork, abuckshot struck me about an inch behind the left ear, slid down the inside ofthe jawbone and lodged in the chin where it now remains. I could not tell atfirst how badly I was wounded.

          The Rebels picked me up and took me toa general who asked me a few questions then ordered me to the rear. When I cameback to the place where our regiment was first formed on the hill, I met JohnM. Read. On our way back to the place of resting, the sun was very hot and Ithink I should have fainted but for John tying his handkerchief over my head.Friday night, John saw that my canteen was kept full. He also took off the onlycoat he had and gave it to me a pillow and slept in his shirtsleeves. TheRebels brought in blankets for the wounded and he saw that I had one.

          Saturday morning [October 4], we heardfiring open at early dawn. We saw reinforcements of artillery going to thefront but we soon perceived a change in that all their teams were leavingCorinth. This, we thought, looked like a defeat for the Rebels. And about 10 o’clockwe were ordered to start on the retreat. We marched about 11 miles that day andhalted on the bank of a small creek. Sunday [October 5], we continued ourretreat until we came within about half a mile of the Hatchie River when we heardfiring in front of us, came to a halt, countermarched, and then halted by theside of the road while reinforcements were shoved forward. While halting here,our men threw shells among us.

          We then started south on the Ripleyroad and marched until 11 o’clock at night. When we halted there was some beefthrown in among us and this was the first they had given us since we weretaken. But fresh beef, without salt or bread, tasted good. Early the nextmorning [Monday October 6], we started without breakfast and arrived at Ripleyabout 4 o’clock in the afternoon. We camped in the fairgrounds and they gave ussome fresh beef and a piece of cornbread almost as large as your two fingers.Tuesday morning [October 7] we had about the same quantity of cornbread andthen commenced our march to Holly Springs; night found us 13 miles from Ripley.That night we drew nothing but beef and two ears of rotten corn.

          The next morning (Wednesday October 8)we started off without anything to eat but were promised that we should haveplenty that night. Night came and we halted on the bank of a creek. In thecourse of the night, we each received a small piece of beef, a sweet potato,and some cornbread. At 3 o’clock the next morning [Thursday October 9], westarted for Holly Springs and arrived at that city about 10 a.m. We remainedthere until dark then took the cars for Jackson [Mississippi] at which place wearrived about 10 the next morning [Friday October 10]. We stayed out in thecold all that day and at night were quartered in the state house.

          Saturday morning [October 11] we tookthe cars for Vicksburg. Arriving safely in that city we were marched to the jailwhich could not accommodate us all, so 180 of us were taken to the workhouse, abuilding about 50 feet square surrounded by a brick wall some 20 feet high and60 x 80 feet on the ground. At first we drew a small allowance of cornbread andmeat, but when regulated, we drew a pint of meal, half a pound of beef, plenty ofsalt, and a little sugar and molasses. We made mush, cornbread, soup, broiledbeef, fried beef, etc. Bread was 50 cents a loaf, shoes $8, and boots $25.

Vicksburg in 1862 with the Mississippi River in the background

We remained in the “Cross-Bar Hotel” just one week and werethen placed on one of our steamers and under our own flag. But we receivedworse treatment than we did in Rebeldom, worse than dogs. For 11 long days wewere on board the steamer Dauota and all that time on about halfrations. But that is past and gone.

          We are now in these barracks and todaywe drew new clothes and are clean and comfortable once more. It is sad to seethe names of the killed and wounded in the battle, but still sadder it is tosee the names of friends, friends with whom one has been most intimate. I wasso moved to see the name of Freiling Westgate in the list of killed. When inline, he always stood either behind me or on my right. He enlisted the same daythat I did and we were to celebrate the anniversary. He was in another worldwhen that anniversary poked round and I was in jail at Vicksburg. I thought ofit when the day came but such is the fate of war.

          Morris Van Douser is another gone. Hewas a good soldier. Though sick most of the summer, he was always on hand whenthere was a prospect of a fight. Our captain needs no words from me. Hisbravery, I presume, is spoken of in every letter. That he fell I am aware, buthow he fell I know not. Those who knew him know that he must have fallen as thebrave fall. And when I see the record, I have no fears but that this assurancewill prove true.

My wound is entirely well.

The captain Engle is referring to was Captain Levi W. Vaughn; Private Andrew Sloggy of Co. E was with the captain when he receivedhis mortal wound and reported “Captain Vaughn was shot down by my side. It wasnot until the Rebels drove us out of the entrenchments that he was shot. Thelast words he spoke to me were “Tell my wife and all my friends that I did myduty and died for my country.” I coaxed one or two men from another regiment toassist me in carrying the captain off the ground but it was of no use. Thecaptain urged me all the while to leave him before the Rebels would get me. Istayed with him until there was no choice for me but to leave him or be killedor taken prisoner. If I had stayed, it is likely that I would not be numberedamong the missing.”

  

Sources:

Letter fromCorporal Francis E. Engle, Co. E, 14th Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry,Manitowoc Herald (Wisconsin), November 13, 1862, pg. 2

Letter fromPrivate Andrew Sloggy, Co. E, 14th Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry, ManitowocHerald (Wisconsin), November 6, 1862, pg. 2

The Most Agreeable Bunk in the Regiment: A Buckeye Boy at Patterson Creek

Writing tohis sister Flora in far-off Wisconsin, Private Herbert Smalley of the 7thOhio reported how well soldiering agreed with him; as a matter of fact, hebragged that he had “the most agreeable bunk in the regiment.”

          “I wish you could be here beside me amoment, looking over my portfolio at the motley crowd who are scoffing theirallowance of hard bread,” he noted. “The different portions of the glove arepretty well represented here in our bunk. We have a downeast Yankee, severalGermans, a Welshman, a Swiss, three Englishmen, an Irishman, a Californian, andthree Buckeyes. I think we have the most agreeable bunk in the regiment. Wehave three farmers, one rolling mill man, one furnace man, one file cutter, onetailor, one watchmaker, one second-hand theater actor, one sailor, onefisherman, one brakeman, one jack-of-all-trades, and one printer besides onecandidate for the lunatic asylum. Don’t you think we have quite an assortment?”

          Private Smalley’s account of lifeduring the war’s first winter first saw publication in the February 20, 1862,edition of the Manitowoc Herald published in Manitowoc, Wisconsin.

 

Early in the war, the Union Army's troops were usually sheltered in conical Sibley tents like the one depicted above. The tents, though relatively commodious, proved too unwieldy and bulky and by the end of 1862 were largely replaced by the much-maligned but far more practical shelter halves. 

Camp Kelly,Patterson Creek, Virginia

February 4,1862

My darlingsister,

          I received your dear good letter aboutfive minutes ago and it did me more good than a good dinner would a starvedman. When I first heard of your going to Wisconsin, it was a greatdisappointment to me for I was expecting to go to Painesville on furlough inwhich case, I should miss seeing you. But since you are so pleasantly situated,I am glad for your sake that you went. I suppose I ought to stop and eat mydinner but I am afraid my fit of inspiration would pass off meantime. Iperceive we have a change in our usual bill of fare, our cook having got us upsome coffee and hard bread instead of hard bread and coffee which we had thismorning.

