مهاتير محمد's Blog, page 32

APOLOGY

1. I would like to apologise for the amendment to the constitution which made the approval and signature of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong no longer necessary for the legalising of an act of Parliament. It would seem that because of the amendment, the new National Security Law has become operational even though the Yang di-Pertuan Agong has not signed it.

2. However I would like to point out that the amendment is not for all laws. Some laws passed by Parliament will still need the consent and signature of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. In fact there are more than thirty proceedings listed out in the constitution that still needs the Agong’s approval frequently without the advise of the Prime Minister.

3. Among these rights and power is that of declaring a state of emergency. The state of emergency is reserved for the Yang di-Pertuan Agong because it’s implications are serious. It gives the Government the right to suspend laws. With this right the Government can arrest and detain any person without trial.

4. Clause (I) of Article 150, Proclamation of Emergency states “If the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is satisfied that a grave emergency exists whereby the security, or the economic life, or public order in the Federation or any part thereof is threatened, he may issue a Proclamation of Emergency making therein a declaration to that effect.”

(2) A Proclamation of Emergency under Clause (I) may be issued before the actual occurrence of the event which threatens the security, or the economic life, or public order in the Federation or any part thereof if the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is satisfied that there is imminent danger of the occurrence of such event.

(2A) The power conferred on the Yang di-Pertuan Agong by this Article shall include the power to issue different Proclamations on different grounds or in different circumstances, whether or not there is a Proclamation or Proclamations already issued by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong under clause (I) and such Proclamation or Proclamations are in operation.

(2B) If at any time while a Proclamation of Emergency is in operation, except when both Houses of Parliament are sitting concurrently, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is satisfied that certain circumstances exist which render it necessary for him to take immediate action, he may promulgate such ordinances as circumstances appear to him require.

(2C) An ordinance promulgated under Clause (2B) shall have the same force and effect as an Act of Parliament, and shall continue in full force and effect as if it is an Act of Parliament until it is revoked or annulled under Clause (3) or until it lapses under Clause (7); and the power of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to promulgate ordinances under Clause (2B) may be exercised in relation to any matter with respect to which Parliament has power to make laws, regardless of the legislative or other procedures required to be followed, or the proportion of the total votes required to be had, in either House of Parliament.

(3) A Proclamation of Emergency and any ordinance promulgated under Clause (2B) shall be laid before both Houses of Parliament and, if not sooner revoked, shall cease to have effect if resolutions are passed by both Houses annulling such Proclamation or ordinance, but without prejudice to anything previously done by virtue thereof or to the power of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to issue a new Proclamation under Clause (I) or promulgate any ordinance under Clause (2B).

(4) While a Proclamation of Emergency is in force the executive authority of the Federation shall, notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, extend to any matter within the legislative authority of a State and to the giving of directions to the Government of a State or to any officer or authority thereof.

(8) Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution —

(a) the satisfaction of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong mentioned in Clause (I) and Clause (2B) shall be final and conclusive and shall not be challenged or called in question in any court on any ground.

From these articles and clauses it is clear that

(I) The power of the Agong to proclaim an emergency solely rests with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and may not be challenged.

5. There is no mention in this case that the Agong acts on the advise of the Prime Minister. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong can even promulgate an ordinance which shall have the same force as an Act of Parliament.

6. There is therefore no necessity for any other laws to enable the Government to suspend laws in order to deal with a security situation.

7. Besides being superfluous the new National Security Act, by giving the power of the Agong to the Prime Minister is derogatory to the provision in Article 38 (4) which states “No law directly affecting the privileges, position, honours or dignities of the Rulers shall be passed without the consent of the “Conference of Rulers”.

8. Clearly the National Security Act, by encroaching unto the special position of the Conference of Rulers, is contrary to the rights of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to declare a state of emergency. For this Security Act to become law the consent and the signature of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is still needed.

9. Under (3) of Article 40 Federal Law may make provision for requiring the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to act after consultation of any person other than the Cabinet in the exercise of any function other than –

(a) functions exercisable in his discretion.

10. The declaration of an Emergency is one which the Constitution specifies as being at the discretion of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. Since the National Security Act is meant to give the power of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to the Prime Minister as chairman of the Security Council, the need for the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to have the sole right to decide a state of Emergency becomes redundant. Effectively the NSC had taken away the power and the right of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. For this to be done the consent of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Conference of Rulers has to be obtained.

11. Clearly when the Government ignores the request of the Rulers and the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to revise the NSC Act, it is not complying with the Constitution as amended. This being so the National Security Act cannot become law.

12. Article 130

Advisory jurisdiction of Federal Court.

The Yang di-Pertuan Agong may refer to the Federal Court for its opinion any question as to the effect of any provision of this Constitution which has arisen or appear to him likely to arise, and the Federal Court shall pronounce in open court its opinion on any question so referred to it.

13. This provision entitles the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to refer to the Federal Court should there be doubt as to the legality or otherwise of the National Security Act which has not obtained the consent and signature of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

14. Appointment of the Prime Minister.

One of the discretionary powers of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is the appointment of the Prime Minister. The need is for the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to appoint an elected person as P.M. if he has the support of the majority of the members of the Dewan Rakyat. The name submitted by the winning party need not be accepted by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong if he feels there are other candidates.

15. Thus, based on similar provisions in the respective State Constitutions, in three states – Terengganu, Perlis and Selangor – the candidates submitted by the winning parties were rejected and the Rulers decided on other candidates. They were appointed Menteri Besar and were accepted by the state councils.

16. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong clearly has discretionary power to appoint a Prime Minister. If the Dewan Rakyat at its sitting rejects the candidate appointed by the Agong then he ceases to be the Prime Minister. A new candidate will then be named by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

17. (105) Auditor General

(I) There shall be an Auditor General, who shall be appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong on the advice of the Prime Minister and after consultation with the Conference of Rulers.

106. Powers and duties of Auditor General

(I) The accounts of the Federation and of the States shall be audited and reported on by the Auditor General.

(2) The Auditor General shall perform such other duties and exercise such powers in relation to the accounts of the Federation and of the States and to the accounts of other public authorities and of those bodies which are specified by order made by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, as may be provided by federal law.

107. Reports of Auditor General

(I) The Auditor General shall submit his reports to the Yang di- Pertuan Agong, who shall cause them to be laid before the House of Representatives.

18. The Prime Minister, Dato Sri Najib had ordered the Auditor General to audit the accounts of the 1MDB. But instead of submitting this report to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, the Auditor General reported instead to the Public Accounts Committee. The report of the PAC together with this report of the Auditor General were then submitted to the Attorney General. The Auditor General’s report was then declared to be an official secret and was placed under the Official Secrets Act.

19. This is contrary to the provision in the Constitution wherein the report of the Auditor General should be submitted to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and then laid before the House of Representatives. Clearly the Government of Dato Sri Najib has not only ignored the provision of the Constitution but also acted against it by giving the report to the Attorney General. It was then classified as official secret.

20. The essence of an audit is to expose any wrong-doings or mismanagement by those responsible for the monies of an organisation. By making the Auditor General’s report a secret the whole purpose of the auditing is negated. The public has a right to charge the Government for attempting to hide the Auditor General’s reports.

21. As I said at the beginning, the amendment to the Constitution which can render the consent and signature of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong unnecessary is not total. The consent and signature is still needed if the act impinges on the authority and position of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. And the National Security Act certainly impinges and makes the power of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to declare a state of Emergency superfluous and unnecessary. For this Act the assent and signature of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong remains necessary.

22. In declaring that the National Security Act is now legal even though it does not get the assent and signature of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Dato Sri Najib is not adhering to the amendment to the Constitution as made when I was Prime Minister.

23. I sincerely apologise for making the amendment as it is open to misinterpretation. The amendment has not ordered the other powers of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, more than thirty of them, invalid.

VERSI BM

MOHON MAAF

1. Saya ingin memohon maaf kerana pindaan perlembagaan yang menyebabkan kelulusan dan tandatangan Yang di-Pertuan Agong tidak lagi menjadi keperluan untuk menjadikan suatu Akta Parlimen sebagai undang-undang. Kononnya disebabkan pindaan ini, maka Akta Majlis Keselamatan Negara yang baru telah dapat dikuatkuasakan walaupun tidak mendapat tandatangan persetujuan Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

2. Tetapi saya ingin jelaskan bahawa pindaan tersebut bukanlah meliputi semua undang-undang. Terdapat beberapa undang-undang yang diluluskan Parlimen yang masih lagi perlu mendapat persetujuan dan tandatangan Yang di-Pertuan Agong.Sebenarnya terdapat lebih 30 prosiding yang tersenarai dalam Perlembagaan yang memerlukan persetujuan Yang di-Pertuan Agong sebahagian darinya tanpa mendapatkan nasihat Perdana Menteri.

3. Diantara hak dan kuasa ini termasuk mengisytihar darurat. Perisytiharan darurat adalah keistimewaan yang diberi kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong kerana implikasinya amat serius.Ianya memberi hak kepada kerajaan untuk menggantung pelaksanaan undang-undang.Dengan ini Kerajaan boleh menangkap sesiapa sahaja tanpa dibicara.

4. Fasal (1) Perkara 150, Proklamasi Darurat menyatakan “Jika Yang di-Pertuan Agong berpuas hati bahawa suatu darurat besar sedang berlaku yang menyebabkan keselamatan, atau kehidupan ekonomi, atau ketenteraman awam di dalam Persekutuan atau mana-mana bahagiannya terancam, maka Yang di-Pertuan Agong boleh mengeluarkan suatu Proklamasi Darurat dengan membuat dalamnya suatu perisytiharan yang bermaksud sedemikian.

