Damian Shiels's Blog, page 19

New Forgotten Irish Podcast

To accompany the YouTube Channel that has recently been revamped, I am delighted to announce that my new podcast The Forgotten Irish has now also been launched. You can access the podcast via the podcast tab at the top of the page, or by clicking here. It will look to tell the stories of the Irish diaspora, much as this site does, but in a slightly different format and with a slightly broader remit. Though the first episode does not relate to the American Civil War, many future episodes will. The first instalment deals with the topic of Irish Americans and Irish Canadians who participated in the D-Day landings and Normandy Campaign in 1944. Please give it a listen and let me know what you think, and if you enjoy it, please consider subscribing for future episodes!

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Video: Waterford & the American Civil War

On 25 May last I delivered a lecture to the Waterford Archaeological & Historical Society at St. Patrick’s Gateway Centre in Waterford City. The topic was the exploration of the impact of the American Civil War on Irish families. As part of my recent push to expand Irish in the American Civil War beyond just standard blogging, I recorded the talk, and over the weekend created a video to accompany it. You can watch the video below– if you enjoy it please consider subscribing to my YouTube Channel.

If you have enjoyed this and other posts and resources on the website, please consider supporting my work on Patreon. You can do so for as little as $1 per month, and gain access to exclusive content. You can find out more by clicking here or visiting https://www.patreon.com/irishacw.

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Inked Irishmen: Irish Tattoos in 1860s New York

In 1860 one in every four people in New York was of Irish birth. The majority dwelt among the urban poor, congregating in notorious areas such as Manhattan’s Five Points. Their experience of the American Civil War was mixed, ranging from the highs of the organisation and departure for the front of the Irish Brigade and Corcoran’s Irish Legion to the lows of the July 1863 Draft Riots. Many had originally come from a rural setting in Ireland, quickly forced to adapt to the crush of humanity that was the reality of one the World’s major cities. How did they and their children adapt to their new surroundings? One way to explore this is by trying to find out how they chose to mark their bodies- particularly those who enlisted in the navy.

The Union naval service was one of the most popular branches of the service for those of Irish birth. Historian Michael J. Bennett estimates that 20% of the 118,044 sailors who served during the war were Irish. Many of those who became ‘Jacks’ enlisted at the New York Naval Rendezvous. On signing up their physical appearance was recorded, as were any identifying features on their bodies- including tattoos.

July 1863 was the month that the Draft Riots raged in New York. It was also a month that saw over 300 Irishmen from the city enlist in the navy, with tattoos recorded on 10% of them. Although tattooing has a long association with life at sea, in the 1860s it was also popular among the urban working classes. Indeed many of the tattooed men who joined the navy had no previous maritime experience. The best known tattoo artist of the period was Martin Hildebrandt, who was active in the city at the time. In 1876 the New York Times went to visit him in his workshop and describe the process of selecting a tattoo:

Mr Hildebrandt, with the true modesty of an artist, exhibited his book of drawings. All you had to do, in case you wanted to be marked for life, was to select a particular piece, and in a short time, varying from fifteen minutes to an hour and a half, you could, presenting your arm or your chest as an animated canvas to the artist, have transferred on your person any picture you wanted, at the reasonable price of from fifty cents to $2.50.

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Union sailors during the Civil War (Library of Congress)

The quality of tattoo artists varied immensely, and it seems likely that many of the Irish recruits had been adorned by amateurs or even friends. In order to apply a tattoo the artist bound a half dozen needles together in a slanting form, dipped them into India ink or vermilion and then punctured the skin at an angle to execute the design. When finished any blood and excess coloring were washed off with water, urine or for the more fortunate rum and brandy.

What types of ‘ink’ had this immigrant community embraced in their new home? The most common design among the Irish recruits of July 1863 was the crucifix. These may have held religious meaning or been intended as an indication that the man wanted a Christian burial. Perhaps most commonly they were regarded as good luck. 24-year-old Laborer William Allan had decided to combine a cross on his right breast with a heart on his left, while 21-year-old Mariner James Coulter had a cross on his right arm and an anchor and heart on his left. Tattoos involving initials and names were also popular. Many were self-explanatory; John McCarthy had ‘J.Mc C.’ on his left forearm, Francis Murray ‘F.M’ on his right. Their primary function may have been to serve as a form of early I.D. tag in the event of mishap. Interestingly, some men carried initials that appeared not to be their own. James McGill had ‘A.P’ on his arm, while Robert Whilon bore ‘B. O’Brien’. These may have represented a loved one or suggest that the men were enlisting under a false name, a common occurrence during the Civil War.

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New York firefighters in 1857. Many firefighters eventually found their way into military service during the Civil War, and brought their tattoos with them (New York Public Library)

A number of the recruits sported anchors, the tattoo most quintessentially associated with sailors. While some in this group were former seamen, others such as 20-year-old Laborer Martin Auction and 25-year-old Machinist John Reilly had also selected this design, suggesting it held wider appeal. Aside from hearts, other symbols of love and lust included the women former fireman Peter Cahill carried on each arm, and the woman with the initials ‘I.C.’ that William McNally kept on his body.