          I wish you could be here beside me amoment, looking over my portfolio at the motley crowd who are scoffing theirallowance of hard bread. The different portions of the glove are pretty wellrepresented here in our bunk. We have a downeast Yankee, several Germans, aWelshman, a Swiss, three Englishmen, an Irishman, a Californian, and threeBuckeyes. I think we have the most agreeable bunk in the regiment. We havethree farmers, one rolling mill man, one furnace man, one file cutter, onetailor, one watchmaker, one second-hand theater actor, one sailor, onefisherman, one brakeman, one jack-of-all-trades, and one printer besides onecandidate for the lunatic asylum. Don’t you think we have quite an assortment?

          I think when the war is over we mightstart quite a respectable colony down here in this wilderness and show thenatives how to do business. We think some of buying a lot of candles toilluminate with in honor of the freezing up of the mud in this part of theworld. The snow is about three inches deep now and it is quite cold. There isquite a move made towards reorganizing our martial band; a new fife major hasarrived from Ravenna and what remains of our old band has been out severaltimes to practice. The major is a good fellow but not much of a fifer. I thinkI can rather get ahead of him myself with a little practice. Co. A boasts of oneof the best drummers in the service, now as he has been ten years in the regularservice.

Colonel (later General) Erastus B. Tyler

          I suppose you are aware that Colonel[Erastus] Tyler has got to be acting brigadier general. He has command of sixregiments: 110th Pennsylvania, 7th Indiana, 1stVirginia, 7th Ohio, 29th Ohio, and another Indianaregiment. A day or two after I wrote you last, a part of our regiment and the29th Ohio had another extensive scouting expedition though this timeit resulted a little more satisfactorily than before. This took a load off thegeneral’s mind and a bigger one off the floor of a Secesher’s granary.

          It was raining as usual when we gotthe order to pack knapsacks and fall in. We got into line with our muskets at “securearms” to prevent wetting the charges and struggled through the mud to the depotwhere we stood half an hour in the rain waiting for the train. It came at lastand we were stowed in quite snugly considering the weather. You asked me if Iam obliged to carry a musket. I am not but do it from my own choice. I have aMinie musket of my own which I bought and which is a crack shooter so thatalthough I am not obliged to, I make a practice of going on all the expeditionsof the company.

          Well, the cars ran to Green Springwhere they made a halt and scouts were sent up the Springfield road to ascertainthe whereabouts of the enemy’s if possible. We stayed at Green Spring a quarterof an hour and the boys got out and kicked off double-shuffles to get theirfeet warm. Then the “Giraffe” as the boys call these old camel-back enginesintimated its intention to advance and we turned into the cars again. In tenminutes more, we were in South Branch. As soon as we were out of the cars, twoscouting parties were detailed from the right of the company, one of 15 men andthe other of 5 men, both in charge of a sergeant, and were sent out. One wentup the south branch of the Potomac towards Romney and the other up a mountainhard by and the remainder of us took up our quarters in a house by the railroadbridge.

          About noon, an engine came down withthe colonel who ordered us over the bridge to a farmhouse where we were set towork loading corn on the train, there being some 500 bushels in a barn there.While we were loading the corn, another train went a mile and a half down thetrack where they got 2,500 bushels of oats. About dark, the 29thOhio came down just in time to miss all the fun. About an hour after dark, weleft the bridge and returned to this place, after burning the houses at thebridge.

          A sergeant has just stuck his head in thedoor and given us orders to draw and cook three day’s rations and prepare tomarch. We all anticipate a great move within a few days and perhaps a heavyfight. I fear we shall march too soon for me to mail this in which I shall haveto carry it. If we march on Romney there will probably be a great battle beforeit is yielded up by the Rebels.

          I had intended to write you a longletter but these marching orders have cut it short. I shall write you again assoon as we get where I can. The bugles are sounding all through camp and Iexpect we will leave very soon. Excuse this greasy sheet for I am dishwashertoday. Write to Patterson Creek and your letters will be forwarded to me.

With muchlove,

Herbert

P.S. The sunis shining for the first time since we left Romney. All quiet on the upperPotomac.

Nearlytwo months later, the Manitowoc Herald published a short notice pointing outthe bravery of young printer boys like Herbert Smalley. “The PainesvilleTelegraph alludes to the courage of two printer boys, E.V. Smalley and H.L. Smalley, inthe battle of Winchester. The first was promoted for his bravery. The second,our boy-soldier correspondent Herbert, shouldered a musket and fought like alittle hero. These brave boys are brothers of Miss Flora Smalley of this place.” Herbert would survive the war but just barely. After suffering being severely wounded in the left arm May 3, 1863 at the Battle of Chancellorsville, he was discharged February 22, 1864 and returned home. He applied for a pension then attended Oberlin College but passed away March 19, 1866 just three days shy of his 20th birthday. The Glider-Lehrman Institute owns one of his wartime diaries which was picked up on the battlefield. 

To read more about the Battle of Kernstown, check out these posts:

With Infernal Fury: The 5th Ohio is Blooded at Kernstown 

Charging by Fours with the 1st Ohio Cavalry at Kernstown

 Jeff Parsons of the 67th Ohio at the First Battle of Kernstown 

The 67th Ohio Commemorates First Winchester 57 Years Later

Sources:

Letter fromPrivate Herbert L. Smalley, Co. A, 7th Ohio Volunteer Infantry, ManitowocHerald (Wisconsin), February 20, 1862, pg. 2 

"The Bravery of Printer Boys," Manitowoc Herald (Wisconsin), April 17, 1862, pg. 3

It is a Rough Life: Taking New Orleans with the 12th Connecticut

First impressions often make lasting impressions, and for Sergeant Charles Evans of the 12th Connecticut, the first impression made by the citizens of New Orleans boils down to one word: surly. One example of this was when his regiment disembarked on the afternoon of May 2, 1862, the 12th Connecticut being among the first Union troops to occupy the city. 

“Late in the afternoon of May 2nd, we were orderedto land in the midst of thousands of secessionist soldiers and citizens,” hewrote his brother back home in Connecticut. “As each company descended from theship to the dock, they were brought to a front and ordered to load which gavethe Rebels to understand what they had to deal with in case of a street fight.And we confidently expected it. The bitterness exhibited by the vast gatheringboded nothing else. The women were more insulting than the men owing, Isuppose, to the worldwide reputation of gallantry on the part of Yankeesoldiers. The taunts were intolerable and only for previous orders not tonotice them blood would have been shed before we left the dock.” 

The fight didn't occur, but this event helps illustrate the social tensions existing as the Confederacy's biggest city fell under Union control. Sergeant Evans' letter describing those tense early days of the occupation of New Orleans first saw publication in theJuly 11, 1862, edition of the Willimantic Journal.

 

The Spanish moss hangs from the live oaks in this idealized view of New Orleans during the war. His regiment, the 12th Connecticut, spent five days on provost marshal duty in the city before being sent to entrenchments north of the city along the Mississippi River. 