(2) Proklamasi Darurat di bawah Fasal (1) boleh dikeluarkan sebelum sebenarnya berlaku kejadian yang mengancam keselamatan, atau kehidupan ekonomi, atau ketenteraman awam di dalam Persekutuan atau mana-mana bahagiannya jika Yang di-Pertuan Agong berpuas hati bahawa kejadian sedemikian hampir akan berlaku.

(2A) Kuasa yang diberikan kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong oleh Perkara ini termasuklah untuk mengeluarkan Proklamasi-Proklamasi yang berlainan atas alasan-alasan yang berlainan atau dalam hal-hal keadaan yang berlainan, sama ada suatu Proklamasi atau Proklamasi-Proklamasi sudah dikeluarkan atau tidak oleh Yang di-Pertuan Agong di bawah Fasal (1) dan Proklamasi atau Proklamasi-Proklamasi itu sedang berkuatkuasa.

(2B) Jika pada bila-bila masa semasa suatu Proklamasi Darurat sedang berkuat kuasa, kecuali apabila kedua-dua Majlis Parlimen sedang bersidang serentak, Yang di-Pertuan Agong berpuas hati bahawa ada hal-hal keadaan tertentu yang menyebabkan perlu baginya mengambil tindakan serta-merta, maka Yang di-Pertuan Agong boleh memasyhurkan apa-apa ordinan sebagaimana yang didapatinya perlu mengikut hal keadaan.

(2C) Sesuatu ordinan yang dimasyhurkan di bawah Fasal (2B) hendaklah mempunyai kuat kuasa dan kesan yang sama sebagaimana Akta Parlimen, dan hendaklah terus berkuat kuasa dan berkesan sepenuhnya seolah-olah ordinan itu ialah Akta Parlimen sehingga ordinan itu dibatalkan atau diungkaikan di bawah Fasal (3) atau sehingga ordinan itu luput di bawah Fasal (7) ; dan kuasa Yang di-Pertuan Agong untuk memasyhurkan ordinan di bawah Fasal (2B) boleh dijalankan berhubung dengan apa-apa perkara mengenainya yang Parlimen berkuasa membuat undang-undang, tanpa menghiraukan tatacara perundangan atau tatacara lain yang dikehendaki diikuti, atau perkadaran jumlah undi yang dikehendaki diperoleh di dalam mana-mana satu Majlis Parlimen.

(3) Proklamasi Darurat dan apa-apa ordinan yang dimasyhurkan di bawah Fasal (2B) hendaklah dibentangkan di hadapan kedua- dua Majlis Parlimen dan, jika tidak terlebih dahulu dibatalkan, hendaklah terhenti berkuat kuasa jika ketetapan diluluskan oleh kedua-dua Majlis yang mengungkaikan Proklamasi atau ordinan itu, tetapi tanpa menjejaskan apa-apa jua yang dilakukan sebelumnya menurut kuasa Proklamasi atau ordinan itu atau tanpa menjejaskan kuasa Yang di-Pertuan Agong untuk mengeluarkan suatu Proklamasi baru di bawah Fasal (1) atau memasyhurkan apa-apa ordinan di bawah Fasal (2B).

(4) Semasa Proklamasi Darurat berkuat kuasa, kuasa eksekutif Persekutuan hendaklah, walau apa pun yang terdapat dalam Perlembagaan ini, meliputi apa-apa perkara dalam kuasa perundangan sesuatu Negeri dan pemberian arahan kepada Kerajaan sesuatu Negeri atau kepada mana-mana pegawai atau pihak berkuasa Negeri itu.

(8) Walau apa pun terdapat dalam Perlembagaan ini—

(a)  hal puas hati Yang di-Pertuan Agong yang disebut dalam Fasal (1) dan Fasal (2B) adalah muktamad dan konklusif dan tidaklah boleh dicabar atau dipersoalkan di dalam mana- mana mahkamah atas apa-apa alasan;

Daripada Perkara dan Fasal tersebut, nyatalah bahawa

(I) Kuasa Yang di-Pertuan Agong untuk mengisytihar darurat kekal terletak hanya pada Yang di-Pertuan Agong dan tidak boleh di pertikaikan.

5. Tidak ada disebut yang di dalam kes ini, Yang di-Pertuan Agong bertindak atas nasihat Perdana Menteri. Yang di-Pertuan Agong juga boleh memasyhurkan ordinan yang mempunyai kuasa yang sama dengan Akta Parlimen.

6. Dengan kuasa ini yang kekal ditangan Yang di-Pertuan Agong tidak terdapat apa-apa keperluan bagi mana-mana undang-undang lain untuk membolehkan Kerajaan menggantung undang-undang bagi menangani masalah keselamatan.

7. Selain tidak menjadi keperluan, Akta Majlis Keselamatan Negara yang baru yang memindahkan kuasa Yang di-Pertuan Agong kepada Perdana Menteri menghina peruntukan Perkara 38 (4) yang menyatakan “Tiada undang-undang yang secara langsung menyentuh keistimewaan, kedudukan, kemuliaan atau kebesaran Raja-Raja boleh diluluskan tanpa persetujuan Majlis Raja-Raja.”

8. Jelas sekali Akta Majlis Keselamatan Negara ini, menceroboh kedudukan istimewa Majlis Raja-Raja dan bertentangan dengan hak Yang di-Pertuan Agong untuk mengisytihar darurat.Untuk Akta ini diluluskan sebagai undang-undang persetujuan dan tandatangan Yang di-Pertuan Agong masih diperlukan.

9. Dibawah Fasal (3) Perkara 40 Undang-undang Persekutuan peruntukanboleh diadakan bagi menghendaki Yang di-Pertuan Agong bertindak selepas berunding dengan atau atas syor mana-mana orang atau kumpulan orang yang bukan dari Jemaah Menteri pada menjalankan mana-mana fungsinya selain—

(a) fungsi yang boleh dijalankan menurut budi bicaranya;

.

10. Mengisytihar darurat adalah satu perkara yang ditentukan Perlembagaan sebagai atas budi bicara Yang di-Pertuan Agong.Tetapi apabila Akta Majlis Keselamatan Negara memindahkan kuasa Yang di-Pertuan Agong kepada Perdana Menteri sebagai pengerusi Majlis Keselamatan, keperluan bagi Yang di-Pertuan Agong untuk secara bersendirian melaksanakan hak untuk memutuskan darurat tidak lagi bermakna. Secara dasarnya Majlis Keselamatan Negara telah merampas kuasa dan hak Yang di-Pertuan Agong untuk melaksanakan perkara ini. Persetujuan Yang di-Pertuan Agong dan Majlis Raja-Raja haruslah diperolehi lebih dahulu.

11. Apabila Kerajaan mengenepikan permintaan Raja-Raja dan Yang di-Pertuan Agong supaya Akta Majlis Keselamatan Negara diperhalusi dan disemak semula, maka jelas sekali pindaaan tersebut tidak mematuhi Perlembagaan. Oleh itu Akta Majlis Keselamatan Negara tidak boleh dimeterai sebagai undang-undang.

12. Perkara 130

Bidang kuasa nasihat Mahkamah Persekutuan

Yang di-Pertuan Agong boleh merujukkan kepada Mahkamah Persekutuan untuk pendapatnya apa-apa soal tentang kesan mana- mana peruntukan Perlembagaan ini yang telah berbangkit atau yang tampak padanya mungkin berbangkit, dan Mahkamah Persekutuan hendaklah mengumumkan pendapatnya tentang apa- apa soal yang dirujukkan sedemikian kepadanya itu di dalam mahkamah terbuka.

13. Peruntukan ini memberi hak kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong untuk merujuk ke Mahkamah Persekutuan jika terdapat kesangsian terhadap kesahihan ataupun ketidaksahihan Akta Majlis Keselamatan Negara yang tidak pun mendapat persetujuan serta tandatangan Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

14. Perlantikan Perdana Menteri.

Lantikan Perdana Menteri juga merupakan kuasa budi bicara Yang di-Pertuan Agong.Yang diperlukan ialah supaya Yang di-Pertuan Agong melantik seorang individu sebagai Perdana Menteri jika individu tersebut mempunyai sokongan majoriti ahli Dewan Rakyat.Nama yang dicadangkan oleh parti yang menang tidak semestinya diterima Yang di-Pertuan Agong, jika Yang di-Pertuan Agong merasakan bahawa terdapat calon lain yang lebih sesuai.

15. Oleh sebab itu, berdasarkan kepada peruntukan yang sama di dalam Perlembagaan Negeri masing-masing, di tiga negeri – Terengganu, Perlis dan Selangor – calon yang dikemukakan parti yang menang ditolak dan Raja-Raja membuat keputusan menerima calon yang lain. Mereka ini dilantik sebagai Menteri Besar dan diterima Majlis Mesyuarat Negeri.

16. Yang di-Pertuan Agong jelas sekali mempunyai hak untuk melantik Perdana Menteri atas budi bicara. Jika semasa persidangan, Dewan Rakyat menolak lantikan Yang di-Pertuan Agong, maka calon tersebut terpaksa berhenti daripada menjadi Perdana Menteri. Yang di-Pertuan Agong akan menamakan calon yang baru.

17. (105) Ketua Audit Negara

(1) Maka hendaklah ada seorang Ketua Audit Negara, yang hendaklah dilantik oleh Yang di-Pertuan Agong atas nasihat Perdana Menteri dan selepas berunding dengan Majlis Raja-Raja.

106. Kuasa dan tugas Ketua Audit Negara

(1) Akaun bagi Persekutuan dan bagi Negeri-Negeri hendaklah diaudit dan dibuat laporan mengenainya oleh Ketua Audit Negara.

