Mark Anthony Neal's Blog, page 407

Racial Transgression or Transgressive Whiteness: Ralph Northam and the Spectacle of Governance

Thomaz Farkas, Brazilian, born Hungary. 1924–2011, Rushing Water Number 1, c. 1945. Racial Transgression or Transgressive Whiteness:  Ralph Northam and the Spectacle of Governance by Wilfredo Gomez and Donavan L. Ramon, Ph.D. | @BazookaGomez84 | NewBlackMan (in Exile)
By now this whole Ralph Northam ordeal is either a terrible parody of Jordan Peele’s brilliant work Get Out, or a (subpar) substantive attempt to engage in a critical reading of unpacking whiteness and white privilege as a theoretical framework that has deliberate intentional and unintentional consequences that serve as metaphor for our current American political landscape. In a matter of three days, we have seen more gross flopping from Virginia’s governor than we could possibly digest in an 82 game season of the National Basketball Association. Anyone care to consult its commissioner Adam Silver?
While we raise this point as a half joking-half serious critique of the issue at hand, it does not gloss over the glaring missteps that conflate concerns over just how critical media literacy, public relations, journalism, political spin, performance, and white privilege intersect to effectively build a wall (courtesy of an elected government official no less) around how conscious and unconscious invocations of white privilege serve not to disrupt larger concerns over issues of access, exclusivity, governance, and electoral politics, but how they are predicated upon pillars of whiteness that dare not deter the forces that distinguish a culture of silence from a culture of violence. This is reflected in recent reporting by the Associated Press and CNN suggesting that on the one hand, the images of blackface circulating in the media went unnoticed by medical students, and allegations of racist images that depicted folks in Confederate garb were brought to the attention of medical school administrators in 2013. All of this coming within the backdrop of a recent New York Times report suggesting that the President’s “natural tan” was due to “good genes.”
Towards this end, mobilizing social media for an analytical perspective seems apropos. In a recent post on Twitter, Ezekiel Dixon-Román, Associate Professor and Chair of the Data Analytics for Social Policy Certificate Program at the University of Pennsylvania’s School of Social Policy and Practice suggested the following in response to White House claims of “good genes,” “This is an interesting ideological turn. Clearly, this must only be demarcated for those privileged bodies of whiteness, as Trump hasn’t held such esteem for black and brown bodies across the country and the Southern border. Must be nice to pick and choose whose melanin matters.”
Someone should remind the Governor of this. All of this came to the forefront in a very brief exchange that has yet to be fully unpacked and contextualized for television viewers, and the Governor himself. Reporters asked him if he could still moonwalk. His response was pure gold (and not in a good way), as it exposed a disconnect between the magnitude of the moment and the lip service that gets chalked up to the rhetoric and games of the political arena. For starters, there is a multi-layeredness to the invocation and performance of white privilege as evidenced by a.) the question of whether or not the Governor could in fact still do the moonwalk (appropriately unpacked by writer and cultural critic Michaela Angela Davis in her own invocation and performance of comedian and actress, Amanda Seales’ coining of language that exists at the intersections of caucasian identity and the assumed audacity of whiteness that is simply perceived to be the norm, THE CAUCACITY OF IT ALL!!) b.) The reality that Governor Northam not only considered moonwalking on air, but that he entertained the idea of performing an iteration of blackness and measured out the space in which his whiteness would signify upon black cultural traditions predicated upon the legacy and innovation of a man whose very name he could not remember (a kinesthetic whiteness who occupies space in the shadows, a forthcoming of movement that precedes the actuality of the physical body-a movement that is equal parts ideological and checkers not chess).
Not to be overlooked is the search for yet another authentic performance in front of a game audience of journalists and cameras -- a caricature of whiteness, dare we say whiteface, that performs a rehearsed, if not unproblematized cool in anticipation of applause and an evaluative score c.) the Governor's wife, Pam had to remind Northam that his intentions to moonwalk constituted, “inappropriate circumstances” (when whiteness buffers against whiteness) and finally d.) the fact that Northam had to be reminded that he did indeed perform in blackface for a competition for which he would be assessed on his performance and likeness to Michael Jackson, as if a red jacket, black shoes, white socks, wig, and glove wouldn’t paint enough of a picture. This is what happens when the Brett Kavanaugh’s of the world are allowed to assume the governorship.