Aside from a glimpse into the social side of Irish-born naval recruits, the tattoos also reveal another important outlet for the male Irish community of New York- the Fire Service. Four of the men had tattoos that appear to represent active Engine Companies in the city. These private companies competed with each other to put out blazes, often coming to blows as a result. They also played an important role in city politics, and many Irish Democrats sought to further their political ambitions through membership. 16-year-old William Carter had the number ‘12’ on his arm, probably representing the engine known as ‘Knickerbocker’, located at 112 East Thirty-Third Street, near Third Avenue. Fireman Patrick Holden had a tattoo of the number ‘13’. Engine 13, known as ‘Eagle’, lost their premises at the corner of Church and Vesey Streets in 1863, putting the company out of operation for two years. It is likely this event that inspired Holden’s enlistment in the navy. 22-year-old Laborer William Wogan wanted people to be in no doubt that his tattoo declared affiliation to a company. His ‘17’ was accompanied by the name of the engine ‘East River’, which was based at Goerck Street and served the Sixth and Seventh Districts.

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New York Engine No.28 ‘Pacific’. Affiliation to specific fire companies was something Irishmen in New York had tattooed on their bodies (Our Firemen)

Details of these tattoos are only preserved as they were recorded by the Naval Rendezvous recruiters. There is no doubt that large numbers of working class men, particularly from cities like New York, went into all theatres of the war wearing tattoos. Rolling up the sleeves of men in units like the New York Fire Zouaves would undoubtedly have been akin to reading a record of their allegiance. From an Irish American perspective, their tattoos reveal something of how these men led their lives- their beliefs, their romances, their loyalty and perhaps also their attempts to integrate into the society around them.

Tattoos on Irish Naval Enlistments, New York Rendezvous, July 1863

Motif
Frequency


Crucifix
8


Name/Initials (Own)
7


Anchor
5


Name/Initials (Other)
4


Engine Company
4


Stars
3


Women
3


Other (including unspecified)
6

 

If you have enjoyed this and other posts and resources on the website, please consider supporting my work on Patreon. You can do so for as little as $1 per month, and gain access to exclusive content. You can find out more by clicking here or visiting https://www.patreon.com/irishacw.

*Thanks to Dr. Matt Lodder and Marc Hermann for providing information regarding this article.

**This is an adapted and revised version of a post which originally appeared on the site in 2013 (see here).

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Martin Hlidebrandt, the “Professor of Tattooing” (Harper’s Weekly 1889)

References

Art and Picture Collection, The New York Public Library. “Torchlight procession of the New York firemen.” New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 23, 2018. http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/it....

Bennett, Michael 2004. Union Jacks: Yankee Sailors in the Civil War. 

Naval Enlistment Weekly Returns.

New York Times.

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The Kiely Family Story: From New York to Kilmacthomas Workhouse, and Back Again

When the American Civil War broke out in April 1861, Ireland’s Nation newspaper predicted that the lives of Irish emigrants would be “offered in thousands. Many a mother’s heart in Ireland, long cheered by the affectionate and dutiful letter and the generous offerings of filial love, will be left lone and widowed by the red bolts of war. Many a fireside from Dunluce to Castlehaven will be filled with mourning as each American mail arrives.” Their predictions proved prescient. As the war dragged on over the next four years, American Consuls in Ireland struggled to assist often destitute mothers and widows whose loved ones had perished across the Atlantic (for an example of such an incident see here). The financial hardships that they experienced were often very real– as demonstrated by the case of Mary Kiely in Co. Waterford. (1)

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Statement of Maurice Walshe, Master of Kilmacthomas Workhouse, witnessing the evidence of Father John Casey provided in Mary Kiely’s case. Now preserved in the National Archives, Washington D.C. (NARA)

Mary Whelan and John Kiely had been married in Killrossanty, Co. Waterford by the Parish Priest Father John Casey on 2nd November 1846. John, who had been born in Stradbally (or possibly the townland of Shanbally), was around 20-years-old at the time, while Mary was slightly older at 24. The couple made their home in the parish of Killrossanty at the eastern base of the Comeragh Mountains in the years that followed. John may be one of the two John Kiely’s recorded there in the Griffith’s Valuation– one living in Garranmillion Lower, the other in Lemybrien. The couple had three children who would survive to adulthood, and all were baptised in Killrossanty- Bridget (b.1848), Patrick (b.1850) and Ellen (b.1852). At some point in the next decade, John left his family behind and travelled to the United States. Though he may have abandoned them, it is more likely that he was leading the way to America, intending to gather money so as to send for the rest of his family. Whatever the reality of his motivation, circumstances intervened. (2)

John was working in New York when the American Civil War broke out. Like most Irish emigrants, he had probably made his initial home among those who were from the same place in Ireland. Indications are that for John this was in New York’s Seneca County (he may be the man recorded in 1860 as a day laborer in Tyre, Seneca County, with a misspelled surname). It was in Seneca County– to be precise in the town of Seneca Falls– that he took the decision to volunteer on 1st May 1861. When he did so he was described as 5 feet 6 inches in height, with a light complexion, blue eyes and light hair. Later that month John was officially mustered in as a private in Company K of the 33rd New York Infantry–the Ontario Regiment–at Elmira. (3)

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Soldiers of John’s regiment, the 33rd New York Infantry, during the Civil War (Library of Congress)

The 33rd New York was not an Irish regiment, but Company K had a particularly strong Irish component. A non-Irish veteran of the regiment recalled how the early war rush to arms was:

…true to a remarkable degree of the Irish population of Seneca Falls. The call of the President for troops led to the immediate formation of an Irish Company. Patrick McGraw, who had served in Her Majesty’s service for upwards of fifteen years, superintended its organization, and was afterwards chosen Captain [McGraw was from Co. Down and had reportedly served in Canada and Britain with the 89th Regiment of Foot]…On Sunday afternoon, April 11th, the Sabbath quietude of the village was disturbed by the music of bands and tramp of citizens. Every one was on the alert, and every eye turned towards one point, the Catholic Church, for there the organization of the Company was to receive, after Vespers, the sanction and benediction of the Catholic Pastor…Vespers ended, an address was delivered by the Pastor, who urged loyalty to the Union, the defence of a common country, and the perpetuation of the traditional bravery of the Irish race. (4)

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St. Patrick’s Catholic Church in Seneca Falls as it appeared in 1904 (Grip’s Historical Souvenir)

When John Kiely and his comrades in the “Irish Volunteers” of Company K set off for Elmira at the end of May, the factories and shops in Seneca Falls closed, and the men were escorted out of the town accompanied by the local militia company (the Jackson Guards), the fire companies, and throngs of locals. In the months that followed John experienced the hardships of battles on the Virginia Peninsula and Antietam. While the regiment was heavily engaged at the latter battle, one of John’s fellow Seneca Falls Irishmen–Surgeon Richard Curran from Ennis, Co. Clare, who had initially enlisted as a private in Company K– performed life saving actions that would see him awarded the Medal of Honor (you can read Richard’s story here).

Having survived these horrors, it was John’s fate to fall gravely ill. He became so sick that on 19th November 1862 he was officially discharged from the army for disability at Fort McHenry, Maryland (where the famous “Star-Spangled Banner” had flown in 1814). It proved too late. On 29th November John died in hospital in Frederick, Maryland. If the family’s strategy had been for them to join him once he had raised enough funds, that plan died with the unfortunate Waterford native. The repercussions of his loss for those back in Ireland was not long in coming. (5)

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Depiction of the 33rd New York’s action at Antietam in September 1862 (Story of the Thirty-Third)

Far from starting a new life in America as she may have hoped, by 1866 Mary Kiely was instead reliant on local charity in Waterford. Though it is not clear if her children were with her, she at least had become an inmate of Kilmacthomas Workhouse. The institution was given as her address when the then 44-year-old applied for a U.S. pension based on her husband’s service. Given the information she had to gather, and the time it took to communicate back and forth with the Bureau of Pensions in Washington D.C., it is unsurprising that the process was a long one. She was still resident in the Workhouse more than a year later, and still seeking a resolution to her claim. Both the Guardians of the Workhouse and members of the local community gave evidence in her support. In June 1866, Father Casey, the man who had married Mary in 1846 and baptised all her children, travelled to the Workhouse to give a statement to that effect, in an affidavit that was witnessed by Maurice Walshe, then Master of Kilmacthomas Workhouse (see image above). Aside from wanting to see the widow’s circumstances improve, the Guardians also had another motivation in helping her, as explained by the U.S. Consul in a communication to the Pension Bureau in 1867:

This claimant is an inmate in an Irish Workhouse the Guardians are of course interested in the success of the claim, which will relieve the Parish of her support.

Among other locals who helped to confirm the facts of Mary’s life were Maurice Nugent of Kilmacthomas, Richard Butler of Currabaha and John Hurley of Georgestown. (6)

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Part of Kilmacthomas Workhouse today (Image: Vivian O’Malley)

Eventually Mary’s pension was approved, and it surely played an important role in her eventually exiting the Workhouse. Ultimately, she too would end up in America, though perhaps many years later than she had initially anticipated. By the late 1870s she was living with her eldest child Bridget, who was now married and living in Rondout, Ulster County, New York. Like her husband, she had eventually made it across the Atlantic. She passed away there in 1878– the last we hear of her is in a letter to the Bureau from her daughter, seeking arrears of her pension.

Kingston, N.Y.

July 21st 1879

Hon. Comm. Pensions

My Mother Mary Kiely died August 15/78 at Rondout, Ulster Co., N.Y. Received a Pension by Certificate No. 98395 as widow of John Kiely Prvt, Co. “K”, 33d Regt N.Y. Vols to commence August 24th 1866. John Kiely died November 28 or 29, 1862. Under Act Jany 25, 79, if she was living she would be entitled to the arrears viz; the pension for death of her husband, to time her pension commenced, about 4 years. She left 3 children all minors at our fathers death but all of age now are they entitled to the arrears if not can [section missing] we draw the same and if so how.

Yours & C

Bridget Fitzgerald

nee Kiely

P.O. Rondout

Ulster Co. N.Y. (7)

Mary Kiely’s story, though fragmentary, is a good example of how the American Civil War could impact families still in Ireland. It also attests to the links maintained between specific locales in Ireland and Irish communities in the United States. Ultimately, the money provided by the American Government was likely vital in allowing Mary to escape her fate, and finally make her way–along with at least some of her children– to a new life across the Atlantic. Unfortunately, she was far from the only woman who found herself in an Irish Workhouse as a result of a Civil War death (if you are interested, you can find the story of another in my book, The Forgotten Irish).

If you have enjoyed this and other posts and resources on the website, please consider supporting my work on Patreon. You can do so for as little as $1 per month, and gain access to exclusive content. You can find out more by clicking here or visiting https://www.patreon.com/irishacw.

If you would like to read another story connecting American military service with a Waterford Workhouse– in this case Dungarvan Workhouse and the Second Samoan Civil War, you can do so by clicking here.

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The Kilmacthomas Workhouse complex from the air (Image: Pat Kenealy)

*Special thanks to James Doherty, Willie Whelan (Waterford County Museum), John Tierney, Pat Kenealy and Vivian O’Malley for assistance with this post. 

** None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online. A team of archivists from NARA supported by volunteers have enabled access to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Weekly Wisconsin Patriot; (2) Mary Kiely Pension File, Griffith’s Valuation; (3) Mary Kiely Pension File, 1860 Census; (4) Judd 1864: 23, 28; (5) Mary Kiely Pension File; (6) Mary Kiely Pension File; (7) Ibid.;

References

1860 Federal Census.

Weekly Wisconsin Patriot 20th July 1861.

Griffith’s Valuation of Ireland.

Widow’s Pension File of Mary Kiely.

Judd, David W. 1864. The Story of the Thirty-Third N.Y.S. Volunteers or Two Years Campaigning in Virginia and Maryland.

Welch, E.L. 1904. “Grip’s” Historical Souvenir of Seneca Falls N.Y. 

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Podcast: The Great Famine & the American Civil War

The most popular history podcast in Ireland, Irish History Podcast, is currently running a series on the Great Irish Famine. The show’s host, Fin Dwyer, has recently completed an episode that looks at the impact of the Famine on the American Civil War, which largely consists of a detailed interview with yours truly. This is probably the longest and most wide-ranging discussion I have had in quite a while regarding Irish involvement in the Civil War, so if you are interested in finding out my current thoughts you can give it a listen below. Also be sure and check out Fin’s podcast, which has covered everything from modern Irish history to the Norman invasions– it really is worth a listen.

If you have enjoyed this and other posts and resources on the website, please consider supporting my work on Patreon. You can do so for as little as $1 per month, and gain access to exclusive content. You can find out more by clicking here or visiting https://www.patreon.com/irishacw. 

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Video: In the Footsteps of an Irish American Civil War Veteran on Tyneside

As part of the new suite of elements forming part of Irish in the American Civil War I am developing an occasional YouTube series exploring relevant topics, interspersed with footage I have taken while at relevant locations. The first in that series takes a look at the impact of the American Civil War on the Irish of Britain, through the lens of one Irish soldier and his family who lived on Tyneside in the North-East of England. If you enjoy the video, please consider subscribing to the Irish in the American Civil War YouTube Channel here.

If you have enjoyed this and other posts and resources on the website, please consider supporting my work on Patreon. You can do so for as little as $1 per month, and gain access to exclusive content. You can find out more by clicking here or visiting https://www.patreon.com/irishacw. 

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The Sad Story of Kate Quilligan: Orphan in the West, Inmate in the East

Patrick Quilligan from Co. Clare was a 22-year-old tailor when he first took the decision to join the United States Army. The 5 foot 10 1/2 inch Irishman was described as having grey eyes, dark hair and a ruddy complexion on the day he enlisted in Boston, on 22nd September 1857. Becoming a private in Company E of the 1st Dragoons, he was sent West to serve in what is now Washington State, primarily in operations against the Spokane tribe. With the coming of the Civil War, Patrick and his comrades were soon transferred back East. It was while on service during the 1862 Peninsula Campaign that Patrick’s first stint under the colours came to an end, when he was discharged for disability at Walnut Grove Church, Virginia. (1)

In July 1862, less than a month after he left the army, Patrick married fellow Irish emigrant Bridget Mulvihill in Washington D.C.’s St. Patrick’s Church. The couple decided to settle in the city, where Patrick seems to have elected to return to his trade. On Independence Day 1863 they celebrated the birth of their first child–daughter Kate– who was baptised in the city the following August. Kate was followed by a brother before war’s end. (2)

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Troopers of the 1st United States Cavalry–Patrick Quilligan’s first unit– pictured during the American Civil War (Library of Congress)

Tailoring was a difficult trade in an increasingly industrialised America, and it may have been difficulty in securing employment that led Patrick to turn once again to the army in 1866. He was recorded as a laborer on 28th July that year, when he signed on for another five-year term, this time becoming a private in Company B of the 4th United States Cavalry. Again his destination would be the West, but this time there was a notable difference– he was able to take his family with him. Patrick, Bridget and their two young children duly set out for their new home, which was to be Camp Sheridan, near San Antonio, Texas. The Assistant Surgeon of the 4th Cavalry, P.V. Schenck, described San Antonio at the time the Quilligans arrived in 1866:

San Antonio is an old Spanish town, located on a river of the same name. It is in a dry limestone region, and is only cultivable where it is irrigated from the river, which is done by means of ditches, which run through all portions of the town. No regard whatever is paid to the observance of sanitary laws. The population is mixed, composed of Americans, Germans, and Mexicans; the latter live in a most primitive manner, a bull hide on four sticks answering with many the purpose of a house; jerked beef, a corn cake, or tortilla, and red pepper sufficing for food. (3)

The young family had not been long in this frontier posting when a deadly threat began to rip through army posts across the United States–Cholera. It appeared in San Antonio that September, and it’s outbreak was described by Schenck:

Cholera during the past month appeared in this city [San Antonio] and among the troops in an epidemic form. It was brought into the city in the person of a Mrs. De Witt, who was taken sick at a mission several miles below the city, to which point it had been carried by Mexican trains from the Rio Grande [Despite this claim, it is apparent that U.S. army recruits were also transmitting it from post to post across the country]…As soon as possible an order was given for the removal of troops from the town, and the camp commenced to be removed to the Medina, a distance of twelve miles…The time for moving proved peculiarly unfortunate, for when one-half of the command had moved, a flood of before unheard of severity came, causing the river to overflow the camp, and converting that which had been dry into one huge mud-hole. Over two hundred recruits had just arrived from the coast, many of whom had been sick. In this condition of affairs cholera broke out among the troops. (4)

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San Antonio, Texas in the 1870s, only a few years after the Quilligans were there (Library of Congress)

Schenck established a Cholera Hospital in Medina. He recorded the regiment’s first case on 7th September, their first fatality on the 10th. Deaths appeared to peak ten days later, and by the end of the month he hoped the worst was over. With large numbers dying, the Quilligans must have been terrified about the potential loss of their children. Though they appear to have been initially fortunate, their luck would not hold. On 14th October Patrick died, the official cause being given as “congestive fever.” Worse was to come. Although the date is not specified, Bridget also fell ill and died at the same time as her husband. Kate, still just a toddler was, with her brother now an orphan on the frontier, over a 1,000 miles from anyone she could call family. (I have previously written on the impact of the 1866 Cholera outbreak on a number of Irish families, in my book The Forgotten Irish).(5)

The 4th United States Cavalry did not abandon the Quilligan children. Instead, they took them into their care, effectively making them “children of the regiment” (For a fascinating instance of this during the Civil War, see ). My research is increasingly indicating that ethnically Irish troops in this period tended to develop close bonds with each other, and the case of Kate is another indicator of this. The man who seems to have taken on primary responsibility for her was Sergeant William McNamara of the 4th, a longtime soldier who was from Co. Mayo. All through 1867 Kate stayed in the West, until in 1868 a decision was made to send her back East. That decision seems to have been precipitated by yet another tragedy– the death from disease of Kate’s younger brother. When they put Kate on the road back to Washington D.C., the 4th Cavalry sent along an escort to accompany her, Private Peter McHugh– himself also almost certainly another Irishman. (6)

The intended destination for Kate was the Soldier’s Orphans Asylum in Washington D.C. Setting out around April 1868, when she and Peter McHugh arrived after their long journey the Asylum were surprised to only see Kate, as they had expected both Quilligan children. This indicates there had likely been significant correspondence about the children’s fate. Seeking clarification, they eventually tracked down Sergeant McNamara in Fort McKavett, Texas, who apprised them of the boy’s death.* Kate was now back in a city where she had family, and on 9th April 1869 Ellen Mulvihill (Kate’s Aunt) successfully applied for guardianship. Kate would spend more than a decade living with her extended family. The 1880 Census records them in the city’s First District. By that time Ellen had married an Irish laborer called John Rowan with whom she had three-children, all making their home with 17-year-old Kate. It would be the last Census in Kate’s lifetime that recorded her outside of an institution. (7)

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The Center Building at Saint Elizabeths, formerly the Government Hospital for the Insane, in Washington D.C. (User:Tom via Wikipedia)

On 30th May 1885 Kate was admitted to the Government Hospital for the Insane (later St. Elizabeths Hospital). It seems that she may have suffered from mental disabilities since her birth; in the insensitive parlance of the day she was variously described as “idiotic”, an “imbecile”, “demented” and a “helpless child.” Her disability was such that when she reached the age of 16 in 1883, the pension that she had been receiving as a minor child based on her father’s service was extended by the Senate Committee on Pensions. By 1885 her Aunt clearly felt she could no longer care for Kate, and so her long institutional stay commenced. The Government Hospital for the Insane which became her home had been founded in 1852 with the aim of providing “humane care and enlightened curative treatment” to members of the armed forces and residents of Washington D.C. It came into being in no small part thanks to the effort of Dorothea Dix, a tireless advocate for the mentally ill. At the core of the hospital’s mission was an effort to provide “moral treatment”, whereby patients were treated humanely and with more dignity than had often been previously practiced. Although a leader in the field of mental health and undoubtedly markedly better than many other institutions, the realities of nineteenth century treatments for the mentally-ill, coupled with over-crowding and occasional charges of patient abuse, suggest Kate likely faced many hardships during her stay (You can read more about the history of St. Elizabeths via the National Archives website here). (8)

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The bill extending Kate Quilligan’s pension entitlements beyond the age of 16 because of her disability–click to enlarge (NARA)