(2) Ketua Audit Negara hendaklah melaksanakan apa-apa tugas lain dan menjalankan apa-apa kuasa sebagaimana yang diperuntukkan oleh undang-undang persekutuan berhubung dengan akaun bagi Persekutuan dan akaun bagi Negeri-Negeri dan berhubung dengan akaun bagi pihak-pihak berkuasa awam lain dan akaun bagi badan yang dinyatakan melalui perintah yang dibuat oleh Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

107. Laporan Ketua Audit Negara

(1) Ketua Audit Negara hendaklah mengemukakan laporan- laporannya kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong yang hendaklah menyebabkan laporan itu dibentangkan di hadapan Dewan Rakyat.

18. Perdana Menteri, Dato Sri Najib telah memerintahkan Ketua Audit Negara untuk mengaudit akaun 1MDB. Laporan yang sepatutnya dibentangkan kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong sebaliknya di hantar kepada Jawatankuasa Kira-Kira Wang Negara (PAC). Laporan PAC bersama dengan laporan Ketua Audit Negara kemudian dihantar kepada Peguam Negara. Laporan Ketua Audit Negara kemudiannya diisytihar sebagai rahsia dan diletakkan di bawah Akta Rahsia Rasmi.

19. Ini bertentangan dengan peruntukan Perlembagaan dimana laporan Ketua Audit Negara hendaklah di hantar kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong dan kemudiannya dibentang kepada Dewan Rakyat. Amat jelas bahawa Kerajaan pimpinan Dato Sri Najib bukan sahaja mengabai peruntukan Perlembagaan, tetapi bertindak bertentangan dengannya, dengan memberi laporan tersebut kepada Peguam Negara. Ianya kemudian diklasifikasi sebagai rahsia rasmi.

20. Intipati laporan audit ialah untuk membongkar salah-laku atau kepincangan dalam pengurusan oleh pihak yang bertanggungjawab menguruskan kewangan sesuatu organisasi. Dengan mengisytihar laporan Ketua Audit Negara sebagai rahsia, maka sia-sia lah tindakan dan tujuan audit diadakan. Rakyat mempunyai hak untuk mengambil tindakan ke atas Kerajaan kerana menyembunyi hasil laporan Ketua Audit Negara.

21. Seperti yang saya katakan dari awal lagi, pindaan kepada Perlembagaan yang menyebabkan persetujuan serta tandatangan Yang di-Pertuan Agong tidak lagi diperlukan bukanlah secara menyeluruh. Persetujuan dan tandatangan Yang di-Pertuan Agong masih lagi diperlukan jika Akta yang dicadangkan menyentuh kuasa serta kedudukan Yang di-Pertuan Agong. Dan Akta Majlis Keselamatan Negara jelas memberi kesan ke atas kuasa Yang di-Pertuan Agong untuk mengisytihar darurat, yang mana kuasa tersebut tidak lagi bermakna. Untuk Akta ini, persetujuan serta tandatangan Yang di-Pertuan Agong masih diperlukan.

22. Di dalam mengisytiharkan yang Akta Keselamatan Negara ini sudah menjadi undang-undang, walaupun ianya tidak mendapat persetujuan serta tandatangan Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Dato Sri Najib tidak mematuhi pindaan kepada Perlembagaan yang dibuat semasa saya menjadi Perdana Menteri.

23. Saya dengan penuh ikhlas memohon maaf kerana membuat pindaan tersebut yang terbuka kepada tafsiran yang berbeza. Pindaan tersebut tidak melucutkan lebih 30 perkara lain dibawah kuasa Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

SPEAKING FRANKLY

1. Musa’s book “Frankly Speaking” makes interesting reading. Speaking frankly does not mean speaking truthfully. And when talking of things which happened 30-40 years ago, the accuracy of incidents and conversations are affected by current situations.

2. Frankly Speaking seeks to blame me for everything that happened in UMNO and the Government over all these years. Musa naturally does not blame himself for anything. He is as innocent as a newborn child. Which explains why he is so popular.

3. On loyalty. He said I demanded absolute loyalty. On that basis many including Musa, would have felt the full weight of my displeasure.

4. Musa contested for Deputy President against Tengku Razaleigh.

5. Musa came to see me to seek my support for his bid. I am prepared to swear on the Quran that he did this.

6. I was not willing to support him openly because I did not like the idea that I might have to work with Tengku Razaleigh if the latter became Deputy President and Deputy Prime Minister should Musa lose.

7. Now Sanusi says I asked him to campaign for Musa against Tengku Razaleigh. I may have but I cannot remember AIDS (Anwar Ibrahim, Daim, Sanusi) trying to bring down Musa when he was the heir apparent. Zam or Zainudin Maidin, editor of Utusan may remember. But I wonder if Utusan carried out an investigation. It often reports hearsay.

8. In the event Musa won and was appointed Deputy Prime Minister by me. But he was unhappy I retained Tengku Razaleigh as Minister of Finance in my Cabinet. He indicated that I should drop him (Tengku Razaleigh) altogether. I could not as I would lose Tengku Razaleigh’s supporters.

9. After Tengku Razaleigh again lost to Musa in the 1984 party elections, I moved Tengku Razaleigh to the Ministry of International Trade and Industry. I still did not drop him and I don’t think Musa was pleased.

10. Musa’s supporters named the Government as the 2M Government. I did not object even though it was unusual. His supporters also felt that I should stay as Prime Minister about as long as Tun Razak and Tun Hussein. But I showed no sign of wanting to step down.

11. Then Musa resigned as Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy President. I was annoyed as I thought he was the right person to succeed me eventually as PM. I did not expect to be Prime Minister for 22 years at that time. No one did. Certainly not Musa.

12. A meeting of the Supreme Council was held to discuss Musa’s resignation. If I wanted absolute loyalty I should have expelled him as Najib did for those he thought were not loyal enough to him.

13. Zam saw me prior to the Supreme Council meeting. He indicated that I was in for a surprise that night. He seemed to think that the Supreme Council would reinstate Musa even if I was opposed to it.

14. The Supreme Council did decided to persuade him to withdraw his resignations. I did not oppose the decision.

15. A delegation headed by Wan Mokhtar, Menteri Besar of Terengganu, flew to the UK to personally appeal to him.

16. He agreed to return only as Deputy President. I had no choice but to appoint Che Ghafar (Baba) as Deputy Prime Minister.

17. Musa was obviously not loyal to me at all. But I accepted his decision to return as deputy president of the party only. Later he was to show even greater disloyalty.

18. He went to Davos in Switzerland to see Tengku Razaleigh, his arch rival. Tengku Razaleigh was persuaded by him to contest for Presidency of the party at the next party election.

19. Surprisingly Musa himself indicated that he would contest for Deputy Presidency. In other words if they won he would be Deputy Prime Minister to Tengku Razaleigh as Prime Minister. His assertion now that he would not be in Tengku Razaleigh’s Cabinet is something new. It is absurd. Why contest for Deputy President, who traditionally becomes Deputy Prime Minister, if he had no intention to be a part of the Government as Deputy Prime Minister. If Ghafar had lost against Musa, I would have to appoint him again as my deputy. But will he accept?

20. Despite all these I did not take any action against him. When he did not join Tengku Razaleigh’s Semangat 46, I appointed him as special envoy to the United Nations with ministerial rank. Does this make me sound like a man who cannot and could not tolerate anything but absolute personal loyalty as alleged by Musa.

21. During the campaign for President and Deputy President, many of my Ministers and Deputy Ministers were against me. They included Abdullah Badawi, Rais Yatim, Syed Hamid and Kadir Sheikh Fadzir.

22. The record will show that I reappointed Syed Hamid and Kadir as Ministers in my Cabinet. Later I appointed Abdullah and Rais Yatim to the Cabinet. I even chose Abdullah Badawi as Deputy Prime Minister when Anwar left the party. And eventually Abdullah Badawi became Prime Minister upon my resigning. Is this how a man who cannot tolerate disloyalty treat people who were obviously disloyal to him?

23. I never behaved like Najib who demoted, removed and expelled leaders for even mildly questioning him about the 1MDB. He did not even allow UMNO delegates to talk about 1MDB and 2.6billion Ringgit in his private account. Those who did were considered as disloyal and have all been expelled.

24. Najib now talks about loyalty to the institution of President of UMNO. He does not allow contests for President as I did when Musa and Tengku Razaleigh challenged Ghafar and me. Anyone not fully supporting him, be they Ministers or civil servants were removed or transferred or medically retired. He is not tolerant as I was. I reserve a right to criticise his intolerance of opposition.

25. Loyalty to a leader is essential if an organisation is to function. But when a leader deviates or commits a crime, continuing to be loyal to him is wrong. In fact it is the duty of loyal followers to advise and even criticise their leader. And if the leader fails to heed the advise, they should stop being loyal to him.

26. I led the country for 22 years. The party and the electorate could overthrow me any time. Elections to the (party) Supreme Council were held regularly. But for five General Elections I led the party to victory with 2/3rd majority. I did not use money. No BR1M even. But the voters decided based on their perception of things, not because of absolute loyalty.

27. If Musa wants to speak frankly, then cite known events or refer to documents, including to news reports at the time. Yes, I did call Mohamed Rahmat “Mat Bulat” because he was stout. I did not mind people calling me “bomoh”. I thought it was a friendly reference to my profession.

VERSI BM

BERCAKAP TERUS TERANG

1. Buku Musa “Frankly Speaking” adalah bahan bacaan yang menarik. Bercakap terus terang tidak bermakna bercakap benar. Dan apabila bercakap mengenai perkara yang berlaku 30-40 tahun lalu, ketepatan kejadian dan perbualan dipengaruhi oleh keadaan semasa.

