Damian Shiels's Blog, page 15

“Leaving Off the ‘O'”: Insights into Irish Emigrant Name Changes in 1860s America

Millions of people in the modern-day United States have some degree of Irish ancestry. The surnames they bear or are connected to display a staggering array of spelling variance–some of which seem very far removed from their Transatlantic origins. While it was once traditionally held that such variations resulted from changes implemented at points of entry such as Ellis Island, this is largely a misconception ( ). For Irish families who emigrated in the middle of the nineteenth century, one factor above all others influenced the spelling of their names, and how they changed–their degree of literacy.

In the Northern states, where most Irish emigrants congregated during the middle 1800s, Irish Americans held the dubious distinction of being the least literate white group. Among the numerous aspects of life that illiteracy and semi-literacy touched upon was how your name was spelt–and the degree of investment you had in insuring it was spelt properly. In many respects, pedantry over the spelling of a christian name or surname is a privilege reserved for those who are fully literate. The Civil War pension files upon which I concentrate consistently throw up evidence for semi-literate Irish families who fell foul of this problem, as they sought to prove that their family member and the man in service were one and the same individual. Simply put, the consistent spelling of christian names and surnames was not an issue that working-class Irish emigrants conceived might hold any importance, until they were faced with the rigid bureaucracy that accompanied their claims to the Federal Government. To explore these themes in more detail, I have included three examples where families had to overcome an issue relating to spelling variance in their pension applications. All of them have literacy at their core, and each offers a different insight into the backstories that influenced how Irish people spelt their names.

The first affidavit was made in 1869 by 64-year-old Daniel O’Leary, a native of Knockacappul townland near Rathmore in Co. Kerry. Daniel was living on Richmond Street in Boston, from where he was seeking a pension based on his son Thomas’s war service. Thomas, a member of the 1st United States Cavalry, had been killed in action bear Boonsboro, Maryland on 7th June 1863. When Daniel first applied, his claim was rejected. The Bureau informed him of the reason– he was applying under the name O’Leary, but the man he claimed as his son went by the surname Leary. Here is how Daniel sought to explain the discrepancy:

I Daniel O’Leary Father of Thos O’Leary No.129187 on oath do depose Although I was called on my naturalization papers by the name of Daniel O’Leary I had previously been and have since been known and called by the surname of Leary. I have been in Massachusetts more than (30) thirty years except about one year (1856) in California and was naturalized 18 or 19 years ago. My son, said Thomas, went with me to California and he remained there after I returned and he enlisted there in Co. H 1st Regt U.S. Cav. While he was in California and before he went there he was always known and called by the name of Thomas Leary (leaving off the “O'”) and though in my declaration for pension I styled him by the surname of O’Leary I did so without considering the fact that the “O” may make considerable difference in a name and I did not reflect at the time on the fact that my son always went both in Boston and in California by the name of Leary; while I am some times but not usually called by the name of O’Leary tho’ (as I said before) naturalised as and voting as O’Leary

Daniel’s mistake was the fact that he did not realise it would make any material difference that he and his son sometimes went by “O’Leary”, sometimes simply as “Leary”. He had no reason to believe it would, as it had not been a significant factor in their lives up to that juncture. As Daniel’s affidavit made clear, he was illiterate, and so was not accustomed to signing or even seeing his own name on documentation. This was revealed by how he signed the document– with an “x”.

[image error] Daniel O’Leary’s mark on his affidavit, indicating that he was illiterate (NARA)

Language was another factor that could impact how an Irish name was spelt. In 1868, Owen and Mary Curren supplied an affidavit in Philadelphia to support a pension claim on behalf of the minor children of “Farrigle” Gallagher. The 13th Pennsylvania Cavalryman had died in June 1864 while being held as a prisoner of war in Andersonville, Georgia. The problem with this claim arose from the fact that the man recorded as enlisting in 13th was not “Farrigle”, but “Frederick” Gallagher. Owen and Mary, who had known “Farrigle” in both Ireland and Philadelphia, sought to explain the discrepancy:

Owen Curren and Mary Curren…were acquainted [with Farrigle Gallagher] for 25 and 30 years respectively– that Frederick and Farrigle Gallagher are the one and the same person. That in Ireland, where the said soldier was born and raised, he was called Farrigle, which is the same as Frederick. That deceased was born in the County Donegal, Ireland, and that deceased was called by his parents Farrigle. That they were acquainted with the deceased soldier in this country and heard him called Frederick, which (in the language spoken by his parents and inhabitations of the part of Ireland in which he was born) is the same as Farrigle. That deponents know the above facts from personal and intimate acquaintance with the deceased soldier from his infancy- resided in the same neighborhood with him, both in Ireland, and in this Country- saw him at the time of enlistment and saw him after he enlisted in the above Regiment.

[image error] The grave of Fanigle/Farrigle/Fearghal/Frederick Gallagher at Andersonville National Cemetery (Kevin Frye via Find A Grave)

These Donegal emigrants were native Irish speakers, and sought to explain that “Farrigle” was effectively the Irish version of Frederick. This is not the case, but affidavits such as this sought to take the path of least resistance in explaining away naming discrepancies. Added to the mix was the demonstrable illiteracy and semi-literacy of many of the parties involved– the affidavit suggests that while Owen was probably semi-literate, Mary was illiterate. The case is further complicated by the fact that “Farrigle” is not a christian name in Ireland (at least not one I have ever come across). Having given it considerable thought, I am now convinced that this man’s actual name was Fearghal Gallagher. The first name Fearghal, when pronounced in a strong Donegal accent, is phonetically similar to “Farrigle”. Where nearly all parties were illiterate, they would not have been aware of how to properly spell the name. The phonetic spelling of a name based on how it sounds when rendered in an Irish accent is frequently behind variant name spellings in mid-nineteenth century Irish America. Whether Fearghal/Farrigle ever actually went by the name Frederick in America is unknown. He may well have done so to avoid complications, but when he was buried at Andersonville he was interred under yet another variant of his Irish name (above), where his headstone records him as “Fanigle”.

[image error] The signature and mark of Owen and Mary Curren (NARA)

The final example relates to an 1865 affidavit provided by 40-year-old Irish emigrant Mary O’Haran. Mary’s husband Patrick had died in July 1864 of wounds he had received outside Petersburg, Virginia. Mary encountered difficulties because their surname had been rendered in three significantly different ways on three separate pieces of official documentation. While Mary–who was illiterate–applied for a pension under the name “O’Haran”, the marriage evidence she supplied listed her and Patrick’s name as “Ahern”. Further complicating matters were the records of the 52nd New York, her husband’s regiment, which had listed Patrick as “O’Hara”. In her affidavit, Mary came straight to the point:

Mary O’Haran “is the widow of Patrick O’Haran late a Private of Co “A” 52d Regt New York Vols. That though the name of “Ahern” appears on the record of her marriage it is in error, and should read O’Haran. That at the time of her marriage neither this deponent or her husband the said Patrick O’Haran could read or write and the name was placed on the records according to its pronunciation and that the true name is “O’Haran”.

[image error]

Mary was effectively stating that she was unaware when her name was incorrectly recorded, as she could not know the difference due to her illiteracy. What was their real surname? Was it O’Haran? As Mary and her agent were undoubtedly seeking the most expeditious (and positive) resolution to her claim, the reliability of her statement is open to question. The surname “Ahern”, when communicated in an Irish accent, often sounds like “O’Harran”. Yet “O’Harran” is also an Irish surname, albeit a less common one– perhaps the record keeper at the Church, who was likely familiar with Irish pronunciation, had assumed it was Ahern when making his entry. We will likely never know. Neither is it particularly important. What each of these cases demonstrates is the important role that literacy levels played in creating variant spellings of Irish emigrant names. They also reveal that, by and large, Irish emigrants were not precious about how their names were spelt, or even pronounced. They were generally willing to amend–even to change–those names if they thought it would prove beneficial. This lack of literacy and willingness to adapt identity for personal improvement are important factors to consider when seeking the origins of some of the many variants that populate the Irish American surname landscape today.