This invocation of Michael Jackson’s moonwalk raises more questions than it answers. Why was this even relevant in a news conference about a matter as serious and horrific as blackface? Were reporters awkwardly attempting to diminish the severity of the allegation of racism, or tapping into the constant need for Americans to be distracted and entertained by utter silliness? We live in an era dominated by reality television, as evidenced by the reality star who occupies the White House. If Governor Northam performed his iteration of moonwalking, would it prove some type of white “coolness” in front of television cameras? To do what...dull the effects of his painfully racist picture?
Let’s say, for the sake of argument, that Governor Northam is not in any of the yearbook pictures next to his name (a far-fetched idea, but hear us out), which he indicated during the news conference. He did not help his defense by admitting to wearing shoe polish to look like Michael Jackson for a costume party. Essentially he implied “yeah I have done racist stuff but it was all in good fun and not implicated in my yearbook photos.” Yet why would he have to wear shoe polish to look like MJ in the first place? Google “Michael Jackson 1984” - not even MJ was wearing shoe polish! Governor Northam “darkened” himself up to look like a man who had already began the process of lightening himself. He did not have to moonwalk on Saturday; apparently he already performed what he thoughtMJ looked like in 1984, a distorted if not, ill informed representation of how he conceptualized blackness, irrespective of what Michael Jackson’s body looked like. Perhaps this was the high point of his white privilege in medical school, being able to look Black temporarily “for fun,” before returning to the comfort and privilege of his whiteness. For too many privileged white folks, this is how they still see African Americans, pitch black and dancing.
All of this serves to underscore how Northam’s press conference was dripping in white privilege that got several extra helpings of whiteness along the way. Apology or not, Governor's Northam press conference relies upon and enacts a myriad of identities that speak to and underscore the stages, status, styles, and strategies of white identity and white cultural performance. This begs the question posed by Michael Eric Dyson in his work April 4, 1968: Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Death and How it Changed America, of whether or not there is an appropriate corollary to blackness that that can and does consider the fact of whiteness in its incidental, accidental, and intentional forms. That puts forth the question as to whether or not there is a dormant brand of whiteness that is to be juxtaposed, rather strategically, with a whiteness that exists in the public sphere, in comparison to that which exists under the bright lights and scrutiny of whiteness in the political arena. Is Northam’s whiteness accidental whiteness, simply an accident bestowed upon by birth, incidental, a proud identity that is cognizant of whiteness with(in) a broader discourse of identity politics (and the racial history of Virgina), or is it intentional, a manifestation of whiteness that is vital, though not an exclusive aspect of Northam’s white identity?
To this we add, given the contemporary American political landscape, an aspirational whiteness (not ignoring the existence of an exotic anti-racist whiteness that needs to be problematized and unpacked), one perhaps implicitly alluded to by Northam’s wife, a remorseful, yet purposeful whiteness that seeks forgiveness yet enacts that same narrative to craft a more powerful and poignant sequel of redemption. We believe that Northam’s aspirational whiteness is what currently informs his decision to continue governing in the face of calls to resign and allow Justin Fairfax to assume the role.
Let us assume that the redemptive power of aspirational whiteness has both proscriptive and theoretical cache that provides some semblance of redemption when thinking through Northam’s work post-blackface. What types of questions might we posit that affords us insights into how Northam has sought to check his whiteness as a material exorcising of privilege that embraces an evolving brand of identity: Does your inner circle consist primarily of people of color? Did you ever entertain the idea of dating or marrying a woman of color? Have you taught your kids to be bilingual in Spanish? Do you reside in a racially mixed neighborhood? In what ways have you promoted or supported people of color in their ambitions and pursuit of self-actualization? Just how are you “different?” Have you ever embraced the idea of being “othered?” Do you feel it now?