2. Frankly Speaking berhasrat untuk menyalahkan saya bagi segala-gala yang berlaku dalam UMNO dan kerajaan sepanjang masa kini. Musa sudah tentu tidak menyalahkan dirinya untuk apa-apa. Dia suci dan tidak bersalah seperti bayi yang baru lahir. Ini yang menjelaskan mengapa dia begitu popular.

3. Mengenai kesetiaan. Dia berkata saya menuntut kesetiaan yang mutlak. Atas dasar ini, sudah tentu ramai termasuk Musa, akan merasai beban penuh kemarahan saya.

4. Musa bertanding untuk Timbalan Presiden menghadapi Tengku Razaleigh.

5. Musa datang berjumpa dengan saya untuk mendapatkan sokongan saya dalam usahanya ini. Saya bersedia untuk bersumpah atas Al-Quran bahawa dia telah melakukan ini.

6. Saya tidak bersedia untuk menyokong beliau secara terbuka kerana mungkin saya perlu bekerja dengan Tengku Razaleigh apabila beliau menjadi Timbalan Presiden dan Timbalan Perdana Menteri jika Musa kalah.

7. Kini Sanusi berkata bahawa saya telah menyuruhnya berkempen bagi Musa menentang Tengku Razaleigh. Mungkin ia, tetapi saya tidak ingat AIDS (Anwar Ibrahim, Daim, Sanusi) berusaha untuk menjatuhkan Musa ketika beliau menjadi pewaris kepimpinan. Zam atau Zainudin Maidin, editor Utusan, mungkin ingat. Tetapi saya tertanya-tanya sama ada Utusan menjalankan siasatan. Ia sering melaporkan khabar angin.

8. Dalam pertandingan itu Musa menang dan dilantik sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri oleh saya. Tetapi beliau tidak berpuas hati saya mengekalkan Tengku Razaleigh sebagai Menteri Kewangan dalam Kabinet saya. Beliau membayangkan bahawa saya perlu menggugurkan beliau (Tengku Razaleigh) sama sekali. Saya tidak dapat berbuat demikian kerana saya akan kehilangan penyokong-penyokong Tengku Razaleigh.

9. Selepas Tengku Razaleigh kalah lagi kepada Musa dalam pilihan parti 1984, saya pindahkan Tengku Razaleigh kepada Kementerian Perdagangan Antarabangsa dan Industri. Saya masih tidak menggugurkan beliau dan saya fikir Musa tidak gembira.

10. Penyokong-penyokong Musa menamakan kerajaan sebagai Kerajaan 2M. Saya tidak membantah walaupun ini adalah luar biasa. Penyokong-penyokong beliau juga merasakan bahawa saya perlu kekal sebagai Perdana Menteri hanya pada tempoh sama dengan Tun Razak dan Tun Hussein kekal sebagai Perdana Menteri. Tetapi saya tidak menunjukkan tanda-tanda mahu berundur.

11. Kemudian Musa meletak jawatan sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri dan Timbalan Presiden. Saya berasa jengkel kerana saya fikir dia adalah orang yang tepat untuk menggantikan saya akhirnya sebagai Perdana Menteri. Pada masa itu saya tidak menjangka bahawa saya akan menjadi Perdana Menteri selama 22 tahun. Tiada siapa pun yang menjangka demikian. Sudah tentu bukan Musa.

12. Mesyuarat Majlis Tertinggi telah diadakan untuk membincangkan peletakan jawatan Musa. Jika saya mahu kesetiaan yang mutlak saya sepatutnya usirkan beliau sebagaimana Najib lakukan bagi mereka yang dia fikir tidak cukup setia kepadanya.

13. Zam menemui saya sebelum mesyuarat Majlis Tertinggi. Beliau membayangkan bahawa ada kejutan bagi saya pada malam itu. Beliau seolah-olah berfikir bahawa Majlis Tertinggi akan mengambil semula Musa walaupun saya menentangnya.

14. Majlis Tertinggi memang memutuskan untuk memujuk beliau menarik balik peletakan jawatan beliau. Saya tidak menentang keputusan itu.

15. Satu delegasi yang diketuai oleh Wan Mokhtar, Menteri Besar Terengganu, terbang ke UK untuk merayu kepadanya secara peribadi.

16. Beliau bersetuju untuk kembali hanya sebagai Timbalan Presiden. Saya tidak mempunyai pilihan selain daripada melantik Che Ghafar (Baba) sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri.

17. Musa adalah jelas tidak setia kepada saya sama sekali. Tetapi saya menerima keputusan beliau untuk kembali sebagai Timbalan Presiden parti sahaja. Kemudiannya beliau akan menunjukkan ketidaksetiaan yang lebih besar lagi.

18. Dia pergi ke Davos di Switzerland untuk berjumpa Tengku Razaleigh, saing besar beliau. Tengku Razaleigh telah dipujuk oleh beliau untuk bertanding jawatan Presiden parti pada pemilihan parti akan datang.

19. Yang menghairankan Musa sendiri membayangkan bahawa beliau akan bertanding jawatan Timbalan Presiden. Dalam erti kata lain, jika mereka menang beliau akan menjadi Timbalan Perdana Menteri kepada Tengku Razaleigh sebagai Perdana Menteri. Pernyataannya sekarang bahawa dia tidak akan berada dalam Kabinet Tengku Razaleigh adalah sesuatu perkara yang baru. Ini tidak masuk akal. Mengapa bertanding untuk jawatan Timbalan Presiden, yang secara tradisinya akan menjadi Timbalan Perdana Menteri, jika dia tidak mempunyai niat untuk menjadi sebahagian daripada anggota kerajaan sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri. Jika Ghafar telah kalah kepada Musa, saya perlu untuk melantik beliau semula sebagai timbalan saya. Tetapi adakah beliau akan terima?

20. Namun begitu saya tidak mengambil sebarang tindakan terhadap beliau. Apabila dia tidak menyertai Semangat 46 Tengku Razaleigh, saya melantik beliau sebagai duta khas ke PBB bertaraf menteri. Adakah semua ini mencermin saya seperti seorang yang tidak boleh dan tidak akan bertolak ansur dengan apa-apa kecuali kesetiaan peribadi mutlak seperti yang didakwa oleh Musa.

21. Dalam tempoh kempen untuk Presiden dan Timbalan Presiden, ramai Menteri-menteri saya dan Timbalan Menteri menentang saya. Mereka termasuklah Abdullah Badawi, Rais Yatim, Syed Hamid dan Kadir Sheikh Fadzir.

22. Rekod akan menunjukkan bahawa saya melantik semula Syed Hamid dan Kadir sebagai Menteri dalam Kabinet saya. Kemudian saya melantik Abdullah dan Rais Yatim ke dalam Kabinet. Saya juga memilih Abdullah Badawi sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri ketika Anwar meninggalkan parti. Dan akhirnya Abdullah Badawi menjadi Perdana Menteri apabila saya meletakkan jawatan. Adakah ini cara seorang yang tidak boleh bertolak ansur bertindak terhadap mereka yang jelas tidak setia?

23. Saya tidak pernah berkelakuan seperti Najib yang menurunkan pangkat, usir dan membuang pemimpin-pemimpin kerana mempersoalkan sedikit beliau mengenai 1MDB. Dia tidak membenarkan perwakilan UMNO untuk bercakap mengenai 1MDB dan RM2.6 bilion dalam akaun peribadinya. Mereka yang berbuat demikian telah dianggap sebagai tidak setia dan semuanya telah dipecat.

24. Najib kini bercakap tentang kesetiaan kepada institusi Presiden UMNO. Ia tidak membenarkan pertandingan untuk Presiden seperti yang saya lakukan apabila Musa dan Tengku Razaleigh mencabar Ghafar dan saya. Sesiapa yang tidak menyokong beliau sepenuhnya, sama ada Menteri-menteri atau penjawat awam telah dikeluarkan atau dipindahkan atau terpaksa bersara atas alasan kesihatan. Beliau tidak bertolak ansur seperti saya. Saya mempunyai hak untuk mengkritik sikap tidak bertoleransi beliau terhadap pembangkang.

25. Kesetiaan kepada pemimpin adalah penting bagi sesuatu organisasi untuk berfungsi. Tetapi apabila pemimpin yang menyimpang atau melakukan jenayah, tindakan terus berpaut padanya adalah salah. Malahan ia adalah menjadi kewajipan pengikut yang setia untuk menasihati dan juga mengkritik pemimpin mereka. Dan jika pemimpin itu tidak mengendahkan nasihat, mereka harus berhenti menjadi setia kepadanya.

26. Saya telah memimpin negara selama 22 tahun. Parti dan pengundi boleh menggulingkan saya pada bila-bila masa. Pilihan raya ke Majlis Tertinggi (parti) telah diadakan secara berkala. Tetapi bagi lima Pilihan Raya Umum saya telah memimpin parti untuk mendapat kemenangan dengan majoriti 2/3. Saya tidak menggunakan wang. Juga tiada BR1M. Tetapi pengundi memutuskan berdasarkan persepsi mereka terhadap perkara-perkara, bukan kerana kesetiaan mutlak.

27. Jika Musa mahu bercakap terus-terang, hendaklah beliau memetik peristiwa yang diketahui atau merujuk kepada dokumen, termasuk laporan berita pada masa itu. Ya, saya panggil Mohamed Rahmat, “Mat Bulat” kerana dia gempal. Saya tidak kisah orang memanggil saya “bomoh”. Saya beranggapan bahawa ini adalah rujukan mesra kepada profesion saya.

WHY A NEW PARTY?

1. I am surprised that there are people asking why a new party should be formed.

2. It should not if the dominant party in the Government coalition is playing the role and upholding the objectives for which it was formed or even some semblance of them.