As the years passed official guardianship of Kate’s pension passed from her Aunt Ellen to her cousin (Ellen’s daughter) Mary Rowan. When Mary spent any element of Kate’s money she had to account for it: $11.40 in June 1900 on clothing items, $3.00 during the course of that year for fruit and candy taken to the ward- the latter surely occasions that must have been a high point in Kate’s calendar. In December 1900 more money for clothes, including some luxury items such as a fascinator and gloves, together with– in the terminology of the clerk who recorded it– “small articles for the comfort of the imbecile.” As the years of the new century stretched on, Kate continued her life in what was now St. Elizabeths Hospital. During that period there had been increases to the pension entitlement, but in 1908 it was discovered that Kate was the only pensioned dependent child on the Bureau’s rolls who had not had her allowance increased to $12 per month (she was receiving $8). This was duly rectified, but the prior oversight may have been in part because there was no family member to seek it on Kate’s behalf. Kate Quilligan passed away at St. Elizabeths Hospital on 15th June 1913, just shy of her fiftieth birthday. Her primary cause of death was recorded as “imbecility”, the immediate cause as “Cholecystitis [inflamed gall bladder] with impacted stones. Kate was buried in the cemetery attached to the hospital, where she seems to have spent around 28 years of her life. The document notifying the Bureau of Pensions of her death left the section for the address of any relatives or friends blank. (9)

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The document which records Kate’s passing. Note the section for the address of relative or friend has been left blank–click to enlarge (NARA)

Would Kate’s life have been different had her immediate family not lost their lives in Texas during 1866-7? We will never know, though certainly her immediate relatives in Washington D.C. did seek to care for her, probably for as long as they could. At the end, though, it would seem she was alone. There is the tantalising possibility that there may be more information on Kate’s life, condition and treatment contained within the records of St. Elizabeths Hospital. These are housed in the National Archives, and it is a collection that includes patient files. I hope in the future to have an opportunity to explore them, to see if we can add more detail to the life of this Irish American woman, who had to endure such extraordinary trials in her life.

If you have enjoyed this and other posts and resources on the website, please consider supporting my work on Patreon. You can do so for as little as $1 per month, and gain access to exclusive content. You can find out more by clicking here or visiting https://www.patreon.com/irishacw. 

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An elderly female resident of St Elizabeths Hospital, Washington D.C., in the first part of the 20th century (Library of Congress)

*There are conflicted reports as to the death of Kate’s brother. McNamara in one note stated the boy had died of Cholera prior to his parents in September 1866. However a number of other documents state that he survived, and lived with his sister and the regiment for a year, with his death precipitating Kate being sent East.

**None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online. A team of archivists from NARA supported by volunteers have enabled access to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Register of Enlistments; (2) Patrick Quilligan Civil War Pension File (3) Report on Epidemic Cholera, 41; (4) Ibid. (5) Ibid., Patrick Quilligan Civil war Pension File; (6) Register of Enlistments, Patrick Quilligan Civil War Pension File; (7) Patrick Quilligan Civil War Pension File, 1880 Census; (8) Patrick Quilligan Civil War Pension File, McMillen & Kane 2010; (9) Patrick Quilligan Civil War Pension File;

References

U.S. Federal Census 1880.

U.S. Army Register of Enlistments.

Dependent Pension File of Kate Quilligan, Daughter of Patrick Quilligan, Company B, 4th United States Cavalry.

District of Columbia, Deaths and Burials, 1840-1964 [Online Database].

United States Surgeon General’s Office, 1867. Report on the Epidemic of Cholera in the Army of the United States, during the year 1866.  

Frances M. McMillen & James S. Kane 2010. “Institutional Memory: The Records of St. Elizabeths Hospital at the National Archives“, Prologue Magazine, Vol. 42, No. 2, Summer 2010.

The post The Sad Story of Kate Quilligan: Orphan in the West, Inmate in the East appeared first on Irish in the American Civil War.

Become a Patron of Irish in the American Civil War

Irish in the American Civil War is about to celebrate it’s eighth birthday. As regular readers are aware, the core principal of the site is to bring the story of 19th century Irish emigrants to life and raise awareness of their experiences. I have sought to do this by making large-amounts of original research freely available to as wide a community as possible, and by trying to tell the tale of Irish emigrants in an engaging way. The site now contains hundreds of articles and resources relating to the Irish experience.

Over the years, the research, development and presentation of content on Irish in the American Civil War has required considerable ongoing investment both in terms of finance and time. I have been happy to do this, as bringing this story to as wide an audience as possible has become my passion. I want to continue this work in the years to come, and to develop new and innovative ways of doing it. To assist with this, I have established a page where readers of Irish in the American Civil War can choose to support the website by becoming a Patron. Patrons can choose to contribute anything from $1 upwards a month towards the site, in return for a series of exclusive additional rewards. The different Patron levels are described in more detail below. I must stress that readers are under no obligation to become Patrons— the site will continue to operate as usual, and all readers will continue to be highly valued! If you want to find out more about becoming a Patron you can do so by clicking here or on the ‘Become a Patron’ tab at the top right of the page.

The support of Patrons will go towards not only the ongoing running costs of the website and research, but also towards the development of the American Civil War County eBook series. Developed on an Irish county-by-county basis, these short books will aim to highlight not only the major players from each county, but seek to tell the stories of some of the ordinary emigrants who were caught up in the American Civil War. Each eBook will tie these individuals to the wider story of emigration from their county and examine the new communities they established in the United States. In this way, the series will further highlight the immense impact of the American Civil War on Irish people in this period. A minimum of one eBook will be produced a year.

Patron Rewards

Irish Volunteer Level, $1 per month 

Access to the patron-only feed. Your name will be added to the Supporters Page on the website.

Irish Company Level, $5 per month

All of the above, plus access to the Irish in the American Civil War newsletter, with updates on both my work and wider news and stories of relevance to Irish involvement in the conflict.

Irish Diaspora Level, $10 per month

All of the above, plus access to a monthly post exclusive to patrons, where I will be discussing aspects of the Irish experience including my latest work and discussing contemporary Irish American documents and correspondence.

Irish Community Level, $25 per month

All of the above, plus a monthly recorded podcast featuring a previously unreleased letter or document relating to Irish emigration, together with an analysis and discussion. Free access to the County eBook series as they are produced.

Green Flag Level, $50 per month

All of the above, plus the creation of a blog post every 6 months that will focus on a specific aspect of the Irish experience based on a U.S. State/Irish County of the patron’s choice. The patron will be acknowledged at the end of the post. (*Note that patrons must support Irish in the American Civil War at the $25 level for 6 months to avail of each blog post).

Irish Legion Level, $100 per month

All of the above, plus a live one-hour online lecture/seminar on the Irish experience delivered to an audience of the patron’s choice every 6 months. A once a month live online video discussion, one hour duration, limited to ten participants. Your name acknowledged on the website as a Legion supporter, and a direct acknowledgement in future publications and projects. (*Note that patrons must support Irish in the American Civil War at the $100 level for 6 months to avail of the six-monthly online lecture/seminar).

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Revealing the Story of an Irish Railroad Gang & their Families in 1860 Tennessee

I have had the good fortune over recent years to develop links with Middle Tennessee State University, most particularly their excellent Center for Historic Preservation. This dates back to a lecture I gave on conflict archaeology there in 2014, since when I have had the opportunity to show MTSU students around some of the 1916 Rising sites in Dublin, and to host one of the Center’s PhD researchers while working on the archaeology of the Irish War of Independence. I was therefore delighted when the Center’s Programs Manager, Dr. Lydia Simpson, dropped me a line about a recent discovery she had made on the 1860 Census. Dr. Simpson has come across a number of groups of Irish railroad workers who had been enumerated in rural parts of the state. You can read about her discovery here. She asked if I would be interested in taking a closer look, and so I enthusiastically dived in to examine one of those groups– some 140 ethnic Irish who were laboring on the Nashville & Decatur Railroad in Giles County, Tennessee. My brief analysis revealed a surprising amount of details about their lives, including topics such as their potential origins, their history in the United States, their family ties and their literacy levels. That analysis is now available on the Center’s blog, Southern Rambles. If you would like to read it, you can do so by clicking here.

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“I was to Him like a Brother”: Bonds between Irishmen in the Civil War

My current research on Irish service in the Union military is attempting to examine the experience of Irishmen and their families across the entire sweep of Northern arms. One interesting aspect emerging from the work is evidence that Irish and Irish Americans in non-ethnic Irish regiments tended to gravitate towards one another, often becoming tent mates and mess mates. In some cases these men had known each other prior to service, but others simply developed a bond with those of their own ethnicity. This was not, for the most part, a response to nativism; nor was it a sign that they were necessarily seeking to set themselves apart from the non-Irish in the regiment. Rather they were drawn together by a shared cultural identity, one which expressed itself in Irish American communities in towns and cities throughout the North. Historian Reid Mitchell has remarked how many Civil War troops viewed their regimental company “as an extension of the soldier’s home community.” Irishmen saw themselves as part of that wider company community, but also formed what might be termed “micro-communities” within them, made up of those with a shared cultural background. (1)

One company where this seems to have occurred was Company G of the 26th New York Volunteer Infantry. Known as the “Second Oneida Regiment”, Companies G and H (originally intended for the 13th New York) had been recruited in Rochester, home to a sizeable Irish population in Western New York. One of the recruits was 18-year-old John Gannon, a native of Co. Tipperary. John’s father had died during the Great Famine in 1849; by 1852 his mother had decided to take her children to America, where they eventually established themselves in the town of Evans, Erie County, New York. There is little doubt that they were chain migrants to the area. Among the other Irish in the locale were Sally O’Meara, who had known the Gannon family “all her life” and had attended the wedding of John’s parents in Ireland; Thomas Gannon, likely John’s uncle, who worked as a blacksmith in the Evans village of Angola; and Julia Boyle, who had been close to the family on the other side of the Atlantic. Another Gannon relation, Michael, lived further east in the city of Auburn and maintained close ties with them. Young John Gannon was part of this network of Tipperary emigrants; by 1860 he was working out on a farm with a younger brother some fifty miles from Evans, in the town of Pike, Wyoming County. By the May of the following year he was in Rochester, where he enlisted in Union service. (2)