CampParapet, near New Orleans, Louisiana

June 1, 1862

          Well John, the 12thConnecticut has had a rough time out South here on account of moving so muchand the inefficiency or rascality of the quartermaster. The first time we embarkedon the E. Wilder Farley at Ship Island for the Mississippi River, we layoff the island four days and during this time it was with the greatestdifficulty that the men could get anything at all to eat. If orders had notcome from General Benjamin Butler to disembark, they not being ready for us onthe Mississippi, there would have been some strange doings on board judgingfrom the mutinous aspect things were beginning to wear. As it was, some of themwere taken before the colonel and they stood up for their rights like men.

Previous to our embarkation we had been under marching ordersfor three or four days and all company cooking utensils were packed away,leaving every man to shift for himself as best he could which was very poor,indeed. The day we went aboard the transport Farley was the 4thof April and, on the 11th, we received marching orders again to be ready at anymoment and expected to march the next morning. But the next day proved to befive tedious days and if it had not been for the kindness of a battery attachedto the 7th Vermont, some of our men would have absolutely sufferedfor the necessaries of life. Our captain and the lieutenants fared the same asthe rest of the company, showing it was not their fault. Captain Braley hasdone all in his power for his men, both in sickness and in health, and I amconfident that his company think as much as of their captain and feel as kindlytowards him as does any company of theirs in the regiment which, if actionindicates anything, is flattering.

On the 15th the long roll beat and the regimentwas ready for the march, but the orders were countermanded again and we were directedto be ready at daylight. We lay on the ground with our knapsacks for pillowsuntil daylight when we were ready for the march again and by 11 o’clock weresafe aboard the Farley. In the afternoon, we upped anchor and were offfor the Southwest Pass of the Mississippi River in tow of the propeller Matanzaswhich had the 9th Connecticut aboard. We arrived at the pass earlyon the morning of the 17th. Our regiment being the advanced guard, asteamer was immediately sent to tow us up the river.

We were taken in sight of Porter’s mortar fleet which waspouring shells into Fort Jackson at the time at a terrific rate. One schoonerof the fleet did such great execution that, as a contraband says who was cookin the fort during the bombardment, the Rebels gave her the name of the ‘one-eyeddevil’ declaring that nothing human with two eyes could send shells with suchaccuracy. She said that every evening at 7 o’clock she was sure to be on handwith green boughs at her masthead to deceive the fort as she lay behind a pointof land which was thickly wooded. This deception was not discovered by theRebels till they saw some of the vessels dropping down the river fixed in thesame way. I suppose the ‘one-eyed devil’ gave them fits for our informant says,“when she began to play on us, if fairly made my bones jiggle.”

"You have read the report of the fight" refers to the passage of Farragut's fleet past Forts Jackson and St. Philip on April 24, 1862. The 12th Connecticut followed Farragut into New Orleans several days afterwards and went on provost marshal duty. 

You have read the report of the fight, of course. After thechain was broken and the fort had surrendered, we proceeded on our way up theriver, towed by a gunboat and after a passage of two days and one night came toanchor off New Orleans about 8 p.m. on the 30th of April. The nextmorning, we ran alongside the levee, each company separately receivingwholesome advice from our beloved colonel preparatory to going ashore. I don’tthink there is a man in the regiment but what would stand by him to the last.

Late in the afternoon of May 2nd, we were orderedto land in the midst of thousands of secessionist soldiers and citizens. Aseach company descended from the ship to the dock, they were brought to a frontand ordered to load which gave the Rebels to understand what they had to dealwith in case of a street fight. And we confidently expected it. The bitternessexhibited by the vast gathering boded nothing else. The women were moreinsulting than the men owing, I suppose, to the worldwide reputation of gallantryon the part of Yankee soldiers! The taunts were intolerable and only forprevious orders not to notice them blood would have been shed before we left thedock.

About 9 o’clock in the evening while under the command ofColonel Deming, we started for the custom house through dark streets as thecity authorities had the streetlamps put out for some undivulged purpose andfor want of light to find the way, we countermarched back to the dock where welay on our arms all night in a heavy dew. We threw out a guard, but nothingoccurred. Next afternoon we marched to the park in front of City Hall where weplanted the stars and stripes and the Connecticut state colors. We remainedthere five days, our regiment doing provost duty in the city in the meantime.

We then proceeded up the river and took possession of theseearthworks which are about 3-1/2 miles long. The moment the Rebels heard wewere coming up the river, they spiked the guns, burned their gun carriages,threw their ball, grape, and canister into the river, then put for the swampwith more than Bull Run speed. The old general who commanded them, a Frenchman,lost his way in the swamp and was without food for four days.

I wager 4,000 men could have held this place against 30,000.The fortification is an immense work and must have been built at vast expense.There are some other works also in this vicinity that are not quite completed.We came up the river just in the nick of time as a little longer postponementof our visit was all they needed to complete their preparations for ourreception. They had four or five ironclads nearly finished as well as animmense raft costing $5,000 loaded with barrels of tar which was to be firedand cut loose to drift down against our fleet. Again, there was a heavy chaincable at this post intended to be stretched across the river. All these nice littlearrangements were cut short of their consummation by our opportune arrival andthe skedaddling propensity of the Rebels. They destroyed the gunboats before theyfled. No advance of General Butler’s forces has met with a decided stand.

There are other regiments at Camp Parapet; the 9thConnecticut was here but has gone on to Baton Rouge to reinforce GeneralWilliams. The contrabands are running a streak of ill luck just now. For thefirst week or two we encamped here the runaways were permitted to remain withus and no owner could recover them unless they took the oath of allegiance.That encouraged a vast number to leave their masters, but an order came theother day not to harbor any of them and to turn all out of camp except thosewho were absolutely needed about the cook tents.

A great number of them were sent up the river the other dayto work on a crevasse in the levee and after that job was done, they were senthome to their owners. I can’t understand it. One of the slaves owned on aplantation about two miles from here received 400 lashes for attempting to seekhis liberty. On the morning of the day I visited the plantation the poor fellowwas turned out for the last hundred lashes. He was literally flayed alive.

A planter nearby came to me on day on picket and complainedbitterly of the soldiers digging his potatoes. Besides, they had taken a Negroboy from him whom he had treated as well as his own children and hoped thesoldiers who do the same by him. I suspected the planter of lying from hishypocritical appearance and hunted up the boys to see how so well treated aspecimen of chattelism looked. His back was all scars! The boy said, “Massa isa bad man. He prays every day for the yellow fever to kill off the damnedYankee soldiers or for the river to rise and drown them out. But when he talksto the Northern men, he’s very nice.” He is at least an ungrateful scoundrel,no doubt as a sergeant and six men are continually guarding his property nightand day. But that is characteristic of these Louisiana Creoles- treacherous asthe devil.