3. Earlier when suggestions were made for a new party to contest against UMNO, they were rejected as it was hoped that if Najib ceased to be its president, UMNO could be resuscitated and regain the support of the people. The BN could still continue to be the Government of Malaysia.

4. But rapidly this idea became untenable. For one thing the wrong doings of Najib had become more open and serious. Not only was 1MDB losing billions but it was unable to pay debts. Then it was discovered that Najib had more that 2.6 billion Ringgit in his private account. A Prime Minister of Malaysia should not have this kind of money in his account no matter how he may have acquired it.

5. Then it was found that Najib had a total grip on UMNO. Any criticism of his leadership was not tolerated. Critics were expelled and tame leaders were put in place. They all seem to be obligated to Najib despite his wrongdoings. A vote of no confidence in him became impossible.

6. A personality cult was built up so that Najib could not be challenged or deposed. Nothing else mattered to UMNO, especially to UMNO members of Parliament.

7. It became clear there was no way for a leadership change and UMNO to be resuscitated.

8. With these developments the idea of a new party to contest against UMNO became not only attractive but also absolutely necessary.

9. UMNO is a race-based party. Until 2004 this race-based party had won the support of all races through a coalition with other race-based parties. Even the multi-racial parties in the BN were race-based.

10. The sophisticated and highly educated urban people may believe that racial politics is not in keeping with the times. But on the ground it is different. For the rural people who largely are poor, race is not only important but they believe is essential for their well-being. UMNO’s popularity is because it is a racial party.

11. If the new party is to compete with UMNO, it must give the people in the rural constituencies and the unsophisticated urban constituencies the kind of comfort associated with UMNO’s kind of racism.

12. Still the new party is not to be confined to Malays only but to all indigenous people – the Bumiputeras. Besides it is ready to accept Bumis and non-Bumis as associate members.

13. I have studied the fate of the parties which won independence in other countries. Most of them have disappeared. They had lost to new parties formed after independence because invariably they forgot the purpose for which the parties are formed and abused the power accorded them for personal gains.

14. UMNO had lasted much longer. But under Najib it forgot completely the purpose for which it was formed. Najib has brought shame to this once admired country. The whole world looks down upon Najib for being the worst Finance Minister of Malaysia and for all kinds of wrong doings perpetrated by him.

15. Only a new party can revive the country’s glory of the past. The new party will take cognisance of the changes in the thinking of all Malaysians. We had made progress. Our people are better educated, and are better off in many ways. Their perceptions of things and their aspirations have changed.

16. The new party will restore democracy and the rule of la which have been denied and abused by Najib.

17. The separation of powers between the legislative, the executive and the judiciary will be upheld. Additionally the legal service represented by the Attorney-General will be separated from the judiciary. The AG may not pass judgement over reports made to the police except when the reports are vexations and irrelevant. Even then the AG must give his reasons to the public and not just say there is no case to answer. Certainly he must not put the reports under the Official Secrets Act.

18. Any suspicion of corruption must be investigated and the report made public. All Malaysian officials must be seen to live within their means. This include all members of the Cabinet.

19. Foreign observers will oversee elections and will have full access to the operations of the election, both Government and Opposition.

20. The anti-corruption commission will have non-Government members. All transactions by Government must be transparent.

21. Borrowings by the Government must not exceed amounts fixed by Parliament. Guarantees by Government should regarded as borrowings by Government.

22. These are some of the things the new party will struggle for. It will strive to improve the performance of the Government and give a better life for the people. It will try to regain the respect and honour of this nation in the eyes of the people and the world.

23. UMNO cannot do all these anymore. That is why a new party has to be formed.

24. We aspire to serve the people. We pray the people will help us achieve our aspirations for them.

 

WHY A NEW PARTY?

I am surprised that there are people asking why a new party should be formed.

It should not if the dominant party in the Government coalition is playing the role and upholding the objectives for which it was formed or even some semblance of them.

Earlier when suggestions were made for a new party to contest against UMNO, they were rejected as it was hoped that if Najib ceased to be its president, UMNO could be resuscitated and regain the support of the people. The BN could still continue to be the Government of Malaysia.

But rapidly this idea became untenable. For one thing the wrong doings of Najib had become more open and serious. Not only was 1MDB losing billions but it was unable to pay debts. Then it was discovered that Najib had more that 2.6 billion Ringgit in his private account. A Prime Minister of Malaysia should not have this kind of money in his account no matter how he may have acquired it.

Then it was found that Najib had a total grip on UMNO. Any criticism of his leadership was not tolerated. Critics were expelled and tame leaders were put in place. They all seem to be obligated to Najib despite his wrongdoings. A vote of no confidence in him became impossible.

A personality cult was built up so that Najib could not be challenged or deposed. Nothing else mattered to UMNO, especially to UMNO members of Parliament.

It became clear there was no way for a leadership change and UMNO to be resuscitated.

With these developments the idea of a new party to contest against UMNO became not only attractive but also absolutely necessary.

UMNO is a race-based party. Until 2004 this race-based party had won the support of all races through a coalition with other race-based parties. Even the multi-racial parties in the BN were race-based.

The sophisticated and highly educated urban people may believe that racial politics is not in keeping with the times. But on the ground it is different. For the rural people who largely are poor, race is not only important but they believe is essential for their well-being. UMNO’s popularity is because it is a racial party.

If the new party is to compete with UMNO, it must give the people in the rural constituencies and the unsophisticated urban constituencies the kind of comfort associated with UMNO’s kind of racism.

Still the new party is not to be confined to Malays only but to all indigenous people – the Bumiputeras. Besides it is ready to accept Bumis and non-Bumis as associate members.

I have studied the fate of the parties which won independence in other countries. Most of them have disappeared. They had lost to new parties formed after independence because invariably they forgot the purpose for which the parties are formed and abused the power accorded them for personal gains.

UMNO had lasted much longer. But under Najib it forgot completely the purpose for which it was formed. Najib has brought shame to this once admired country. The whole world looks down upon Najib for being the worst Finance Minister of Malaysia and for all kinds of wrong doings perpetrated by him.

Only a new party can revive the country’s glory of the past. The new party will take cognisance of the changes in the thinking of all Malaysians. We had made progress. Our people are better educated, and are better off in many ways. Their perceptions of things and their aspirations have changed.

The new party will restore democracy and the rule of la which have been denied and abused by Najib.

The separation of powers between the legislative, the executive and the judiciary will be upheld. Additionally the legal service represented by the Attorney-General will be separated from the judiciary. The AG may not pass judgement over reports made to the police except when the reports are vexations and irrelevant. Even then the AG must give his reasons to the public and not just say there is no case to answer. Certainly he must not put the reports under the Official Secrets Act.

Any suspicion of corruption must be investigated and the report made public. All Malaysian officials must be seen to live within their means. This include all members of the Cabinet.

Foreign observers will oversee elections and will have full access to the operations of the election, both Government and Opposition.

The anti-corruption commission will have non-Government members. All transactions by Government must be transparent.

Borrowings by the Government must not exceed amounts fixed by Parliament. Guarantees by Government should regarded as borrowings by Government.

These are some of the things the new party will struggle for. It will strive to improve the performance of the Government and give a better life for the people. It will try to regain the respect and honour of this nation in the eyes of the people and the world.

UMNO cannot do all these anymore. That is why a new party has to be formed.

We aspire to serve the people. We pray the people will help us achieve our aspirations for them.

 

CAMPUR TANGAN ASING

1. Seperti biasa Najib gelabah apabila kenyataan benar berkenaan salahlaku olehnya didedah.

2. Demikian pendedahan yang dibuat oleh Department of Justice (DOJ) Amerika Syarikat berkenaan salahguna wang oleh keluarga dan kawannya dan oleh “Malaysian Official 1” yang semua tahu ialah Perdana Menteri Najib sendiri.

3. Najib dan konco-konconya memikir akan cara memutarbelit fakta yang didedah supaya rakyat Malaysia tertipu.

4. Kali ini kenyataan oleh DOJ dituduh sebagai usaha campur tangan dalam urusan negara Malaysia.

5. Apakah Amerika Syarikat yang begitu menghargai dasar Najib terhadapnya dan persahabatan Najib dengan Presiden Obama, berhasrat untuk menjatuhkan Najib. Mereka perlukan Najib menandatangani TPPA (Perjanjian Perkongsian Trans Pasifik). Untuk menjatuh banyak cara yang boleh diguna seperti yang kita lihat di Timur Tengah.

6. Yang sebenar berlaku ialah pencabulan undang-undang Negara Amerika oleh keluarga Najib, kawannya dan Malaysian Official 1.

7. Money laundering (pembersihan wang haram) sudah ditakrif sebagi jenayah dikebanyakan negara. Ini disebabkan pendapatan daripada mencuri dan dagangan dadah sering dibawa ke negara lain untuk dibelanja.

8. Kemasukan wang kemana-mana negara (termasuk Malaysia) akan diperiksa untuk menentukan punca wang itu. Jika wang itu halal sekalipun cukai pendapatan perlu dibayar.

9. Jika punca wang berkenaan tidak dapat disahkan halal, iaitu ia mungkin dicuri atau berpunca daripada dagangan haram ia akan dirampas oleh pegawai negara berkenaan.

10. Duit berbilion dolar yang dibelanja oleh Riza Aziz, Jho Low mengguna wang dari bank Amerika, membiaya pembelian hartanah dan lukisan di Amerika, membayar hutang judi dan pengeluaran filem lucah Wolf of Wall Street. Oleh kerana wang haram dibawa masuk ke Amerika mengguna bank Amerika dan dibelanja di sana maka ia melanggar undang-undang Amerika.