This entire spectacle wreaks of racial violence on multiple levels. Of course the obvious one is Northam’s admission of blackface; even if there is no yearbook photo verifying it, it still resurrects America’s painful history of caricature, mockery, hatred, and unspeakable racist atrocities. The other one implicates the assumptions surrounding Lieutenant Governor Justin Fairfax who is/was denied the governorship thanks to Northam’s stubborn refusal to step down. By refusing to step aside, he continued to wield the white privilege that was on full display at this weekend’s news conference, while preventing Fairfax from governing the state he was duly elected to serve.
As Jonathan Martin reminds us in this NYTimes piece, Fairfax ran for his position separately in 2017 and was notchosen as Northam’s official running mate. Therefore, Virginians elected him to be the second in command in case Northam messed up --  and while we might have said to ourselves, “well the time has come for him [Fairfax] to ascend to this position because Northam messed up, badly, and his obstinance and privilege are utterly appalling,” we want to be mindful of the ways in which Fairfax’s blackness, its representation,  and projected narratives (utopic and otherwise) essentialize that (very) blackness within a socially constructed and presumed identity that could do no wrong -- do no harm, a blackness incapable of transgressions. This all comes to the forefront with the recent sexual assault allegation against Fairfax, a reminder that (in the age of #MeToo) transgressions predicated upon power, privilege, and masculinity enable cultures of silence when driven by cultures of violence. If the allegation against Fairfax proves to be without merit, this can be construed as a Northam smear campaign to prevent him from assuming office. Northam would then be guilty of thwarting the Black man’s political ambitions and potentially damaging his career -- further manifestations of the white privilege that now cripples the state to which slaves were first brought 400 years ago.
In the thirty five years since Northam admitted to donning shoe polish, his stature has risen, and he should have had the time, space, and education to be self-reflexive and know better about his racist actions. Yet if recent articles about the yearbooks are any indication, Northam’s white privilege extended to his classmates as well. According to an article in the Detroit News, most Eastern Virginia Medical School students did not take the yearbook seriously, so they did not notice the offensive pictures because they were too busy with their careers. This might explain why, according to CNN, the school’s yearbooks included “shockingly abhorrent” pictures as recently as 2013. That year, the provost, Richard V. Homan, decided to discontinue yearbook publication because of “the pattern” of inappropriate images. Now, Eastern Virginia Medical School wants to do damage control, by initiating an independent third-party investigation into “the culture of the school.” What exactly are they trying to explore? The racial writing is already on the wall as evidenced by Northam’s difficulty in explaining the pictures: the school has a long history of privilege, power, and racism, but the students were able to ignore all this thanks to the privilege of their whiteness. We are curious to see what the “independent investigation” will find -- perhaps it will determine if the students were merely posingin KKK robes or actually attending KKK rallies. Either way, this episode epitomizes white privilege.
Northam, like his racist classmates, is a man of privilege; this same privilege is now keeping him from making the logical decision to step aside. Why wouldn’t he though? Kevin Hart recently stepped aside from hosting the Oscars when he was accused of homophobia based on old tweets and jokes. He then publicly apologized on Ellen and she offered him her blessing to host. While opening up a distinct dialogue around homophobic sentiments in a comedic routine and raising questions about redemption, forgiveness, and second chances in an age where transgressions of any kind are out of bounds, Kevin Hart did ultimately decide to step down from hosting the Oscars due to his feeling that such attention would overshadow his hosting and detract from the "humor" and energy he were to bring to the brightest stage in Hollywood. Add to that, given the back and forth exchange between Hart and CNN news anchor Don Lemon, there is also a lingering questionabout the sincere or insincere, giving a nod to the model proposed by John L. Jackson, Jr. in Racial Paranoia: The Unintended Consequences of Political Correctness, with regards to thinking through the evaluation, intentionality, and material reality of the significance and meaning of allyship and advocacy (on behalf of the "other") in the context of how that looks, sounds, and feels like in 2019. In short, if Kevin Hart stepped down from a highly coveted entertainment role, should we not expect the same from Northam since the stakes are much higher for him if he continues as a governor unable to govern due to his having lost the trust of Virginia residents?