There has been a great deal of sickness with us since welanded in New Orleans and we are not by any means clear of it yet as there are5-15 men out of each company on the sick list every day. Six men out of ourcompany have had their names handed in for a disability discharge fromsickness. Our company generally enjoys tolerable health and your soldierbrother now is about “as tough as a boiled owl.” It is a rough life. A pineplank to sleep on would be a luxury and water to drunk thinner than molasses issomething we don’t expect to see for months yet as the Mississippi is muddierthan usual from the recent freshets. The inhabitants here drink rainwater aslong as God sees fit to send it down to them. When they do resort to riverwater, they filter it before drinking; with the poor soldier, it undergoes thatprocess after.

Source:

Letter fromSergeant Charles P. Evans, Co. G, 12th Connecticut VolunteerInfantry, Willimantic Journal (Connecticut), July 11, 1862, pg. 1

Nested Like Hogs: Travails of a Thompson’s Station POW

Captured along with 72 other Federal officers at the Battle of Thompson's Station, Tennessee on March 5, 1863, Lieutenant Colonel James M. Henderson of the 33rd Indiana described the officers' long journey to Libby Prison in Richmond, Virginia.

     "At Tullahoma, we were treated by Bragg the worst of any prisoners taken since the beginning of the war," Henderson complained. "Wet and cold, we were stripped of overcoats, oil blankets, canteens, and leggings, and the whole 73 officers were crowded into a small room with no fire, no room to lay down, and we had to nest in like hogs to keep from freezing. Next morning, we were thrown into a train of cattle cars and sent to Chattanooga, nearly freezing along the way. At Chattanooga, we got better treatment. From there we came on day by day till we got to Richmond, making 15 days in all. At some of our stopping places we got good treatment, at others, bad."

Lieutenant Colonel Henderson’s letter, written to hisbrother-in-law in Bainbridge, Michigan, first saw publication in the May 21,1863, edition of the St. Joseph Traveler published in St. Joseph, Michigan.

 

The "lobby" of Hotel de Libby. At the time of Henderson's letter, more than 240 officers lay crowded in the prison, subsisting on rations "just enough to live on," Colonel Henderson noted. "One small slice of bread and a quarter of a pound of stinking beef after all the strength is boiled out. Some days we get a little boiled rice and salt for dessert." 

Hotel deLibby, Richmond, Virginia

May 1, 1863

          We surrendered without a load in ourcartridge boxes. The boys broke nearly one half of their guns so they got a smallprize except the men. As soon as we surrendered (73 officers and 1,131 men), wewere immediately started for Columbia which place we reached at about midnight.Here the colonel in command of the escort made the landlord get up and get agood supper for the field officers. We then took a good sleep over it.

          From there we went to Shelbyville andmet with a very warm reception by the Union ladies (may God bless them). Theofficer under whom we were placed would give us no supper and General Polk puthim under arrest and permitted the ladies to bring us what they chose. Plentyof hot biscuits and butter, sandwiches, boiled ham, hot coffee, and other goodthings were brought so that our haversacks were well loaded when we left forTullahoma. The march from Columbia to Tullahoma was through the worst country Iever saw and it rained five of the six days we were on the route. ColonelGordon of the 4th Mississippi Cavalry had charge of us except whenin Shelbyville and he did all he could to make us comfortable.

We were corralled for a few hours at Shelbyville in thecircular courthouse yard, and many Johnnies guyed us about being in favor ofmiscegenation and amalgamation etc., but our boys were equal to the occasionand pointed out the motley colors of the crowd, of all ranks and races, thathad turned out to see the show of 1,200 Yankee prisoners of war. In that crowdwere many loyalists who showed us favors in the way of something to eat, handedby them through the iron palings of that fence.

But the climax of our misery was reached at Tullahoma when ina cold soaking rain the enlisted men were turned out into a low flat commons onwhich were found some brush and a few logs. The officers were given quarters inan old frame house and fared some better. Some of the sick laid on the brushthat kept them at least out of the mud and water. The horrors of that night cannever be effaced. In the morning, we were ordered to pile our overcoats,haversacks, canteens and blankets. General Bragg’s excuse for this order wasthat of retaliation for some indignities that he claimed were put upon somerebel prisoners. ~Captain Jefferson E. Brant, Co. E, 85th IndianaInfantry 

          At Tullahoma, we were treated by Braggthe worst of any prisoners taken since the beginning of the war. Wet and cold,we were stripped of overcoats, oil blankets, canteens, and leggings, and thewhole 73 officers were crowded into a small room with no fire, no room to laydown, and we had to nest in like hogs to keep from freezing. Next morning, wewere thrown into a train of cattle cars and sent to Chattanooga, nearlyfreezing along the way. At Chattanooga, we got better treatment. From there wecame on day by day till we got to Richmond, making 15 days in all. At some ofour stopping places we got good treatment, at others, bad.

          Now for old Libby. The prison is alarge brick tobacco warehouse four stories high measuring 100 feet by 140 feet.Each room is 40 feet by 100 feet, two are used as hospitals, two filled withofficers, and one filled with citizens and deserters. There are 241 officersconfined here, 32 of whom are in the hospital. I was taken sick from exposure abouta week after we came here and have been in the hospital ever since. First, Ihad tonsilitis, then mumps, then ague and fever. In all, I have had a hard timebut at present am well of all disease but I am so weak that I can’t walk morethan 40 rods. I am very poor and as white as you ever saw a man; the sun hasnot shone on me in 40 days and I look like any sickly plant.

Libby Prison in 1865. 

          Our rations are just enough to live on.One small slice of bread and a quarter of a pound of stinking beef after all thestrength is boiled out. Some days we get a little boiled rice and salt for dessert.Officers who were lucky enough to have a little money get along by buying a fewthings now and then, but prices are so high one cannot eat much. For example,butter is $3.25 per pound, eggs are $2 a dozen, coffee is $5 per pound, etc.Our greenbacks brought $2-5 Confederate money but the government declared itunlawful to traffic in greenbacks. Gold will now only pass and that is worthfrom 500-600% and at that price everything is high.

          I have not heard a word from any ofour folks for 10 weeks. It seems very long, yet I am in fine spirits and hopefor the best. There seems to be some difference between the commissioners andwe must remain. Our government has 600 Rebel officers at Fort Delaware. Thereseems to be active operations on the Rappahannock. I hope Hooker will succeed.

          By our fight, I lost about $450 worthof property- a horse, saddle, bridle, a pair of Navy pistols worth $60, a finesword, overcoat, blanket, rubber goods, and in fact, nearly all of my outfit.This I will have to replace when I get out, if during the war. Give my regardsto all friends- write me a good long letter and be careful not to put anycontraband news in it or anything very bitter against the Rebels. If you do, Iwill not get it. Meanwhile, I am truly yours,

J.M.H.

Sources:

Letter fromLieutenant Colonel James M. Henderson, 33rd Indiana VolunteerInfantry, St. Joseph Traveler (Michigan), May 21, 1863, pg. 1

Brant, Jefferson E. History of the 85th Indiana Volunteer Infantry. Bloomington: Craven Bros., 1902

Disaster at Thompson’s Station: An Account from the 19th Michigan

Writing five months after the events of Thompson's Station, First Lieutenant Henry M. Brown of the 19th Michigan recalled bitterly the impact that botched engagement had on his regiment. To be sure, nearly the entire regiment was captured in this forgotten battle that took place March 5, 1863 south of Franklin, Tennessee. 

    "We have lost in all ways as a result of the affair about 200 men, every one of whom was sound and healthy when we left our camp at Franklin," he stated. "Our regiment, out of 488 officers and men, lost 34 killed (including three who were mortally wounded and died soon after the battle) and 79 wounded, making a total loss of killed and wounded of 113 men." 

    He blamed the cowardice of the 18th Ohio Battery for his regiment's ill fortunes. After falling back from their initial position, Brown observed " our artillery got ready to march and very soon moved off at a rapid rate towards Franklin and we saw no more of them as they did not participate further in the fight. I speak only of that portion of the battery that had been posted on the hill near us. I saw them leave and was satisfied then as I have since been informed that they left without orders and at a time when if they had remained and done they duty, the action might have resulted very differently."

          Lieutenant Brown’s detailed account ofThompson’s Station first saw publication in the September 17, 1863, edition ofthe St. Joseph Traveler published in St. Joseph, Michigan.

"We went for wool and were shorn ourselves," was how Colonel John P. Baird of the 85th Indiana described the disastrous Battle of Thompson's Station. Colonel John Coburn's brigade of about 1,700 officers and men marched south from Franklin, Tennessee and met a much larger force of Confederate cavalry near Thompson's Station, a stop on the Nashville & Decatur Railroad. In a swirling five hour fight, more than 1,200 of the Federals were eventually surrounded and captured including our correspondent. (Photo courtesy of John Banks) 

Headquarters,19th Michigan Regt., Murfreesboro, Tennessee

August 19,1863

EditorsTraveler,

          Want of time has prevented me fromgiving you any particulars in regard to the part taken by the 19thMichigan in the Battle of Thompson’s Station, Tennessee, March 5, 1863. If nottoo late for publication, I will now send it to you.

          We left Franklin, Tennessee on themorning of March 4th. The entire strength of our brigade was about1,700 men. In addition, we had an Ohio regiment [124th Ohio],Captain [Charles C.] Aleshire’s 18th Ohio Battery, and 600 or 700 cavalry underColonel Jordan. The 19th Michigan numbered 488 officers and men and12 hospital attendants. Some 4 or 5 miles out of Franklin, we met areconnoitering party of the enemy, supposed to be 2,000 strong. They weredriven back with but little resistance. Our regiment was formed on the extreme leftin line of battle and advanced in that order about half a mile but had noopportunity of participating to any great extent in the fight. Our regimentsuffered no loss except one man wounded and I heard of no other casualties inour command; the enemy lost one man killed and several wounded. The artilleryon both sides was engaged for an hour or more.

          At night we occupied the same groundoccupied by the enemy’s artillery during the fight. After the fight, anintelligent contraband came into our regiment on horseback and informed us thathe was a servant of one of Van Dorn’s general officers and that Van Dorn withhis entire command had arrived at Spring Hill the Tuesday previous and that hisforce numbers about 16,000 men and he had with him six brigadier generalscommanding brigades. This man appeared to be well posted, correct, andintelligent, and evinced a desire to give us correct information. In the courseof the afternoon, two other Negroes came in with the same information. Theinhabitants along the route also understood that Van Dorn’s whole force hadadvanced to and then occupied Spring Hill. We encamped that night 5 miles fromFranklin.

          The next morning the whole commandmoved forward soon after 8 o’clock. The order of march was as follows: 1stthe cavalry, 2nd the 22nd Wisconsin, 3rd the18th Ohio Battery, 4th the 19th Michigan, 5ththe 85th Indiana Infantry, 6th the 33rdIndiana Infantry, 7th the train consisting of about 300 wagons, 8ththe 124th Ohio Infantry. Cavalry scouts were sent out to the rightand left. About 10 a.m., our advance came in sight of the enemy near Thompson’sStation. They commenced the attack- a single shell from a 10- or 12-pdr gunstruck near our advancing lines without exploding.

Colonel John P. Baird
85th Indiana Infantry

At this point, Colonel John P. Baird of the 85th Indiana and our colonel were riding together at the head of our regimentwhen they perceived with astonishment the artillery in front coming towards uswith great rapidity headed by Captain Aleshire. Our first impression was that theywere about to take position on some point we had passed. At this time but onesingle shot had been fired by the enemy. When Captain Aleshire came up he wasstopped by Colonel Baird and Colonel Henry Gilbert and asked what his movement meant.He appeared very much excited and said the Rebels had got 32-pounders and hewas going back as he could not fight 32-pounders or he should lose his guns.

Colonel Gilbert asked him if he had received orders toretreat and he said he had not. Gilbert then told Aleshire that he must stopwhere he was and await orders else, he would communicate a panic to all thetroops in the rear and that we should have a general stampede. He reluctantlyhalted and very soon an order came from Colonel John Coburn [brigade commander] directing him to advanceand take position. He then turned his battery around and went to the front anda part of his battery, 3 guns, took position on an eminence a little to theleft on the turnpike and passed north of the railroad station. 

The infantrydeployed into line: the 33rd and 85th Indiana to theright, the 22nd Wisconsin and 19th Michigan on the leftand a little in advance of the battery. The 124th Ohio was left inthe rear with the trains. Our regiment was on the extreme left and Colonel William L. Utleywith the 22nd Wisconsin was next to us on the right of the leftwing.

Colonel Henry C. Gilbert
19th Michigan

The artillery on both sides was soon engaged. The nature ofthe ground was such that from our position we could see nothing of what wastaking place on the right, but not many minutes elapsed before we heard rapidand continuous musketry firing. On the left, we remained inactive for about 20minutes when the Rebels opened fire on us from a battery of two guns from ahill about 600 yards on our left. The first shell fired by them struck in theground within three feet of some men of Co. E in our regiment, ploughing up theground and covering them with dirt but fortunately failing to explode.

The firing was very rapid and their shells were at firstthrown with accuracy. Our position was an exposed one and we were moved alittle to the right so as to be protected by an intervening ridge and theregiment placed in close division in column. Colonel Gilbert then dispatchedMajor Shafter of our regiment to inform Colonel Coburn of our position andobtain his orders; Gilbert then rode on the hill at our right to get a view ofthe whole field. The firing from our battery on the hill near us now closedentirely.

The 19th Michigan held the left flank of the Union line at Thompson's Station and the rolling nature of the ground prevented the 19th Michigan from seeing what happened to their right. Eventually, both the 22nd Wisconsin and 19th Michigan fell back to positions near the Columbia Turnpike where they, along with the bulk of Coburn's brigade, were captured later that afternoon. 

A large force of the enemy was moving up apparently with thedesign of dividing our forces. There was an interval of about 800 yards betweenthe left of our right wing and the right of our left wing. The approaching forcewas in full view and within short range of our battery on the hill and theymight have done severe execution on it, but to our surprise we discovered thatthey were leaving their position. After a short conference between ColonelsGilbert and Utley, the two regiments were moved promptly to the right andpartly around the hill on which our battery had been posted. Our regiment tookposition near the foot of the hill and Colonel Utley’s further up in our rear.