11. Negara itu berhak mengambil tindakan undang-undang negaranya seperti Malaysia juga berhak mengambil tindakan undang-undang terhadap orang asing yang melakukan jenayah di Malaysia. Jenayah oleh orang asing tidak dikecualikan dari undang-undang mana-mana negara.

12. Untuk elak dari barangan yang dibeli dengan duit haram dihilangkan, DOJ mengambil tindakan sivil bagi merampas barangan yang dibeli oleh Riza dan Jho Low. Kemudian baru mereka akan dituduh bawah undang-undang jenayah.

13. Di Amerika kebebasan media tidak boleh disekat seperti di Malaysia. Tuntutan media supaya didedah segala urusan pemerintah tidak boleh diketepikan. Dalam kes yang diketahui seluruh dunia seperti penyelewengan 1MDB oleh Najib, tidak ada kemungkinan DOJ rahsiakan maklumat yang ada padanya. Namun nama Najib tidak disebut.

14. Jenayah Najib di Malaysia boleh dirahsiakan secara haram. Tetapi janganlah harap negara asing akan rahsiakan jenayah yang dilakukan di negara mereka oleh kita.

15. Jika pendedahan ini boleh mempengaruhi sikap rakyat terhadap Kerajaan Najib, yang salah ialah Najib. Kenapa cuba guna duit haram di Amerika.

16. Duit haram yang banyak tidak boleh disembunyi. Duit sebegitu banyak tidak boleh diurus tanpa diketahui oleh orang, tanpa catitan dalam buku dan dokumen. Jika disimpan di Malaysia pun, akhirnya akan diketahui orang juga. Yang haram tetap haram.

17. Wang tunai (cash) mungkin Raja. Tetapi ia juga satu belenggu yang boleh meruntun turun pemiliknya sehingga jatuh tersungkur.

ENG VERSION

FOREIGN INTERFERENCE

1. As usual Najib panicked when true statements in respect of his misconduct are exposed.

2. So thus disclosure made by the Department of Justice (DOJ) of the United States in respect of misuse of funds by family and friends and by the “Malaysian Official 1” which everyone know is Prime Minister Najib himself.

3. Najib and his cohorts will think of ways to twist facts that were exposed so that Malaysians will be fooled.

4. This time the statement by The Department of Justice is alleged as attempts to interfere in the affairs of Malaysia.

5. Does the United States of America, who really appreciated Najib’ policy towards the country and Najib’s friendship with President Obama, will seek to topple Najib. They needed Najib to sign the TPPA (Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement). There are a lot of ways that can be used to bring down, as we see in the Middle East.

6. What actually happened is a violation of the laws of the United States by Najib’s family, his friends and Malaysian Official 1.

7. Money laundering (cleansing illegal money) has been classified as a crime in many countries. This is because stolen money and proceeds from drug trade are often taken to another country for spending.

8. The transfer of money into any country (including Malaysia) will be scrutinized to determine the source of the money. Even if the money is legal income taxes are still payable.

9. If the source of the money cannot be ascertained legal, that is, it may have been stolen or arose out of an illegal trade, it will be confiscated by officials of the countries concerned.

10. Billions of dollars of money had been spent by Riza Aziz, Jho Low using money from American banks, to finance the purchase of properties and paintings in America, to pay for gambling debts and the production of the pornographic film Wolf of Wall Street. As illegal money had been brought into the United States using American banks, and spent there, this violates American law.

11. That country has the right to take legal action, just like Malaysia is also entitled to take legal action against foreigners who commit crimes in Malaysia. Crimes by foreigners are not exempted from the laws of any country.

12. In order to avoid the goods purchased with illegal money being spirited away, the Department of Justice took civil action to seize the goods purchased by Riza and Jho Low. Then, will they be charged under criminal law.

13. In America, media freedom cannot be blocked as in Malaysia. Media’s claim that all matters of government be revealed cannot be ignored. In cases known worldwide, such as misappropriation of 1MDB by Najib, there is no possibility that the Department of Justice will conceal the information available to it. But Najib’s name is not mentioned.

14. Najib’s crime in Malaysia can illegally be kept secret. But do not expect foreign countries to conceal crimes committed in their country by us.

15. If this exposure can affect people’s attitude towards the Government of Najib, the one to be blamed is Najib. Why try to use illegal money in the United States.

16. Money laundering on such a big scale cannot be concealed. Such a big sum of money cannot be managed without being noticed by someone, without entries in books and documents. If kept in Malaysia too, it will eventually be known as well. What is Illegal is still illegal.

17. Cash may be King. But it is also a shackle that can drag its owner down to his knees

SURAT TERBUKA

Kepada Rakyat Malaysia,

Kami adalah tujuh orang pengasas penubuhan sebuah parti politik baru.

Jawatan-jawatan kami adalah sementara. Apabila parti sudah tertubuh, perwakilan akan pilih pemimpin.

Sementara menunggu kebenaran dari Pendaftaran Pertubuhan, izinkan kami jelaskan kenapa parti ini ditubuh sekarang.

Malaysia setelah Merdeka berjaya dibangun oleh rakyat Malaysia dan wakil mereka sehingga terkenal sebagai satu-satunya negara merdeka yang tinggi pembangunannya.

Banyaklah negara-negara dunia ketiga yang anggap Malaysia sebagai negara contoh. Dimana-mana orang Malaysia pergi, mereka dihormati kerana kejayaan pentadbiran dan pembangunan negara mereka.

Tetapi sekarang kita terkenal sebagai sebuah negara dimana rasuah amat tinggi dengan Menteri Kewangan yang terburuk sekali.

Kita juga mempunyai seorang Perdana Menteri yang sedang disiasat kerana besar kemungkinan terlibat dengan money laundering (pembersihan duit haram) berbilion dollar Amerika.

Syarikat 1MDB kehilangan berbilion Ringgit. Di masa yang sama Perdana Menteri Malaysia, Dato Seri Najib mempunyai 2.6 bilion Ringgit dalam akaun peribadinya.

Hutang Negara meningkat berbilion Ringgit.

Walaupun belanjawan negara ternampak tinggi tetapi kementerian-kementerian, institusi dan agensi Kerajaan diarah kurangkan perbelanjaan sehingga 30 peratus.

Sementara itu kos sara hidup meningkat tinggi kerana cukai GST, kenaikan cukai tanah, pengurangan subsidi minyak dan penarikan balik status bebas cukai Langkawi dan Labuan.

Demokrasi dan pemerintahan mengikut undang-undang sudah tidak ada lagi. Pegawai ditukar dan diganti dengan pegawai yang setia kepada Najib supaya sanggup melakukan perkara yang salah apabila diarah.

Jenayah dalam Kerajaan dirahsiakan. Yang mendedah jenayah disoal, ditangkap, dipenjara dan dihadapkan ke mahkamah.

Sesungguhnya keadaan dalam negara dan imej di luar negara amatlah buruk. Di luar negara rakyat malu mengaku sebagai orang Malaysia. Tidak ternampak sebarang usaha untuk menghentikan jenayah dan memulih keadaan. Yang ditekankan ialah kesetiaan kepada Najib sebagai Presiden parti dan Perdana Menteri.

Dan banyaklah lagi keburukan yang dibawa oleh Najib kepada negara tercinta ini.

Kami pengasas parti baru berpendapat masa sudah tiba untuk rakyat menyelamatkan negara ini. Jika tidak segala-gala yang kita nikmati akan hancur-lebur dan kita dan anak cucu kita akan kembali menderita kemiskinan tanpa maruah.

Parti yang kami tubuh ini bertujuan menjadi alat kepada rakyat yang benar-benar cintakan negara yang bertuah ini.

Hasrat kami ialah untuk berkhidmat memulih semula rakyat dan negara.

Demokrasi dan pemerintahan berasas undang-undang akan kami kembalikan.

Segala kelemahan yang boleh disalahguna oleh pemimpin yang dipilih akan dihapuskan.

Pengurusan kewangan akan tertakluk kepada undang-undang dan aturan-peraturan baru supaya Perdana Menteri atau menteri-menteri tidak boleh sembunyi sebarang perbelanjaan. Ketelusan dalam semua urusan akan diamalkan.

Didikan dan latihan secara besar-besaran akan diberi kepada semua rakyat dari semua kaum supaya mereka dapat bekerja dengan pendapatan yang setimpal dengan hasil kerja mereka.

Yang termiskin dan kurang upaya akan dibantu dengan mencukupi.

Biasiswa untuk pelajaran sehingga ke peringkat yang tertinggi akan diadakan bagi semua mengikut keperluan mereka.

Kami percaya kami berpengalaman dan memiliki banyak idea untuk pemulihan ekonomi dan politik negara yang kami akan jelaskan dari masa ke semasa.

Oleh itu sertailah parti kami demi kesejahteraan kehidupan kita semua.

NAJIB’S FREEDOM

1. Najib tells his tame audience that I want him to do things my way only. Maybe so though I don’t think it is true.

2. But if he wants to do things his way, it should at least to be something good for the country. Promoting corruption is certainly not good for the country or for anyone.

3. Having 2.6 billion Ringgit in his private account is also not good. No Prime Minister of Malaysia should have that amount of Ringgit in his private account. And the explanation he gives as to the source of the billions is quite ridiculous.

4. And now it is about loyalty to the institution of the President of UMNO.

5. So what will come next? It must be President for life.

6. And after that. There should be a dynasty. A Crown Prince no less. But call it the Deputy President. And he must be from the family, including the wife’s.

7. In my time, I was challenged. Tengku Razaleigh contested against me. So did Musa Hitam. Four of my Cabinet Ministers backed my challengers. I did not ask them to be loyal to me as President of the party.