If you have enjoyed this and other posts and resources on the website, please consider supporting my work on Patreon. You can do so for as little as $1 per month, and gain access to exclusive content. You can find out more by clicking here or visiting https://www.patreon.com/irishacw. 

* None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online. A team of archivists from NARA supported by volunteers have enabled access to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References

Thomas O’Leary Pension File

Farrigle Gallagher Pension File

Patrick O’Haran Pension File

The post appeared first on Irish in the American Civil War.

A Sacrifice to the “Demon of Death”: A Mother Parts with an Image of Her Son

My primary area of research relates to wartime letters written home by soldiers and sailors, and which widow’s and dependents parted with in order to provide the Bureau of Pensions with evidence to support their claim. However, letters were not the only personal possessions that families gave up to the Federal Government. Although extremely rare, very occasionally these pension files can contain an actual image of the deceased soldier, revealing to us the face of an Irish American serviceman. This post looks at the story behind one such file and the image you see above- that of James Donohue, whose life was cut cruelly short on the bloody field of Antietam.

[image error] The 1865 affidavit supplied by Emeline Donohue with which she included an image of her son James (NARA)

The Donohue story begins on 13th April 1833, when Irish emigrant Thomas Donohue married his wife Emeline in St. Paul’s Episcopal Church, a house of worship in the bustling Vermont town of Windsor. While Thomas was certainly Irish-born, later documents are contradictory as to whether Emeline was born in Ireland or Vermont. What is apparent is that there was likely some urgency with the couple’s ceremony, as by the time their wedding day arrived Emeline was already a number of months pregnant. The couple’s first son- James- arrived on 13th August that year. Almost immediately after his birth the family moved on, and the baby was baptised in the industrial town of Claremont, New Hampshire when he was around three months old. Thomas worked as a laborer, and it may be that he kept his family on the move to exploit new opportunities as they arose. The family spent a few years in New Hampshire, where around 1841 a second son, John, was born. Ultimately the Donohue’s decided to up sticks again, and by the middle of the decade were living in Troy, New York. The couple’s third son Thomas was born there around 1846, and was later joined by a sister, Mary Ann, around 1849. By 1850 the growing family were making their home in the city’s Third Ward. (1)

[image error] A Union burial party at Antietam. The careful work of one such group insured that James Donohue was placed in a marked grave (Library of Congress)

By 1860 James had become the patriarch of the family. Despite their years together, Thomas had recently abandoned the support of Emeline and the children, departing apparently never to be heard from again. James, who made his living as a teamster, became an even more vital part in the economic lives of his mother and younger siblings. His pursuit of employment took him out of state, and he spent the six years prior to the war in Tennessee and Pennslyvania, all the while remitting money home to West Troy. It seems it was only when conflict seemed imminent that James returned home. He was 28-years-old when he enlisted on 16th June 1861. Described as 5 feet 6 inches tall, with grey eyes, dark hair and a ruddy complexion, James joined other West Troy recruits in Company A of the 34th New York Volunteers, the “Herkimer Regiment”. Among the comrades who joined him in the Company’s ranks during the weeks that followed were his younger brother John. The next year would see the brothers endure plenty of hard marching and campaigning together, most notably at the Battle of Fair Oaks on the Peninsula, where the regiment was particularly heavily engaged. However, nothing could prepare them for what lay on the horizon in Maryland, where James and John would find themselves at the centre of the maelstrom during the bloodiest day of the American Civil War. (2)

[image error] 1902 image of the ground the 34th New York crossed to enter the West Woods, looking back from the location of their monument- the Dunker Church is just out of shot to the right (History of the Thirty-Fourth)