By this time, we had reached our new position and ourartillery got ready to march and very soon moved off at a rapid rate towardsFranklin and we saw no more of them as they did not participate further in thefight. I speak only of that portion of the battery that had been posted on the hillnear us. I saw them leave and was satisfied then as I have since been informedthat they left without orders and at a time when if they had remained and donethey duty, the action might have resulted very differently. I suppose that theother guns must have been taken off at the same time as I did not see themafterwards.

A part of our cavalry force had been posted on the left inthe rear of our first position but they fell back when the battery opened on usfrom the hill on our left of the turnpike before an attack was made upon therear of the left flank of the regiment by a Rebel force from a cedar thicket onour left and partly in our rear. Both regiment were at once faced by the rearranks and a sharp conflict ensued resulting in the withdrawal of the Rebelforce when the firing on both sides ceased. We lost one man killed and severalwounded; the loss of the Rebels here was quite severe.

During this contest, Lieutenant Colonel Edward Bloodgood of the 22ndWisconsin left the ground with the entire right wing of his regiment and madethe best of his way back. His cowardly retreat was seen and witnessed by all ofus who remained. Colonel Utley remained upon the ground and exhibited greatcoolness and intrepidity. Captain Elisha B. Bassett of our regiment ran away as soonas the firing commenced and after hiding awhile in a hole near the railroad, heventured out, cramped a horse belonging to the cavalry, and rode back toFranklin.

Lt. Col. Edward Bloodgood
22nd Wisconsin

As soon as the firing ceased here, we received orders tocross over to the right of the railroad and turnpike and take position upon thehill on that side. At the same time, a dash was made by a force of the enemy tooccupy this position which was an advantageous one before us. We crossed overand changed position under a galling fire and drove the enemy back.

After we had attained this position, I took advantage of ashort pause in the contest to obtain a clear view of our situation. Theformation of our line was then as follows: the 33rd Indiana on theright, then the 19th Michigan at center with the 85thIndiana on the left, the 22nd Wisconsin in the rear. Our positionwas a good one and we could have held it against a greatly superior forceattacking us from the front. But our cavalry and artillery were nowhere to beseen. Instead of remaining to protect us against any attack from the rear andto occupy the attention of the enemy’s artillery and perhaps cover our retreat,they had gone and left us to our fate. I saw at once there was no such thing asretreating and that we must fight it out.

The contest was soon renewed and kept up with great spiritand determination on both sides. The enemy repeatedly charged up the hill andwere as often driven back with great loss. The fighting was at very closequarters. I saw two of the enemy killed with the bayonet and our men captured astand of colors and several prisoners then took them to the rear. All the timethe enemy’s artillery was plying us with grape and canister from their positionon the high ground across the turnpike. We held this position for more than twohours. Occasionally, the firing on both sides would cease for a few minutes andon our side the interval was employed recovering our wounded and arranging ourlines.

During the whole battle on the right or west of the turnpike,none of our cavalry was in sight. At length, the firing on both sides wassuspended and we discovered a large force of the enemy on our left flank,evidently intending to attack us in the rear. Our ammunition was nearlyexhausted. In view of all this, Colonel Coburn ordered a change of position tothe crest of another line of hills in our rear not easily accessible to the enemyand 500-600 yards distant. We made this change in our portion in good order andthe enemy immediately occupied the hill we had left and planted a battery uponit.

Second Lt. Charles H. Calmer
Co. I, 19th Michigan Infantry

At the same time, another portion of the enemy force movedaround on our right so that by the time we had attained our new position wewere surrounded. Our ammunition was gone and little fighting could be done.After a brief interval, Forrest with more than 2,000 cavalrymen (dismounted)came upon us from the rear and at 4 o’clock, 5-1/2 hours after we were firstdeployed into line, the brigade was surrendered as prisoners of war. The 124thOhio did not participate in the fight at all.

The number of prisoners surrendered to the enemy was about1,300- including one artilleryman and 3 or 4 cavalrymen. Neither the artilleryor cavalry sustained any other loss that I can hear of. Our regiment, out of488 officers and men, lost 34 killed (including three who were mortally woundedand died soon after the battle) and 79 wounded, making a total loss of killedand wounded of 113 men. The loss of Rebels was very severely and was stated bythem at about 250 killed and 600-800 wounded. The officers informed us that butfew of their men were injured by our artillery, that the firing was very wildand did no execution.

Immediately after the surrender we were marched off the fieldand started for our ultimate destination. We have lost in all ways as a resultof the affair about 200 men, every one of whom was sound and healthy when weleft our camp at Franklin. We arrived in Richmond in the evening of March 20thand were all consigned to Libby Prison. The enlisted men were paroled and senthome April 1st. The officers remained there in close confinementuntil the 5th of May when we were exchanged.

 To learn more about the fight at Thompson's Station, please check out the following posts:

"We Went for Wool and Were Shorn Ourselves: A Hoosier Colonel Explains the Debacle at Thompson's Station" (85th Indiana) 

"In Their Own Words: A Thompson's Station Battlefield Tour" by John Banks

Source:

Letter fromFirst Lieutenant Henry M. Brown, Co. I, 19th Michigan VolunteerInfantry, St. Joseph Traveler (Michigan), September 17, 1863, pg. 1

Rocky Mountain Boys Show Their Metal: With the 1st Colorado at Apache Canyon

Writing to his sister in Michigan, Sergeant William F. Hall of the 1st Colorado spoke of the thrill and terror he experienced when charging the Confederate guns at Apache Canyon in New Mexico Territory on March 26, 1862, one of the preliminary engagements of the larger Battle of Glorieta Pass. 

     "I have been where rifle balls fell like hail, where man met man in deadly strife, and where all the evil passions of a man’s nature were aroused and some of the nobler ones, also," he began. "Captain Cook took the lead and gave the command to charge. I was at the left of my section- you should have seen us as we flew up that canyon like a whirlwind and fell on to their forces like a thunderbolt. But many a fellow fell to rise no more before we had passed half through the raking fire. We had passed through or over two-thirds of the distance and I still remained unharmed although the bullets flew like hail about me. Some passed through my overcoat which was held fast to my saddle behind me. Two bullets passed through my blouse that I had on. At last, one struck me on the backbone and passed under the shoulder blade and brought me to the ground."

    Hall wasn't done fighting. "I was shot from my horse close by a ledge of rocks," he continued. "Just above my head upon the mountain was a party of Texans. I got upon my knees and loaded my carbine, poked the muzzle through some bushes that grew upon the edge of the rocks, and had the satisfaction of sending one big six-footer to his long home. He was loading his rifle and partly concealed by a rock." 

          Sergeant Hall’s lengthy missive describingthe  action at Apache Canyon and the subsequent Battle of GlorietaPass first saw publication in the May 28, 1862, edition of the St. JosephTraveler published in St. Joseph, Michigan.

 

This painting by Domenick D'Andrea depicts the charge of the 1st Colorado at Apache Canyon on March 26, 1862 led by Captain Samuel H. Cook. Sergeant William F. Hall was among those riding with Captain Cook and like his captain was wounded in the charge. Shot through the back, Hall fell from his horse but continued firing on the Confederates. This image appears courtesy of the National Guard Bureau. 

New MexicoTerritory

March 30,1862

          I have been where rifle balls felllike hail, where man met man in deadly strife, and where all the evil passionsof a man’s nature were aroused and some of the nobler ones, also.

          We left Fort Union with the intentionof marching on Santa Fe and engaging the enemy that was stationed there andwhich we understood to be small. From there we calculated to march onAlbuquerque but our plans were all frustrated. Twenty miles from Santa Fe is acanyon or deep ravine between two large hills of mountains. The canyon is aboutone-half or three-quarters of a mile long and very narrow in some places sothat not more than four horsemen could ride abreast. At other places, it was aquarter of a mile wife with spurs of the mountains running out from both sides.

          Our command, consisting of 1,200 men,were at Burnel Springs 45 miles from the canyon. When word came that 600 of theenemy had taken possession of the canyon, Colonel John Slough, our commander, gaveorders for 400 of the command consisting of our company (Co. F), two companies ofmounted rifles belonging to the regulars, and part of Cos. A and E of the 1stColorado Infantry, to make a forced march of 40 miles and drive the enemy fromthe canyon.

Colonel (later General) John P. Slough

          We left camp on the evening of the 25thand marched 35 miles before camping at a ranch 10 miles from the canyon. Ourfirst lieutenant took 20 of our boys with him and went out on picket guard.About daylight, he spied four of the enemy pickets in a hollow. He surroundedthem and took them prisoners.

          On the morning of the 26th atabout 10 o’clock, we started for the canyon, the infantry companies out ahead,our company next, the regulars bringing up the rear. At 1 o’clock, we came tothe mouth of the canyon. We had hardly entered it before our advanced guardswere seen retreating in hot haste. Directly in their rear came the enemy withtheir Secesh flag flying, but they came to a sudden halt when they saw ourforces so near at hand. Then commenced the battle.

          The infantry and mounted rifles weredivided into two parties and deployed off as flankers with orders to marchalong the side of the mountains, part on the right and part on the left. At thesame moment that this movement was made, the enemy commenced firing on us withtheir cannons, throwing shot and shell as fast as they could load and fire. Imay as well here state that none of us were injured from the cannons as all oftheir balls flew too high. Our brave boys soon made them retreat.

The cannons fell back a quarter mile up the canyon where theirmain forces were concealed behind rocks and trees. There they waited for us toattack, expecting that we would march up through the canyon then they couldpour their fire upon us from both sides while they would be sheltered behind rocksand trees from our rifles. We had no cannons along with us as the battery wasback with the main command.

This map by the American Battlefield Trust depicts the action at Apache Canyon on March 26, 1862. Sergeant William F. Hall was part of Co. F which is depicted at the center charging along the road against the two-gun Confederate battery. 

But we were not such big of fools as they supposed for theysoon found that the Rocky Mountain boys were perfectly at home among the rocksand could climb the mountains as well as themselves. Our boys sprang from treeto tree and rock and rock and wherever a Rebel showed himself, crack went a rifleand down went the rascal.

About 600 yards up the canyon above our line of battle wasthe main body of the enemy in an open space protected by a spur of themountain. The mountains from this main force were lined on both sides of thecanyon with Texans ready to fire down on our men who were driving them slowlyback up the canyon. Where was Co. F all this time, you ask? We were sittingquietly on our horses looking on. But now came the time for us to show what wewere made of, whether we were of the true metal or not.

Major Shivington, who was in command, came to us and asked ifwe were willing to charge up that canyon into the main body of the enemy andtry to take their cannons? Every man of us shouted ‘yes!’ but my God, what hadwe before us? Running the gauntlet between two bodies of Indians was nothingcompared to it. We had to receive the crossfire of the enemy from both sides ofthe road besides receiving a heavy fire from the main force in front, but weflinched not. The road was so narrows that we could not charge in platoons sowe had to charge by fours, that is we rode four abreast.

Captain [Samuel H.] Cook took the lead and gave the commandto charge. I was at the left of my section- you should have seen us as we flewup that canyon like a whirlwind and fell on to their forces like a thunderbolt.But many a fellow fell to rise no more before we had passed half through theraking fire. We had passed through or over two-thirds of the distance and Istill remained unharmed although the bullets flew like hail about me. Somepassed through my overcoat which was held fast to my saddle behind me. Twobullets passed through my blouse that I had on. At last, one struck me on thebackbone and passed under the shoulder blade and brought me to the ground.Captain Cook was shot off his horse with four bullets through his limbs justafter the boys passed through the enemy ranks.

We drove about a hundred men upon the hills while the restretreated. The boys then dismounted and poured such a heavy fire upon them onone side while the infantry boys were on the other side of them that they soonsurrendered- we took 100 prisoners. The Texans lost 58 killed and woundedbesides all those we took prisoner. The loss on our side amounted to 16 killedand wounded, 11 of that number belonging to Co. F. I was shot from my horseclose by a ledge of rocks. Just above my head upon the mountain was a party ofTexans. I got upon my knees and loaded my carbine, poked the muzzle throughsome bushes that grew upon the edge of the rocks, and had the satisfaction ofsending one big six-footer to his long home. He was loading his rifle andpartly concealed by a rock. I shot him through the heart, I think, as he felldead.

Major John S. Chivington
1st Colorado Infantry

Our boys picked me up and carried me to an ambulance and putme in. I found Captain Cook in there suffering worse than myself, so I bit mylips and said nothing. Old Major Shivington had the face to come to thecarriage and ask me if I had pneumonia! I should like to have pulled his noseand think I should had done so if I had not lost so much blood.

We were taken to Pigeon Ranch five miles from thebattleground. The fight lasted from 1 o’clock until half past 4. It was darkwhen we arrived at the ranch and we found good quarters there. Our wounded anddead were all brought there as well as some of the enemy’s. We treated theirwounded the same as we did our own. The next morning, one of the captains fromthe enemy came into camp with a flag of truce with a request from hiscommanding officer that we would grant them 24 hours armistice so that theycould have time to bury their dead. It was granted, of course. He told CaptainCook that he was in the Mexican War and had been in a good many battles but hadnever seen such a desperate charge made before. He thought his men must havebeen panic stricken or they would have killed more of us than they did, and nowonder, for it is enough to make a man feel shakey to see a hundred horses comingat full speed in one close mass upon you, their riders yelling like so manydemons, their drawn sabers ready to hew them down like dogs. So ends the firstbattle.

On the morning of the 27th, news came in that the enemywas marching through Santa Fe in large numbers to reinforce this command. Amessenger was started back to Colonel Slough with the news so he could hastenup with the main command to our support. On the morning of the 28that 9 o’clock, the enemy were spied coming down the canyon and still our commandhad not come up. At 10 o’clock, though, our command arrived. At the samemoment, the enemy opened fire upon our ranks which were drawn up close to theranch where I lay. The battle then commenced in good earnest.

Our boys fought bravely and repelled the enemy at everypoint. In the meantime, Major Shivington took 400 of the command and wentaround the back road file miles till he came to the canyon in the rear of theenemy where they had left their train of wagons guarded by just 200 men and twopieces of cannon. He whipped out the 200 in less than no time, spiked theirguns, blew up their powder wagons, and burned all their wagons, provisions,blankets, and everything they had and shot all their mules except for a fewthey brought away.

While the major was doing this, the fight was raging hotbetween the enemy, some 2,000 strong, and our force consisting of about 800men. The house where I lay was between the two fires and I expected to see aball or shell come crashing through the roof every minute. The fight lastedfrom 10 o’clock till 4:30 in the evening. Sometimes the Texans were driven backand sometimes our party was.

As the Battle of Glorieta Pass swayed back and forth through March 28, 1862, the Confederates eventually pushed the Union troops back beyond Pigeon's Ranch (depicted in the background on the right) where Sergeant Hall and the other wounded Federal troops were being housed. The Confederates, after seizing the ranch and discovering just dead and wounded within, "behaved very much like gentlemen" and soon were bringing in their own wounded. 

About 2 o’clock in the afternoon, our party fell back andtook a new position about a quarter of a miles from the ranch, which of coursethrew the ranch into the possession of the enemy. They came rushing in therebut when the hospital steward told them that there was none there but the deadand wounded, they behaved very much like gentlemen and withdrew. One of theircaptains said we might consider ourselves as prisoners of war, then theycommenced bringing their own wounded in but did not disturb us. One of theirmajors, a very gentlemanly fellow, said that our men fought more like devilsthan human beings.

At 4 o’clock, our command fell back five miles where theycould get water as there was none nearer, but the Texans did not follow themup. They had enough of the ‘Rocky Mountain Tigers’ as they call us. George Pearce,belonging to Co. F, shot one of their majors and took two ivory-mountedrevolvers from him. They lost two majors, one captain, and 200 killed; thenumber of wounded is not yet known. Their train was also destroyed which hurtthem the most of all as powder is scarce with them. The enemy retreated back toSanta Fe while our troops have been ordered back to Fort Union as they expectedthat General Sibley was marching from another direction to attack it. Our lossin the battle was 30 killed and 60 wounded. Our hospital is five miles from thebattle ground. I have been two days writing this letter; the surgeon says Imust not write anymore as it irritates my wound to sit up so much.

To learn more about the Battle of Glorieta Pass, please check out this post:

Squirrel Hunting the Rebels at Glorieta Pass (1st Colorado Infantry)

Source:

Letter fromCommissary Sergeant William F. Hall, Co. F, 1st Colorado VolunteerInfantry, St. Joseph Traveler (Michigan), May 28, 1862, pg. 1

They Shoot Wickedly, However: With Cotter’s Battery at Scarey Creek

In his battery’sfirst action of the war at Scarey Creek, in western Virginia, gunner Philip D.Green of Cotter’s Independent Battery of Ohio Light Artillery witnessed the gruesome sight of one ofhis comrades losing both legs shot off by a cannon ball.

          “He was engaged in handing ammunitionfrom the caissons when he was shot,” Green related in a letter written to hisbrother Oliver Green of Pipestone, Michigan. “The force of the ball that struckhim was so great that it threw me violently upon the ground but did not hurt memuch. As he fell, he said, “Oh boys, I am gone!” He lived for seven days,enduring terrible agony. His lower limbs were taken from his body as evenly aswith a knife; the right leg near the thigh and the left at the knee.”

          Green’s letter, the first I’ve yetseen from a soldier in Cotter’s battery at Scarey Creek, first saw publicationin the August 21, 1861, edition of the St. Joseph Traveler, a newspaperpublished in St. Joseph, Michigan.

 

Cotter's battery was one of several militia battery that went into service from Ohio in the early days of the Civil War. Following his 90-day service, Cotter would return to Ohio and recruit what became Battery A of the 1st Ohio Volunteer Light Artillery which saw much service in the western theater. Pictured above is an unknown artilleryman standing beside a 12-lb Napoleon with the sponge bucket to his left. 

 

BlueMountain, head of Kanawha River, Virginia

August 5,1861

          We have had a number of battles duringour sojourn in this state and have lost but one from the No. 1 piece of which Iam first gunner. His name was John Haven and he was engaged in handingammunition from the caissons when he was shot. The force of the ball thatstruck him was so great that it threw me violently upon the ground but did nothurt me much. As he fell, he said, “Oh boys, I am gone!” He lived for sevendays, enduring terrible agony. His lower limbs were taken from his body as evenlyas with a knife; the right leg near the thigh and the left at the knee.

          We fought two hours and I never didharder work in my life. We hushed the Rebel batteries at last, however, andcommenced firing at their infantry and cavalry. We fired 80 rounds then wereordered to desist. Captain Charles S. Cotter [see "Mr. Cotter Gets Gobbled at Perryville"]rode to the brow of the hill and found the enemy advancing towards us. Heordered us forward on a double quick with our pieces; we had scarcely reachedthere when they opened a terrible fire upon us which we answered as soon aspossible. We fired 18-20 rounds when the captain and lieutenant, discovered ourreserves of cavalry and infantry retreating, commanded us to retire.

          We limbered up our pieces and drove ata double-quick half a mile to the rear and came to a halt. Then one of thecannoneers observed that we left Johnny Haven behind. Six of our boys andmyself returned in search of him but we had not gone far before we met one ofour men carrying him. We placed him in the caisson wagons which were filledwith dead and dying.

This modern map of the Scarey Creek battlefield shows the general location where Cotter's battery went into action and where Johnny Haven of Shalersville, Ohio had his legs shot out from under him. Haven died on July 24, 1861, the first man from Portage County to lose his life in the Civil War. 

          We returned to camp where we found2,000 of our troops marching to our relief. The colonel, however, thought itbest to attack them that night as it was nearly sunset. We returned to thebattlefield under a flag of truce and buried our dead. There were 14 of ourtroops killed, 55 wounded, and 7 taken prisoner; the Rebel loss was 72 killedand over 100 wounded.

          We have six rifled cannons and sevensmoothbores for shooting grape, canister, and round balls. We have shottwo-and-a-half miles and set steamboats on fire belonging to the Rebels on theKanawha River. We have destroyed two boats for the Rebels, also a large amountof arms, ammunition, and provisions.

          We will be in eastern Tennessee inabout a week if nothing happens. We start tomorrow if we do not receive ordersto march on Richmond. We have advanced guards over 30 miles from camp. Theyhave not shown us fair fight but once. The cowards dare not face us openly.They shoot wickedly, however.

          But I must close. Write me very soon.

Respectfully,your brother,

P.D. Green

 

To learnmore about the fight at Scarey Creek, please check out these other posts:

 A Scary Affair at Scary Creek (Williams' Independent Battery)

Going Zouave on the Rebs at Scarey Creek with the 12th Ohio

Source:

Letter fromPrivate Philip D. Green, Cotter’s Independent Battery, Ohio Volunteer LightArtillery, St. Joseph Traveler (Michigan), August 21, 1861, pg. 3