Is Northam’s whiteness in their previous and current manifestations (given his consideration to moonwalk yet again) a material transgressive or transracial whiteness, or is this another iteration of a racist performing what he wrongly considered was someone else’s blackness? Irrespective of that response, this ordeal highlights a fundamental reality of our history glazed over with black shoe polish: white folks inherently desire/crave blackness, a brand of Black identity separated from the Black bodies whose political forms and social manifestations consistently come up against the systemic inequities that plague, vilify, pathologize, demonize, purge, and ultimately weaponize those very bodies. It is the exotic and illusive “other” continuing to function and circulate within the popular imaginary. Thus, Black American identity is the penultimate known unknown. This spectacle of governance is some Jordan Peele Get Out vibe for real.
+++
Wilfredo Gomez is an independent scholar and researcher. He can be reached at gomez.wilfredo@gmail.com or via twitter at @BazookaGomez84.
Donavan L. Ramon, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Liberal Studies at Kentucky State University. A specialist in African American Literature, he teaches literature and writing to students in the Whitney Young Honors Collegium. He is a recipient of the 2018-2019 Career Enhancement Fellowship from the Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation. Currently, he is editing a collection of journal articles to commemorate the ninetieth anniversary of Nella Larsen’s novella Passing, and is revising his book manuscript on the psychoanalysis of racial passing. Each year, he conducts a summer institute at his undergraduate alma mater, Hunter College, where he trains Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellows for graduate study in the humanities. He holds a doctorate in English from Rutgers University.

[Trailer] Remastered: The Two Killings of Sam Cooke (dir. Kelly Duane)

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How Self-taught Photographer Gordon Parks Became a Master Storyteller

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The Racist Role of Blackface in American Society

'Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam now says he is not pictured in a 1984 yearbook photo of people in blackface and Ku Klux Klan costumes, although he admits he wore blackface on a separate occasion. Regardless, he is facing calls to resign. Yamiche Alcindor talks to Duke University’s Mark Anthony Neal and The Atlantic's Vann Newkirk about the role of blackface in America's fraught racial history.' -- PBS NewsHour 

Moonwalking Around Race by Glenda R. Taylor

Moonwalking Around Raceby Glenda R. Taylor | @GlendaRTaylor | NewBlackMan (in Exile)
Many have called for the resignation of Governor Ralph Northam. I am torn. I am not ashamed to say I am conflicted. I understand the pain and horror of the African Americans who call for his resignation as they internally quiver from the “memories” that pour forth from their DNA. I understand the embarrassment of some Caucasians as they are reminded of this shameful and foul aspect of our joint American history. I understand the democrats who are embarrassed that one of their own has been outed as participating in this despicable racist act. Though the story is still evolving, all agree it is outrageous that a 25 year old college educated man, whether it was Northam or another young man, was willingly photographed in a KKK uniform, and the yearbook editors found it fit to publish. I understand the outrage and silent glee of some Republicans who act appalled at this Democrat’s deeds. For some of them, it is almost a breath of fresh air, as their party is  consistently blasted and reprimanded by Democrats and others for not fumigating the racist stench from their midst. The twenty-first century has seen the Republican Party tarnished by its silence and seeming acceptance of the racist attitudes and bigotry of party members.
I am a historian and I know the roots of coonery, coons, blackface and all of its racist underpinnings. I understand the pain and have witnessed the scars of this vile, mostly cloistered element of American history. My parents and my 13 aunts and uncles were victimized by Jim Crow and all of its stench. I am the daughter of southerners, and I grew up in the north during the great migration.
I am not detached from the heart-wrenching pain. I have listened to and read the stories. I have visited the museums and studied the unconscionable acts of many Americans who were born and lived through the early to mid-twentieth century. It is real. There are many elders Black and White who have haunting memories of this pre and post-Civil Rights era. If one were born in the 1930s, 1940s or 1950s, the stories of “Bombingham, Alabama” or The Ghosts of Mississippi are as close as yesterday.
At first, it is surprising to think that Northam who admired Michael Jackson (and probably listened to the many Jackson Five hits when he was a child), knew how to Moonwalk, and assuredly watched the videos and had in his music collection Michael Jackson’s declaration that “We Are The World” and “It does not matter if one is “Black or White,” would be caught in an act of blatant racism. Initially, it may seem bewildering that in 1984 a school yearbook or a college educated man would not understand or be sensitive to the fact that blackface or dressing as a member of the KKK was insensitive and morally despicable. Yet, Reverend Al Sharpton advises that the 1980s was not an era of innocence where racism was in the past. He reminds us (and Jermaine Jackson’s memoir, You Are Not Alone, confirms) that throughout The Jacksons record-breaking Victory tour the family was confronted by racism and death threats. The truth is that some of us need to look in our attics.
There is justified fury and indignation; however, it is time to pause and be honest.  For the majority of Americans who are Christian and are led by the words of Jesus, remember that Jesus said, “Let he who is without sin cast the first stone.” Can any White American with roots in this country honestly say that he nor any of his loved ones never participated in an act that would in the present day be considered racist, horrific or embarrassing? In the words of Joan Rivers, “Can we talk?”
Can any Black American with roots in this country say that he has not been in the presence of, supported or voted for a candidate that he knew in his heart was a racist? Do the holier-than-thou Democrats know the history of their party or remember that prior to the 1960s their party was the home of the KKK? Did the racism in the party suddenly dissipate with the Civil Rights Act? Did all of the racist Democrats suddenly seek redemption and ask for forgiveness from Black folks, following in the footsteps of Governor George Wallace?  How many of the outraged Republicans or Democrats have read or reviewed James Allen’s Without Sanctuary? Is it possible that a beloved grandparent, older sibling, aunt or uncle is pictured in a book which has vivid photographs of public lynchings where the onlookers are enjoying the occasion?
Governor Northam is only four years younger than I and one year older than my sister. He went to school in the South.  I went to school in the North and had WASP, Italian, and Jewish classmates. Northam is said to have had Black classmates.  If the truth be told, during this period, it was not common for young people to discuss race and racism with people who were not within their race. The politics of racism was relevant, but it was not a central theme in a conversation with one’s white classmates. It was not until I was in my late 20s that I engaged in conversations about race with white and Jewish people. It was not until 2011 that I had a conversation with a professor who admitted her grandparents did not like her liberal attitudes and had ties to the KKK. She was honest. Her integrity was refreshing. I respected her for it, and I think she was somewhat relieved to confess her family’s past to a Black person who believes: Let he who judges be judged.
Today, no one will deny the actions by the Governor, or his classmates are reprehensible. If he is not the person in the picture, then his admission of wearing Blackface to represent Michael Jackson shows that he was either unbelievably ignorant or simply racist. He admits that though it was the 1980s, the times were different and things which are today unacceptable were the norm in his world. This is the truth and is evidenced by the images in his yearbook.
White people: Be outraged, but Check your attic. Check your memories and relationships with people of color. As governor Northam, what you or a loved one may have considered having fun or a joke may have been a blatant act of racism. Maybe, you have a clean record. However, how would you feel if one of your parents was outed for at minimum insensitive, vile racist behavior?  Black people: I know you are weary. The continuous onslaught of subtle and open racism is burdensome. The constant denials or suggestions that you are over sensitive because “He is not a racist,” is taxing. There must be balance; yet, I know that when you smell racism seeping from one’s core or dripping from the heart of colleagues, it is unnerving. When the ignorant try to sanitize an American past that is quilted with a history whom most want to deny, bury or minimalize, it is difficult to pray your way through it as your ancestors. “We” forgave” Governor Wallace whose filmed record of racial brutality spoke for itself. This governor has no such record. Should he be forgiven? Does his record of public service or his policies shed light on his heart or is his alleged sorrow convenient? I am conflicted.
I say to all who have American roots what is in your closet? What is in your attic? Can your past deeds tolerate the media light?  At what point does one forgive? Can one who is a bigot or a racist serve “We the People,” and when “We the People” have an elected official guilty of an ignorant belief system, should he be asked to resign? Is one ever released from the burden of deplorable belief systems?
Governor, you made some African Americans question their trust of their white friends, wondering if they have friends or colleagues who are hiding something in their closets. Your conflicting statements, your understandable inability to admit your circle of friends included die-hard racists, your poor explanation of why you were referred to as “Coon man,” made you lose credibility in the eyes of all who could see behind the mask. If the truth be told, your admiration of Michael Jackson, your ability to do the Moonwalk,  your apology and acknowledgement that blackface was - is horrific, your conversation with your African American friend Seth does not reduce the disdain that many African Americans feel when they see your face or hear the pain in your voice.
My fellow Americans: Let us talk about race. Let us talk about sexism, homophobia, and all forms of bigotry. Let us not pretend this ugly past has disappeared with the election of an African American President or a diverse Congress. Let us not pretend that we do not have family members or friends who, at some point in their lives, exhibited prejudice in some form or fashion which by today’s standards would be unacceptable. Who among us can say he or she has not been in the presence of someone who has said shameful things or made jokes about another ethnicity, homosexuals or another religion and sat quietly, not wanting to create conflict?  It is an uncomfortable conversation. It is hard. It can be embarrassing for some and very painful for others. We cannot allow racist deeds to be ignored and minimized or be led by those who do not recognize the error of their ways. Yet, it is time we not throw away everyone who asks to be forgiven for that which he is sincerely ashamed. Let he who is without sin, cast the first stone. +++ Glenda R. Taylor is a cultural critic, poet, and the author of Corridors of Genius: Excavating The Consciousness, Creative Process, and Artistry of Michael Jackson.

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The Secret History of the Slave Behind Jack Daniel's Whiskey

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A Complex Revolutionary: Remembering the Multi-Dimensional Malcolm X by Richard D. Benson II

A Complex Revolutionary: Remembering the Multi-Dimensional Malcolm X by Richard D. Benson II | @rbenson458 | NewBlackMan (in Exile)
If the written word of news publishing was an avenue to counter mis-information for Malcolm X, then the complementary weapon of choice to capture memory became the camera.
Consummate activist, gifted communicator, introspective strategist, master teacher and Pan-Africanist revolutionary are all but a minor list of descriptors that have been used in the attempts to adequately capture the complex life of Malcolm X. For many Black Americans, his life’s trajectory meant much.
To the transnational audience that Malcolm X attracted through his university lectures, radio & television programs, and public debates, Malcolm X had grown to mean more as his exposure increased beyond the borders of the Nation of Islam (NOI)and the United States. Though the life of Malcolm X was cut drastically short on February 21, 1965 at the age of thirty-nine, the popularity of Malcolm X for young people increased and transcended political movements, trends of popular culture and the many attempts to either minimize or distort the impact of Malcolm X to the ‘glocal’ Black world. Nonetheless, the general public continues to perceive Malcolm X as the chief agitator and antagonist to the likes of the more socially accepted Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Though over 930 books, 360 films & internet sources and 350 sound recordings have been excavated by scholars such as the late Manning Marable, the memory and education of Malcolm X becomes either muddled and/or reduced to his popular catchphrase, “By Any Means Necessary”.
Fifty-four years since his death, the consensus information on Malcolm X has not evolved at greater lengths include an understanding of Malcolm X and his love for education and his unquenchable thirst to acquire information. Lay audiences may be grossly unaware of Malcolm X’s foray into journalism, photography and newspaper editing to disseminate organizational platforms to larger public audiences. However, for the many students, historians and fellow travelers of history, Black Studies, political science, and community activism this essay is aimed at contributing to those who continue to make meaning of Malcolm X and the impact of his multi-dimensionality.  
During Malcolm’s height of national and international popularity, a writer from London contacted him asking questions. One was, “What’s your alma mater?”, Malcolm replied, “Books.” Malcolm X’s reply finds its beginnings much earlier than his prison days in the correctional institutions in Massachusetts. Contrarily, Malcolm X’s  (nee Little) love for literacy and foundational education comes by the instruction and influences of his mother, Louise Little. Louise and her husband Earl Little were devout member of Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Beyond the rank and file membership of the UNIA, Louise was a writer/reporter for the UNIA news organ, the Negro World. Additionally, Louise Little spoke several languages including English, French, Patois and she taught Malcolm and his seven siblings to read from the Negro World in addition to several other publications from Grenada. Most importantly, Louise Little introduced her children to the power of the dictionary and the impact that words can have on the human existence. Thus, Malcolm X’s proclivities for learning were thoroughly inculcated from the tutedge of his childhood. Progressing into adulthood, he was now faced with the difficult task of having to navigate the tumult of his prison years.
When queried about his academic capabilities upon entering prison in 1946, Malcolm X has been quoted as saying, “The streets erased everything that I learned in school; I didn’t know a verb from a house.” While Malcolm’s statement may have been a slight exaggeration, upon entering into prison he completed several aptitude exams where he was evaluated as ‘good’ for his reading abilities, ‘high average’ for math and he was rated as ‘high superior’ for his abstract reasoning skills. Malcolm began to re-discover his motivations for learning by witnessing fellow prison mates such as ‘Bimbi’, command the attention of other inmates through his intellect.  He soon revisited the tools of his youth that were introduced by his mother, Louise Little, and began to copy the entire dictionary while in prison. As he recalled the activity, “I didn’t know which words I needed to learn. Finally, just to start some action, I began copying...I was so fascinated that I went on --I copied the dictionary’s next page...during the rest of my time in prison I would guess I wrote a million words.” To support the activities of his independent studies, Malcolm also took correspondence courses for writing and in Latin.
While serving out his prison stint, Malcolm was transferred to the Norfolk Prison Colony where he would have access to large library with limited restrictions. Most importantly, while at Norfolk, Malcolm had an opportunity to further increase his scholastic aptitude by participating on the renowned Norfolk prison debate team. Competing against the elite institutions of: Harvard, Yale, Columbia, Princeton, Boston University and Oxford to name a few, the Norfolk Debaters from 1936 to 1952 amassed a record of forty-four wins and fifteen losses. Malcolm spent two years of his prison time from 1948 until 1950. As he recounted this period of his life for the completion of his autobiography, Malcolm stated that, “I will tell you right there, in the prison, debating, speaking to a crowd, was as exhilarating to me as the discovery of reading had been...once my feet got wet, I was gone on debating.” Malcolm was able to rapidly increase his oratory, public speaking style, and off the cuff quick witted approach to engaging the counter-points of his opponents. This was made obviously evident by enormity of speaking engagements on radio, television, NOI temples, church invitations and most importantly at colleges and universities, By the time of his death, Malcolm X had spoken at over sixty-five colleges and universities around the globe. Thus, his attraction to young people was duly established during his career as a human rights activist.
Malcolm was released from prison in 1952 and upon his release dedicated his service and life to the growth of the Nation of Islam. During Malcolm’s tenure with the NOI from 1952 until mid 1963, he experienced a meteoric rise in the religious sect through his tireless work ethic and regimented lifestyle that he began to develop while in prison. Malcolm continued his practice of relentless study of history, politics, economics cultural studies, biblical studies,sociology, transnational affairs and popular culture of his day. Malcolm’s infectious work ethic led to him establish a number of fruitful organizational endeavors for the NOI. One such undertaking was a public speaking class for NOI ministers in training who would eventually be assigned to various temples around the country.
According to former NOI minister and founding member of Malcolm X’s Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU),
we had to read every newspaper, the New York Times, the U.S. News and World Report, the Chinese Peking Review, London Times. Every week we had to keep abreast to see how everything came to this point...this was the class that he set up. There is no college class, calculus, trigonometry that was as rough as that Public Speaking Class.
Additionally, those junior minister trainees were required to keep a notebook, dictionary and a thesaurus during the weekly class sessions. Malcolm ensured that those ministers trained by him were adequately qualified to recruit, address the public and spar intellectually with challengers from street corners to college classrooms.
Thus, Malcolm X progressed from a formidable prison student to become (many would argue) “A Master Teacher.” From the classes he developed for the NOI and lectures delivered at numerous nationwide venues to diverse audiences, Malcolm X engaged in critical pedagogy and instruction to garner mass appeal. Peter Bailey, who was a former OAAU founding member and editor of the OAAU news organ, Blacklash, penned a 1985 essay on Malcolm X entitled, “Malcolm X, Master Teacher.” Bailey refers to Malcolm’s uncanny analysis that often dissected domestic and international policies while creating a relatable comprehension for rank and file Black persons eager to discern their place in the world.
For Malcolm, a significant aspect of locating one’s self was found in books and the power of literacy. Further, his self-discovery was also achieved by his ability to investigate and create knowledge via writing and reporting.  While still in prison in 1949, Malcolm began writing articles for The Colony as he began to develop a socio-political analysis reflecting his re-discovery of the world into which he was soon to be released. He continued his explorations into journalism while dedicating his energies to expanding the teachings of the NOI. He contributed the column “God’s Angry Men” to the Amsterdam News and further developed his interests in both print and photo journalism by taking an “ad hoc apprenticeship at the offices of the Los Angeles Herald Dispatch during the late 1950s determined to reach the widest possible audience.” And this targeted audience was to become the Black masses of America. After developing the necessary skills in print media, Malcolm launched the NOI organ, Muhammad Speaks in 1960, which became one of the most profitable ventures for the NOI. The newspaper became the influential vehicle for the disseminating the NOI teachings while expanding the visibility of Elijah Muhammad beyond conceivable imagination. As an influential public figure, Malcolm X rapidly comprehended the media’s power and influence. Malcolm remarked:
The media's the most powerful entity on earth. They have the power to make the innocent guilty and to make the guilty innocent, and that's power. Because they control the minds of the masses. Malcolm’s established Muhammad Speaks to enable Black America to provide the domestic and international world with a counter-narrative of Black life in America. During the early 1960s, Muhammad Speaks maintained a weekly circulation of 500,000 while exposing Black Americans to third world liberation movements and the works for W.E.B. DuBois. President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana  was even a frequent guest columnist for the paper. As Malcolm intended, the profound development of Muhammad Speaks gave the masses of Black Americans an avenue to increase their education informally.
If the written word of news publishing was an avenue to counter mis-information for Malcolm X, then the complementary weapon of choice to capture memory became the camera. Legendary photographer Gordon Parks worked extensively with Malcolm X and noted that it [the camera] was Malcolm’s way of “collecting evidence.” Other photographers such as Eve Arnold in her book Flashback: The 1950s  also remarked of how precise and insistent Malcolm was on ensuring that the images captured accurately represented himself and the greater NOI. Malcolm possessed a prodigious eye for detail and was a true visual strategistwho was intentional about the messages his photographed image conveyed to larger audiences.
Reviewing the complex life of Malcolm X provides a constellation of opportunities for educational and historical growth. His life continues to be investigated by historians and students of history to find the seemingly missing pieces of his dynamism. Yet, many of Malcolm X’s most endearing and impactful attributes won’t require the investigation of any new primary sourcesor government documents. The existing plethora of biographies, collections of speeches, audio files and film documentaries provide a wealth of information for exhaustive research. For the world-wide admirers of Malcolm X, the task is simple. Commemorate the legacy of Malcolm X by researching, educating and utilizing creativity to produce a multidimensional revolutionary praxis that will ultimately work to improve the conditions on this planet.
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Richard D. Benson II is a historian specializing in education, the Black Freedom Movement and transnational social movements. He completed a PhD in Educational Policy Studies specializing in the history of education at the University of Illinois. He is currently an Associate Professor in the Education Department at Spelman College in Atlanta, Georgia. He has received a number of grants and awards including the UNCF/Mellon International Faculty Residency, The W. E. B. Du Bois Visiting Scholars Fellowship at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, and the New York Public Library Fellowship. He is the award-winning author of Fighting for our Place in the Sun: Malcolm X and the Radicalization of the Black Student Movement 1960-1973 (Peter Lang Publishing, 2015),Dr. Benson is currently working on a book manuscript entitled, Funding the Revolution: Black Power, White Church Money, and the Financial Architects of Black Radicalism 1966-1976 (State University of New York Press, 2019).