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An unidentified soldier of the 26th New York Infantry (Library of Congress)

While John Gannon was engaged as a farm laborer in Pike, another Irishman, John Meehan, was making his home sixty miles away in Rochester. A number of years Gannon’s senior, he is likely the John Meehan enumerated as a tailor in Rochester’s Fifth Ward in 1860. He made his home with his Irish-born wife Catherine and their New York-born children John (6), Thomas (4) and George (1). There is no evidence that Gannon and Meehan knew each other. They probably met for the first time on the 2nd May 1861, the day both of them enlisted in the same company. The two were soon fast friends. (3)

Few–if any– battles of the American Civil War created such havoc for the future pension claims of Irish American dependents than the Second Battle of Bull Run. Union defeat–combined with the confused nature of the fighting– meant that widows and dependent parents struggled to prove their husbands and sons had died there. Aside from the absence of a body (as the Union did not hold the field), many soldiers simply had not seen their comrades fall, and therefore could not provide definitive affidavits to that effect. Even for Second Bull Run, the experience of the 26th New York Infantry was especially confused. With the Confederates swarming towards Chinn Ridge on the evening of 30th August 1862, the brigade of which the 26th formed a part (Tower’s 2nd Brigade, 2nd Division, 3rd Corps) were fed into the maelstrom in an effort to stem the tide. Before they even had an opportunity to get into position, the fire to which they were subjected threw them into chaos. Though the men did fight, they did so without any recognisable organisation. Eventually the brigade, overpowered by fire from both front and flank, and having sustained nearly 50 percent casualties, broke. Though some reformed a few hundred yards to the rear, it would ultimately be the Confederate’s day. One of those who had fallen into Rebel hands was John Meehan. John Gannon had simply disappeared. (4)

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Union troops engaged at Second Bull Run, as sketched by artist Edwin Forbes (Library of Congress)

John Gannon had turned 20 the month before Second Bull Run. While his family were left to wonder as to the Tipperary emigrant’s fate, John Meehan was carried into captivity. He was paroled that September and eventually returned to the regiment. Nearly 8 months after the fighting at Second Bull Run, he penned the following letter to John Gannon’s mother:

Monday April the 27th 1863

Mrs Gannon

Dear Madam I take the liberty in adressing you these few lines concerning your son John Gannon as it is a painefull peice of information for you to receive and allso for me to have to pen on this as I was to him like a brother and him to me the fact is we both sleept and eate together since we first enlisted in the city of Rochester untill God was pleased [to] take that which he gives that is life my dear Madam your son John was seen going in to the Battel and like all other Battels no one knows who is dead untill rowl [Roll] call so he was put down as one of the number of the dead you cant imagine how lonesome I am since he was killed I could not miss my Brother any more but such is the trials of war but God and his Blessed Mother have mercy on his soul this I promised to him I should do if anything was to hapen to him so I believe in one letter he sent you last May or June he told you that I would let you know if anything should hapen to him which I am sorry to have to do now Mrs Gannon there going to discharge this regiment so I got the Capt to make out John final statement he done so and sent it to the war department so you can get his bounty and some 2 or 3 months pai and he has some money comeing for clothes that he did not draw you can get a lawwe [lawyer] and he can send and get it for you or send to the Claim Agent in Washington and he can get it for you you and you are entiteld to a penson so mind and get all you can for he was worthy off everything a soildger is intitled to poor Jack

God have mercy on his soul that is all I can do for him now

Mrs Gannon would you be pleased to write to me in a few weeks them I sopose i will be home with my wife and children in Rochester with Gods help you write to me now and let me know if [you] got this

Yours truly John Meehan (5)

The impact John Gannon’s loss had on Meehan is clear to see. So too is the relationship they had developed during their service. This type of close association between Irish soldiers (and sailors) in non-ethnic units recurs again and again. Though their “Irishness” is rarely referenced, it is clear that it was their shared cultural background that served as an initial agent to draw the men together. John Gannon’s mother would go on to receive her pension. As for John Meehan, he mustered out with the 26th New York after two years service, and decided to enter the 14th New York Heavy Artillery in July 1863. He rose to Sergeant, was reduced to the ranks, and eventually deserted at Bedloes Island, New York on 9th October 1864. (6)

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The 26th New York Infantry at Fort Lyon during the Civil War-click to enlarge (Library of Congress)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Mitchell 1993: 21 (2) John Gannon Dependent Mother’s File, 1870 Federal Census, 1860 Federal Census, New York Muster Roll Abstracts; (3) 1860 Federal Census, New York Muster Roll Abstracts; (4) Hennessy 1993: 395, 403; (5) John Gannon Dependent Mother’s Pension File, New York Muster Roll Abstract; (6) 14th New York Heavy Artillery Roster, New York Muster Roll Abstracts;

References

1860 U.S. Federal Census.

1870 U.S. Federal Census.

New York Muster Roll Abstracts.

14th New York Heavy Artillery Roster.

Widow’s Pension File of Ann Gannon, Dependent Mother of John Gannon, 26th New York Infantry.

Hennessy, John 1993. Return to Bull Run: The Campaign and Battle of Second Manassas.

Mitchell, Reid 1993. The Vacant Chair: The Northern Soldier Leaves Home.

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