When the 34th New York splashed across Antietam Creek on the morning of 17th September 1862 they brought with them 311 men. They entered the field of battle as part of the First Brigade, Second Division of the Army of the Potomac’s Second Corps. The regiment was fed into the fighting via the East Woods, from where they moved across the open field to the south of the Miller Cornfield. From there the 34th crossed the Hagerstown Pike and advanced into the West Woods, immediately to the north of the Dunker Church. In the confused and desperate see-saw struggle that evolved, the New Yorkers quickly found themselves involved in a desperate firefight. Within minutes they were almost overwhelmed by a Confederate counterattack, which threatened to engulf the small and increasingly isolated command. This threat, coupled with the desperately heavy losses they were sustaining, forced the 34th back from whence they had come. Their retreat ultimately brought them back to the field they had first advanced across, where they moved to the support of Woodruff’s battery. Woodruff’s regulars disgorged a savage storm of iron into the oncoming Rebel lines, driving them back. By the time the whole affair was through it was clear the New Yorkers had suffered galling casualties, having lost almost 50 percent of their strength. This included 32 men killed in action, 109 wounded in action, and nine missing in action. In later years, one of the Company E survivors would recall his experience of the day:

Rushed forward at the top of their speed in broken order, one company in rear of the other, out of breath and almost fainting, Company E was brought to the very summit of the ground, to the left of the lane leading to the “Dunkard Church.” From this point could be seen the shining bayonets of the enemy then forming on the east of the pike and south of the church. This was evidently unheeded by the officers in command, as the order, forward run, was still repeated by aid and staff of the commanding general. The enemy was not in large force, protected by a ledge of rocks, west of the pike and in rear of the Dunkard Church. In less than five minutes after the regimental line had been formed, five of Company E lay dead or dying, almost within touch of each other…we had altogether the worst of the position, and were engaged by those in our front at short range, we found ourselves flanked and enfiladed by a vastly superior force. Surrender or death seemed to be the only thing in sight. To secure liberty the “cornfield” must be recrossed, over the bodies of the dead and dying, not in the route we had come, but by a circuitous course, in the face of a destructive fire of musketry at short range. It is a mystery that will never be solved, how it was possible for any one to pass through such a death-trap and live to record the fact. Many of the men fell from exhaustion, and were swept beneath the wave, like the undertow of the ocean beach. The writer of this sketch fell but a rod or two in front of our battery, and within about the same distance from the charging foe. Our artillerymen were waiting, with cannon charged with grape and canister, to uncover the enemy so that they might not slaughter their friends. Shot after shot was fired in quick succession full in the face of the foe, opening wide gaps, at every discharge, and sending fragments of men into the air, in all directions, adding rivers of gore to a field already deeply dyed by the blood of both armies. Probably there was never a time known in the history of modern warfare where so many men were slain as upon the consecrated ground on that 17th day of September, 1862. Surely, the demon of death must have been fully satiated. (3)

[image error] The Dunker Church as it appears today. James Donohue was buried nearby (Damian Shiels)

One of those sacrificed to the “demon of death” was James Donohue. We can only imagine the horror and desperation his younger brother John must have felt at his fate during the West Woods fighting on 17th September. Given where James was shot down, John would have had only moments to process what had occurred before being forced to leave his body and join the 34th’s retreat from the Rebel assault. In contrast to his brother, John Donohue was destined to come through the war unscathed. He saw out the remainder of his two years service with the 34th and mustered out with them after the Battle of Chancellorsville. In September 1863 he re-enlisted, but had clearly seen enough of the infantryman’s war. Instead he plumped for the 20th New York Cavalry, where he rose to the rank of Quartermaster-Sergeant by the time of his muster out in July 1865. John outlived his brother by 45 years, passing away in 1907. Back in 1862 West Troy, Emeline first learned of her eldest son’s fate through the local newspapers. Eventually she would be given a printed list that recorded the burial places of some of the 34th’s number, a document that informed her James was one of four from the regiment interred just to the north of the Dunker Church, presumably close to where they had fallen. Not long afterwards James Donohue’s remains were moved to the new Antietam National Cemetery, where he rests today. (4)

[image error] The “printed list” showing the burial locations of Antietam dead that Emeline Donohue supplied to the Pension Bureau in 1866. James’s name has been highlighted with a pen, indicating he was buried North of the Dunker Church (NARA)

After James’s death, Emeline sought a pension based on her son’s service. Her claim was accepted in 1863, but in 1864 her payments suddenly stopped. She soon discovered the cause- a rival application received by the Pension Bureau. A woman called Harriet A. Donohue had emerged, stating that she had married James in Ballston Spa, New York in 1858 (some of the unsubmitted documents relating to Harriet’s claim recently came up for sale, see here and here). If Harriet proved herself to be James’s widow, her claim would take precedence over Emeline’s. In combating Harriet’s claim-a woman Emaline said she did not know-the fallen soldier’s mother gave statements to the effect that her son had worked out of state for a number of years prior to the war, and so could not be the same man referred to by Harriet. To prove her son was one and the same with the James Donohue who fell in the ranks of the 34th New York, Emaline decided to copy a cherished image she held of her son in uniform. On submitting it in 1865, she described it as a “true, correct and faithful likeness” of James, “a faithful copy of an original likeness…taken after his enlistment and now in the possession of this deponent [Emaline]”. She reinforced the mounting evidence in her favour in 1866, when she supplied the Bureau with the printed Antietam burial details, or as Emaline described it a “printed list with his name among the number”. On the page James’s entry was highlighted for the Bureau’s attention. Ultimately Emaline’s efforts proved successful. The application of Harriet A. Donohue was rejected, and Emaline’s pension payments were restored. She would continue to receive them for the many decades of life that remained left to her. (5)

If you have enjoyed this and other posts and resources on the website, please consider supporting my work on Patreon. You can do so for as little as $1 per month, and gain access to exclusive content. You can find out more by clicking here or visiting https://www.patreon.com/irishacw. 

[image error] James Donohue’s grave (centre) at Antietam National Cemetery (Michael [Randy] Walsh, Find A Grave)

(1) Pension File, 1850 Census; (2) Pension File, Muster Roll Abstracts; (3) Antietam on the Web: 34th New York Infantry, Chapin 1903: 62-65; (4) Pension File, New York Muster Roll Abstracts, New York Adjutant-General Reports, Civil War Pension Index Cards; (5) Pension File;

* None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online. A team of archivists from NARA supported by volunteers have enabled access to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

Bibliography

1850 Federal Census

New York Muster Roll Abstracts

New York Adjutant-General’s Reports

Civil War Pension Index Cards

Antietam on the Web: 34th New York Infantry

James Donohue Pension File

Louis N. Chapin. A Brief History of the Thirty-Fourth Regiment, N.Y.S.V. Embracing A Complete Roster of All Officers and Men and A Full Account of the Dedication of the Monument on the Battlefield of Antietam September 17, 1902.

Find A Grave: James Donohue

The post A Sacrifice to the “Demon of Death”: A Mother Parts with an Image of Her Son appeared first on Irish in the American Civil War.

A Walk Among Storied Tombstones: Revealing Washington D.C.’s Most Significant Irish Diaspora Site?

The north-eastern portion of Washington D.C. is home to a cemetery with strong ties to the nineteenth century Irish Diaspora. Indeed, this is perhaps the most significant–and least well known– site with Irish American links in the entire District of Columbia. It’s origins lie in the summer of 1861, when a six-acre site plot of land beside the city’s Soldiers’ Home was donated for the burial of Federal troops. Over the following three years, thousands of men were interred in these grounds. In his nearby cottage, President Abraham Lincoln looked on as more and more dead filled this National Cemetery, which is now named for the Soldiers’ and Airmen’s Home. Today it is the final resting place for 14,000 veterans, more than 5,500 dating from the American Civil War. Large numbers of these men–likely hundreds of them–were Irish American. They were some of the unlucky number among the c. 250,000 ethnic Irish who donned Union blue during the American Civil War not to see the end of 1865.

As with each post in the “Walk Among Storied Tombstone” series, I began my research by walking randomly through the National Cemetery, photographing men whose names indicated they may have Irish connections. I later researched these soldiers and their families, seeking to uncover something of their stories. As will become apparent below, the Soldiers’ and Airmen’s Home National Cemetery is by far the most extensive piece of work I have conducted in the series. The reason for that is the sheer number of Irish emigrants interred here. Below you will find something of the stories of almost 40 men and their families, representing just a small sample of the Irish Americans for whom the Soldiers’ and Airmen’s National Cemetery is their final resting place.

I know of no other location in Washington D.C. which so incapsulates the impact of the Great Irish Famine and mass emigration on both Ireland and the United States. The men buried here were part of the exodus that travelled to the United States in hope of a better life for themselves, their families and their communities on both sides of the Atlantic. Their story ended fighting in defence of the nation that had offered them that opportunity. Given their sacrifice for the United States–a sacrifice that has contributed towards the lasting bond Ireland enjoys with America today–this cemetery deserves to become a location of regular pilgrimage for Irish politicians and representatives during their visits to Washington D.C. I hope that in telling some of their stories, and by raising awareness of their presence, just such an opportunity will be taken in the not too distant future.

[image error] Michael Ryan, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Michael Ryan, 95th New York Infantry

Michael was born in Co. Tipperary around 1842, the son of William and Ellen Ryan. William died in Ireland around 1859, followed not long afterwards by Michael’s only brother. Michael was the last of the children still at home with his mother, and in early 1862 he emigrated to America in an effort to better provide for his mother. He first found work as a “helper” in a blacksmith’s shop before being drafted into the army in September 1863. Assigned to Company E of the 95th New York Infantry, he shorty afterwards contracted Typhoid Fever and was admitted to Emory Square Hospital in D.C. on 22nd November 1863. Michael died there on 4th January 1864. The money he obtained in the military allowed his elderly mother to emigrate a few months later, where she joined one of Michael’s sisters in Lynn, Massachusetts.

[image error] Thomas Hurley, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Hurley, 28th Massachusetts Infantry

Irishman Thomas Hurley had made his American home in Roxbury, Massachusetts, where many of his siblings and his elderly parents also lived. Thomas enlisted in the Irish 28th Massachusetts in December 1861, and became a member of Company F. He rose to Sergeant, and was wounded in that capacity at the Battle of Chantilly in 1862. He had taken a bullet in the groin, an injury that often heralded a slow, painful death. Removed to Ryland Chapel Hospital in Washington D.C., Thomas died there on 15th September 1862.

[image error] Michael Cavanaugh, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Michael Cavanaugh, 28th Massachusetts Infantry

Another member of the 28th Massachusetts Infantry, Michael was a native of Co. Kerry. He was a 22-year-old stone mason when he enlisted in the regiment on 27th September 1861. Assigned to Company C, he was described as 5 feet 11 inches tall, with hazel eyes, black hair and a dark complexion. Severely wounded at the Battle of Chantilly on 1st September 1862, he passed away nine days later in Cliffburne Hospital, Washington D.C.

[image error] Arthur Cosgrove, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Arthur Cosgrove, 14th United States Infantry

Arthur was a career soldier. He had re-enlisted into the Regulars at Buffalo, New York on 23rd April 1862 at the age of 29 years and 8 months. The Irish-born emigrant was 5 feet 8 and a half inches tall with blue eyes, brown hair and a florid complexion. A member of Company H, he died from wounds (most likely received during the Second Bull Run campaign) at Ecklington Hospital in Washington on 9th September 1862.

[image error] Michael Spencer, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Michael Spencer, 28th Massachusetts Infantry

Michael was an emigrant from Co. Clare. A laborer who made his home in Fitchburg, Massachusetts, he was not a young soldier. The 5 feet 4 inches tall Irishman was described as 44-years-old with blue eyes, black hair and a light complexion when he joined the 28th in December 1861. He had married fellow Irish emigrant Mary Duggan in Worcester, Massachusetts back in 1847, in the midst of the Great Famine exodus. In 1850 they celebrated the birth of a daughter, Caroline. Wounded in the arm at the Battle of Chantilly, Michael was captured by the Confederates. The severity of his injury led to his almost instantaneous parole. Removed to Armory Square Hospital, Michael died there on 9th September 1862.

[image error] Thomas Donahue, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Donahue, 28th Massachusetts Infantry

Thomas Donahue was yet another member of the ill-fated 28th Massachusetts wounded at the Battle of Chantilly. Born in Co. Wexford, Thomas enlisted in Company A at the age of 39 on 16th November 1861. The Waterhill Street, Lynn shoemaker was described as 5 feet 6 and a half inches tall, with red hair, grey eyes and a dark complexion. Shot in the thorax during the engagement, he suffered a secondary haemorrhage in Casparus hospital and died on 9th September 1862.

[image error] Thomas Dailey, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Dailey, 5th Connecticut Infantry

Thomas married Ann Lennon in “Caldrey” in their native Co. Westmeath in July 1840. The couple had three children who survived to adulthood. They were Thomas Junior, born around 1845, who later became a member of the 12th Connecticut Infantry during the war; Margaret, born around 1847, and Kate, born in 1850. Thomas had to care for his children on his own after Ann’s death in Hartford, Connecticut in 1859. Ultimately, he decided the best way of providing for his youngest, Kate, was to enlist in the army. He joined the 5th Connecticut Infantry on 24th July 1861, becoming a member of Company G. Shot in the side of the head at the Battle of Cedar Mountain on 9th August 1862, Thomas died at Douglas Hospital on 17th September. His death left Kate a minor orphan.

[image error] Patrick Branagan, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Patrick Branagan, 104th New York Infantry

Irish-born emigrant Patrick Branagan was a 35-year-old farmer when he enlisted at Genesee, New York on 18th October 1861 in the 104th New York Infantry. The 5 foot 6 inch soldier didn’t have an impeccable military record, having been arrested and charged as a deserter early in his military career. But he was back in the ranks of Company D for the Second Bull Run Campaign, during which he was mortally wounded on 30th August 1862. He died in Washington D.C.’s Carver General Hospital on 12th September.

[image error] Michael Burns, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Michael Burns, 36th New York Infantry

Michael was born in Ireland around 1835. He lived at 139 West 30th Street in New York City, but he enlisted from Buffalo in May 1861. A member of Company A, Michael contracted disease and was confined to Columbia General Hospital in D.C., where he died on 17th April 1862.

[image error] Michael Harty, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Michael Harty, 1st Massachusetts Heavy Artillery

As a boy, Michael worked as a farm labourer to support his ageing parents in Ireland. He emigrated at the age of 16, and earned enough money to bring his mother, father and two of his siblings over to America. The reunited Harty’s made their home in Milford, Worcester, Massachusetts. Unfortunately Michael’s father Michael Senior suffered from epileptic fits, which sometimes struck him numerous times a day and left his son partially responsible for he and his wife Mary’s support. Michael decided to enlist in Cambridge on 20th March 1862, and became a Private in Company M. The 20-year-old was described as a 5 feet 6 inch tall bootmaker, with brown hair, grey eyes and a freckled complexion. On 1st May 1862 Michael and his comrades were encamped near Alexandria, Virginia, when he was ordered to retrieve water from a nearby well. While in the process of doing so the curbing at the side of the well collapsed, causing him to fall in and drown.

[image error] Hugh Donohue, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Hugh Donohue, 1st Rhode Island Light Artillery

Hugh, a laborer, married fellow Irish emigrant Bridget Conley in the Cathedral of Saints Peter and Paul, Providence in 1857. They had two children: John, born in July 1858, and Arthur, born in September 1860. On 25th August 1861 Hugh became a Private in Company C of the 1st Rhode Island Light Artillery. When in camp at Miners Hill, Virginia, he contracted what was first described as a “bad cold”, but which developed into a serious fever. Ultimately he was sent to the Union Hotel Hospital in Georgetown, where he died on 22nd March 1862 of “acute bronchitis”. When he died, his newly widowed wife was still in her mid-20s, his children aged three and 18 months.

[image error] Michael Sweeny, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Michael Sweeny, 69th New York Infantry

Michael was 25-years-old when he enlisted in the Irish Brigade on 27th September 1861, becoming a Private in Company E. At 14 Mulberry Street back in the Five Points he left behind his 33-year-old wife Mary, together with his stepson Jeremiah (McNamara) who was 10, stepdaughter Hester aged 8, and his daughter Mary Ann aged 3. Michael had married Mary O’Brien in New York’s Transfiguration Church on 1st January 1857. