Timothy Mitchell


Genre


Professor

Department of Middle East and Asian Languages and Cultures

Columbia University

612 Kent Hall, Mail Code 3928
1140 Amsterdam Ave.

New York, NY 10027

Tel: 212-854 5252
Email: tm2421@columbia.edu







Timothy Mitchell is a political theorist who studies the political economy of the Middle East, the political role of economics and other forms of expert knowledge, the politics of large-scale technical systems, and the place of colonialism in the making of modernity.

Educated at Queens' College, Cambridge, where he received a first-class honours degree in History, Mitchell completed his Ph.D. in Politics and Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University in 1984. He joined Columbia University in 2008 after teaching for twenty-five years at New York Un
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Average rating: 4.02 · 1,976 ratings · 199 reviews · 33 distinct worksSimilar authors
استعمار مصر

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3.99 avg rating — 793 ratings — published 1988 — 13 editions
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Carbon Democracy: Political...

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Rule of Experts: Egypt, Tec...

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دراستان حول التراث والحداثة

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Questions Of Modernity

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الديموقراطية والدولة فى الع...

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3.44 avg rating — 16 ratings — published 1996 — 2 editions
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مصر في الخطاب الأميركي

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3.46 avg rating — 13 ratings — published 1991
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Flamenco Deep Song

4.40 avg rating — 5 ratings — published 1994
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Betrayal of the Innocents: ...

3.33 avg rating — 3 ratings — published 1998 — 3 editions
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Georges Rouault: The Passio...

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“وللمساعدة على "نشر السُلطة"، كان يجري إصدارُ الأوامر عن طريق تلغراف إشاريّ (...) حيث عند إصدار التلغراف لإشارة الحرف ( أ = إلى الأمام )، كانت تستدير المدرسة كلها لدرى رؤيته إلى جهة النّاظر. أو إشارة ( أ أ أ = اعرضوا الألواح الاردوازيّة )، والتي تعرض المدرسة كلها لدى رؤيته الألواح الاردوازيّة، ويجري شدّ انتباه المدرسة عن طريق جرس جِدُّ صغير مُلحق، لا يتطلّب دقًّا عاليًا، بل يتميَّز بصوت واضح حادّ.
وقد درَّبت الإشارات التلغرافية الطالب على "الطاعة المُطلقة"، مما خلق (نسق عام). والحال أنّ الواقع البصري لهذا النِّظام من موقع نظر النَّاظر الفرد على رأس المدرسة كان ملحوظاً، على سبيل المثال: فإن المرغوب فيه معرفة أن يديّ كل فتىً في المدرسة نظيفتان، عندئذٍ يصدر أمر (اعرضوا الأصابع)، وعلى الفور يرفع كل طالب يديه، ويمُدُّ أصابعه، ثم يمُر العُرفاء بين مناضد فصولهم، ويُفتّش كلٌّ منهم فصله، وهكذا يجري فحص النظافة في المدرسة كلها في خمس دقائق، وتساعد ممارسة التفتيش، والتي يتوقعها الطالب، على تعزيز النظافة الاعتيادية، وفي مدرسة من ثلاثمائة طالب سوف يجري عرض ثلاثة آلاف إصبع وإبهام في دقيقة”
Timothy Mitchell, استعمار مصر

“In introducing technical innovations, or using energy in novel ways, or developing alternative sources of power, we are not subjecting ‘society’ to some new external influence, or conversely using social forces to alter an external reality called ‘nature’. We are reorganising socio-technical worlds, in which what we call social, natural and technical processes are present at every point.


These entanglements, however, are not recognised in our theories of collective life, which continue to divide the world according to the conventional divisions between fields of specialist knowledge. There is a natural world studied by the various branches of natural science, and a social world analysed by the social sciences. Debates about human-induced climate change, the depletion of non-renewable resources, or any other question, create political uncertainty not so much because they reach the limits of technical and scientific knowledge, but because of the way they breach this conventional distinction between society and nature.”
Timothy Mitchell, Carbon Democracy: Political Power in the Age of Oil

“As the producer states gradually forced the major oil companies to share with them more of the profits from oil, increasing quantities of sterling and dollars flowed to the Middle East. To maintain the balance of payments and the viability of the international financial system, Britain and the United States needed a mechanism for these currency flows to be returned. [...]

The purchase of most goods, whether consumable materials like food and clothing or more durable items such as cars or industrial machinery, sooner or later reaches a limit where, in practical terms, no more of the commodity can be used and further acquisition is impossible to justify. Given the enormous size of oil revenues, and the relatively small populations and widespread poverty of many of the countries beginning to accumulate them, ordinary goods could not be purchased at a rate that would go far to balance the flow of dollars (and many could be bought from third countries, like Germany and Japan – purchases that would not improve the dollar problem). Weapons, on the other hand, could be purchased to be stored up rather than used, and came with their own forms of justification. Under the appropriate doctrines of security, ever-larger acquisitions could be rationalised on the grounds that they would make the need to use them less likely. Certain weapons, such as US fighter aircraft, were becoming so technically complex by the 1960s that a single item might cost over $10 million, offering a particularly compact vehicle for recycling dollars. Arms, therefore, could be purchased in quantities unlimited by any practical need or capacity to consume. As petrodollars flowed increasingly to the Middle East, the sale of expensive weaponry provided a unique apparatus for recycling those dollars – one that could expand without any normal commercial constraint.”
Timothy Mitchell, Carbon Democracy: Political Power in the Age of Oil



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