8. They lost. But the Ministers continued to be Ministers. One even got to be Prime Minister.

9. They don’t and I didn’t expect them to regard me as an institution which cannot be challenged.

10. Ah! Am I not promoting my own son? Not in my time. Not when I had the power to do.

11. But when he fights his own battle, am I supposed to fight against him? If he wins, he wins. If he loses, that will not be my doing. Already he has lost for having the same stand as I have.

12. I am old now. But Allah be praised, I am not senile. I would gladly accept an open debate with Najib with live audience and T.V. live telecast.

13. The debate should be on governing a country.

14. I may lose. Cash may win. It is for Malaysians to evaluate, not TV3 or the NST or my own known supporters.

15. I am writing this from the hospital. I would like to thank all the well wishers for their get-well-quick messages.

16. Messages help but applying to join the new party would be even better.

Save Malaysia.

VERSI BM

KEBEBASAN NAJIB

1. Najib memberitahu penontonnya yang jinak bahawa saya mahu beliau melakukan semua perkara dengan cara saya sahaja. Mungkin begitu, tetapi saya tidak fikir ianya adalah benar.

2. Tetapi jika sekiranya beliau mahu melakukan segalanya mengikut caranya sendiri, sekurang-kurangnya beliau perlu melakukan yang baik untuk negara ini. Menggalakkan rasuah sudah pasti tidak baik untuk negara atau untuk sesiapa sahaja.

3. Mempunyai 2.6 bilion ringgit dalam akaun peribadinya juga tidak baik. Tiada Perdana Menteri Malaysia harus mempunyai want sejumlah begitu dalam akaun peribadi. Dan penjelasan yang beliau berikan mengenai sumber berbilion itu agak tidak masuk akal.

4. Dan kini adalah hal kesetiaan kepada institusi Presiden UMNO.

5. Dan apa pula yang akan datang? Semestinya ialah Presiden seumur hidup.

6. Dan selepas itu? Perlu ada satu dinasti. Putera Mahkota tidak sekurang-kurangnya. Tetapi panggil beliau Timbalan Presiden. Dan dia mesti dari keluarga, termasuk isteri.

7. Pada zaman saya, saya telah dicabar. Tengku Razaleigh bertanding menentang saya. Begitu juga Musa Hitam. Empat daripada Menteri Kabinet saya menyokong pencabar saya. Saya tidak meminta mereka untuk setia kepada saya sebagai Presiden parti.

8. Mereka tewas. Tetapi mereka terus menjadi Menteri. Seorang juga mendapat menjadi Perdana Menteri.

9. Mereka tidak, dan saya juga tidak mengharapkan mereka menganggap saya sebagai sebuah institusi yang tidak boleh dicabar.

10. Ah! Adakah saya tidak mempromosikan anak saya sendiri? Tidak, pada masa zaman saya. Tidak, apabila saya mempunyai kuasa untuk melakukannya.

11. Tetapi apabila dia berjuang pertempuran beliau sendiri, adakah saya sepatutnya menentang beliau? Jika beliau menang, beliau menang. Jika beliau tewas, bukan saya yang melakukannya. Sudah pun beliau tewas kerana mempunyai pendirian yang sama seperti saya.

12. Saya berumur sekarang. Tetapi Alhamdulillah, saya belum lagi nyanyok. Saya dengan senang hati akan terima cabaran debat terbuka dengan Najib di hadapan penonton dan siaran television secara langsung.

13. Perbahasan hendaklah mengenai mentadbir negara.

14. Mungkin saya kalah. Wang tunai boleh menang. Ianya adalah untuk rakyat Malaysia menilai, bukan TV3 atau NST atau mereka yang memang penyokong saya.

15. Saya menulis ini dari hospital. Saya ingin mengucapkan terima kasih kepada semua mereka yang menghantar mesej cepat sembuh kepada saya.

16. Ucapan-ucapan membantu, tetapi memohon untuk menyertai parti baru itu adalah lebih baik.

Selamatkan Malaysia.

PEMIMPIN UMNO

1. Bilakah pemimpin UMNO akan mengakui kebenaran tuduhan yang dibuat terhadap Najib?

2. Sejak mula skandal 1MDB didedah, pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO cuba menidakkan tuduhan terhadap Najib.

3. Kononnya semua tuduhan ini berniat jahat – bertujuan untuk menjatuhkan seorang pemimpin yang dipilih secara demokratik. Mereka sengaja lupakan bahawa Dato Abdullah, PM Malaysia Kelima juga dipilih secara demokratik tetapi dijatuhkan oleh Najib sendiri.

4. Dalam negara demokratik banyak sudah pemimpin yang dipilih dalam pilihanraya yang dijatuhkan sebelum edahnya. Demikian PM Abbott Austraila. President Brazil digantung jawatan atas keputusan mahkamah tinggi supaya siasatan dapat dibuat keatasnya tanpa halangan.

5. Sekarang ini pula tuduhan dibuat bahawa saya yang membuat laporan terhadap Najib kepada Amerika Syarikat sehingga laporan berkenaan salahguna kuasa dan melesapkan wang Kerajaan dibuat oleh pasukan keadilan Amerika terhadap Najib.

6. Saya tidak buat apa-apa laporan. Tetapi jika saya buat laporan pun, hanya kerana itu kesalahan Najib tidak akan menjadi tidak salah.

7. Benang basah tidak mungkin ditegak. Percubaan pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO mendakwa Najib tidak bersalah tidak mungkin menjadinya tidak salah. Tuduhlah, kecamlah, makilah. Yang salah tetap salah.

8. Sejak skandal 1MDB didedah, bukti-bukti salahguna kuasa dan penipuan Najib menjadi semakin nyata. Bermula dengan laporan dalam akhbar, ia diikuti dengan laporan oleh Bank Negara, BPR, Auditor General dan PAC. Tiap satu menerangkan kesalahan Najib. Menjadikan laporan-laporan ini rahsia pemerintah tidak berjaya menutup isi kandungan laporan. Di zaman ini tidak ada cara bagi merahsiakan dokumen. Sarawak Report melapor berkenaan wang yang ada dalam akaun Najib di Ambank yang disertai dengan dokumen-dokumen yang tidak boleh disangkal. Najib tidak dapat membuat apa-apa, jauh sekali dari menyaman malu Sarawak Report.

9. Akhirnya Jabatan Keadilan (DOJ) Amerika Syarikat bukan sahaja mengeluarkan laporan bertulis tetapi penjelasan dibuat secara terperinci oleh pegawai-pegawai DOJ melalui TV. Malaysia sudah jadi negara penipu dan rasuah yang terbesar di dunia. Semua orang berasa malu tetapi pemimpin UMNO sahaja yang tidak tahu malu.

10. Walaupun nama Najib tidak dicatit tetapi semua tahu bahawa Malaysian Official 1 (Pegawai Malaysian Nombor 1) ialah Najib. Hanya yang bangang sahaja yang tidak kenal Najib sebagai Pegawai Malaysia Nombor 1. Dan mereka sahaja yang masih sanggup menerima Najib sebagai pemimpin mereka.

11. Wahai pemimpin UMNO berhentilah dari menipu diri. Kamu tahu Najib bersalah. Kamu tahu Najib tidak layak menjadi Perdana Menteri Malaysia.

12. Merahsiakan segala laporan berkenaan dengan kesalahan Najib melalui OSA mungkin mengelirukan sebahagian kecil dari rakyat Malaysia. Tetapi OSA tidak boleh rahsiakan perbuatan Najib di kalangan masyarakat dunia. Kamu, pemimpin UMNO akan dipandang hina kerana masih mencuba menidakkan penipuan Najib dalam pengurusan 1MDB.

13. Kerajaan sekarang menghadapi kekurangan dana. Untuk menampung beban hutang 1MDB rakyat dipaksa bayar cukai GST, tol dinaikkan, subsidi minyak dihapuskan, Langkawi dan Labuan sebagai pulau bebas cukai ditamatkan. Bajet yang besar dibuat tetapi Kementerian, Jabatan dan Agensi-Agensi Kerajaan diarah supaya mengurangkan belanja sebanyak 20%. Bayaran kontrak dilewat-lewatkan.

14. Untuk membayar hutang 1MDB, tanah Kerajaan yang bernilai RM 7000/- skp dibeli dengan harga RM 60/- skp dan dijual dengan harga RM 3,500 skp.

15. Sekarang laporan akhbar luar mendedahkan kontrak membina landasan keretapi di pantai timur yang ditawar oleh syarikat Cina sebanyak RM 30 billion dinaikkan kepada RM 60 billion, supaya lebihan dari harga kontrak sebanyak RM 30 billion boleh diguna untuk bayar hutang jaminan RM27bilion yang dituntut oleh IPIC, Abu Dhabi.

16. Hutang 1MDB boleh dibayar secara ini. Tetapi wang yang dilesapkan melalui 1MDB masih berada di tangan orang yang diketahui melesapkannya. Jenayah ini masih perlu ditangani melalui proses undang-undang. Dengan perkataan lain, walaupun hutang dibayar oleh Kerajaan, penjenayah yang menghilangkan duit 1MDB tidak terlepas dari dituduh dan dibicara dalam mahkamah.

17. Pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO perlu sedar akan hakikat ini dan mendesak supaya proses undang-undang dikuatkuasakan. Jika tidak kamu mungkin dianggap sebagai bersubahat dalam perlakuan jenayah ini.

THE CAT IS NOW OUT OF THE BAG

 

THE CAT IS NOW OUT OF THE BAG

1.The Department of Justice of the United States of America has taken action to seize the assets of named individuals suspected of stealing money belonging to 1MDB, and the Government of Malaysia.

2.Altogether 17 assets are listed. They include properties, investments, aircrafts, yachts, companies, paintings and movie films. They are worth USD 1 billion. The 136 page document gives in detail the way the money was siphoned through fraudulent investments in bogus companies, passing through various banks and individuals and ending in the account of MALAYSIAN OFFICIAL 1.

3.Who is Malaysian Official 1 mentioned 36 times in the report. He is described as “a high-ranking official in the Malaysian Government who also held a position of authority with 1MDB. During all times relevant to the complaint, Malaysian Official 1 was a “public official” as that term is used in 18 USC – 1956(c)(7)(B)(iv) and a “public servant” as the term as used in Section 21 of the Malaysian Penal Code.”

4.In para 39 of the report “Malaysian Official 1 assumed a position of authority with 1MDB. Malaysian Official 1 had the authority to approve all appointment to, and removals from, 1MDB’s Board of Directors and 1MDB’s Senior Management Team. In addition, any financial commitment by 1MDB, including investments, that are likely to affect a guarantee given by the Government of Malaysia for the benefit of 1MDB or any policy of the Malaysian Government, required the approval of Malaysian Official1.”

Para 102 of the report states “that Malaysian Official 1 is the ultimate beneficiary of AMPRIVATE BANKING – MR Account is the same account that later received certain payments totalling approximately $681 million USD in March 2013. As set forth in Paragraph 263 below, the Attorney General of Malaysia has publicly stated that the account into which these $681 million payments were made belonged to Dato Sri Najib, the Prime Minister of Malaysia. It cannot be that the accounts and the sum of USD 681 belong to two different people.

Para 28 states “Malaysian Official 1 is a high-ranking official in the Malaysian Government who also held a position of authority with 1MDB.”

Para 29 “Riza Shahriz bin Abdul Aziz (“Aziz”), a Malaysian national, is a relative of Malaysian Official 1 and a friend of LOW. He co-founded Red Granite Pictures, a Hollywood movie production and distribution studio, in 2010.”

In Para 39 Malaysian Official 1 assumed a position of authority with 1MDB etc etc.

5.I don’t know why the US officials writing the report are being coy about giving the real name of Malaysian Official 1 when they are happy to write down the names of the other culprits; namely Riza Aziz, Jho Low and Khadim Abdullah. If it is because this is not at the stage of making criminal charges, then no names should be named.

6.Now Najib and his goons are saying that Najib is not involved as his name is not mentioned. Najib himself is saying, “Allow legal process to take its course for those named by US DOJ.” Clearly he did not consider the legal process would include investigation regarding his role in stealing the money belonging to 1MDB.

7.Yet the references to Malaysian Official 1 coincide with what is known and admitted by Najib were associated with him. This includes the reference to the $681 million in the Account of Malaysian Official 1, the reference to Malaysian Official 1 authority over the Government and 1MDB which coincides with Najib’s position as Minister of Finance and Adviser to the Board of 1MDB. And so it goes on with the other 30 or so descriptions of the authority and role of Malaysian Official 1 coinciding with those of Najib as Prime Minister, Minister of Finance of Malaysia and Adviser to the Board of 1MDB.

8.Despite detailed descriptions in the DOJ report on how 1MDB money had been shunted through various companies, including Good Star, a company belonging to Jho Low and banks in a number of countries and finally appearing in the account of Malaysian Official 1 in Ambank, the Attorney General insists that there is no proof that money from 1MDB was misused.

9.Under 11 on Para 14 of the DOJ report “The Good Star Phase: More than $1 billion is misappropriated from 1MDB.”

10.In Para 40, the manner through which $1 billion of 1MDB money was invested in Petro Saudi is detailed.

11.Para 41 explained that Jho Low and his associates caused $700 million of the 1 billion meant to be invested in Petro Saudi, to be sent to an account at RBS Coutts Bank in Zurich held in the name of Good Star Ltd, a company owned by Jho Low.

12.Para 42 states that “between May and Oct 2011, approximately $330 million in additional funds were wired at the direction of 1MDB official to the Good Star account purportedly in connection with a financing agreements between 1MDB and 1MDB – Petro Saudi JV.

13.Perhaps the Malaysian A.G. can explain why 1MDB investments of $1 billion should go into the account of Good Star in RBS Coutts Bank in Zurich. Or is he going to deny that this happened? In that case he should show proofs that it did not happen. Merely saying it is not true is not enough. The A.G.’s words have no credibility at all. His claims that there is no evidence of Najib’s wrongdoing in all the reports submitted to him is about as credible as a crocodile shedding tears. AG’s claim that Najib gave back RM 2.3 billion of the RM 2.6 billion given by the dead King of Saudi Arabia is just as incredible. No transfer documents and no receipts have been exhibited.

14.Stealing money is a crime. Merely seizing the stolen money does not nullify the crime. The only logical sequence to the seizures of stolen money is the criminal charge against the thieves. How is the DOJ of the USA going to charge the Malaysian Official 1 without naming him?

15.Malaysians’ want to regain their good name. They don’t want to be led by a leader suspected of kleptocracy of stealing billions of Government money. They cannot do anything themselves because Malaysia Official 1 controls the Attorney General and the police – the enforcement agencies. They cannot remove him through a vote of non-confidence as he controls a majority of the Members of Parliament through illegal measures.

16.Like it or not they have to rely on actions by foreign countries. If the US really believes in eradicating corruption and money laundering which involves their country, they should not be shy about naming names and letting due process to take place.

17.When the thief is in charge of the police and the prosecuting agency, only foreign intervention can bring about justice.

18.Cry my beloved country.

 

THE A.G’s REPORT

1. In any other country the report by the Auditor General would be a public document. But in Malaysia the A.G’s Report is made a Government secret, denied access by the public. And this despite the provision in the Constitution that the report is to be made to the King and by his order to be tabled in Parliament.

2. It was Dr. Kissinger the Secretary of State of the United States of America who said that once the Xerox machine was invented secrecy became impossible. Since then we have come a long way with the advent of the Internet and mobile phones and instant transmission electronically. All documents can be copied and broadcast worldwide. And secrecy has become a thing of the past. The best of security systems have all been hacked by computer savvy amateurs.

3. And so it is with the A.G’s Report. Everyone should have read it if not actually possessing or copy of the document.

4. And what a revelation. How a Government agency can be set up and managed as if it is selling nasi lemak bungkus is beyond imagination.

5. How billions of Ringgit are borrowed without approval by the directors of 1MDB and then invested again without approval is amazing.

6. When one borrows even a few thousand dollars, entries are made in books in the bank and the records of the companies or the individual. When it is spent cheques are written, stumps are kept, records are made by the bank and the recipients, stamped and signed by authorised personnel. All these are meant for checking the movements of the money and the legitimacy of the transactions.

7. But with 1MDB, all these documents and records were not shown to the A.G. They don’t seem to have been kept by the management of 1MDB.

8. If the A.G had doubts, the actual person giving or receiving payments should be questioned. The records and documents should be requested for. The banks involved should be identified and their records studied and questions asked. But none of these things were done. The Attorney General simply said there has been no wrong doings and the report was categorised as official secret.

9. We are not dealing with the sale of nasi lemak. It is not about two or three Ringgit. It is about billions of Ringgits. Yet the investigations and the reports make it look like auditing the sale of nasi lemak bungkus.

10. Then there are the bogus companies to which billions of US Dollars are paid. Not once but many times with different cheques. Clearly 1MDB did not care to check the status of the company. It seemed to have relied on the name only. Why there is a slight difference in the names seems not to have been noticed by the paying agency or officer.

11. Looking at other reports it became obvious that there are other companies with the same name, albeit with minor differences which 1MDB do business with.

12. There is Petro Saudi. Then there is Petro Saudi International (Saudi Arabia) Ltd, Petro Saudi International (Cayman Islands), Petro Saudi Holdings (Cayman) Ltd, and Petro Saudi International Ltd (Seychelles). Payments are made to one entity when ownership of oil concession assets was by another entity, loans to yet another entity and profit from another all having very nearly the same name.

13. Banks and companies are set up, registered in different places, owned by one person. Subsequently these banks and companies are closed down. They are registered in the British Virgin Islands, in the Seychelles, Hong Kong, Singapore, Switzerland, Luxembourg. Huge sums of money passed through these entities.

14. Even an experienced auditor would have a nightmare tracking the movements of money in different forms as they pass between these entities and locations.

15. A suspicious mind would suspect that all these entities were set up or used in order to prevent auditing from being done properly. A suspicious mind would suspect that the whole thing was set up and managed in order to siphon money into some account. And those suspicions will remain until all the documentations, records and personalities are indentified, questioned and verified.

16. The only real conclusion that can be made is that billions of Ringgit have been stolen from the Government. Someone stole it. The A.G. is not saying. But the fact that the Government is making a secret of the report implies a cover-up.

17. The OSA is not for hiding criminal acts. It is for protecting legitimate administrative matters, such as drafts for new agreements or contracts or Cabinet papers.

18. Hiding criminal acts behind the OSA is wrong, is illegal, is criminal.

19. The Auditor General’s report clearly shows that wrongs and illegal things were committed by 1MDB and its staff. At least USD7 billion of Government money have been lost. Selling land bought from the Government at below market price and claiming that the loss has been recovered is not acceptable. The USD 7billion is with some people and they must be made to return the money.

20. It is time that the Government comes clean and allow the courts to hear charges against the people who mismanaged the 1MDB. Zeroing in on one CEO is not enough. Besides he is not being investigated as promised by the IGP. The IGP must explain this inaction.

21. A tribunal of independent judges, including foreign judges need to be set up to hear the case. The Attorney General may defend the Government or the officers but he should not be the judge. Let the tribunal do the judgment. The OSA should not be used to hide evidence of criminal acts.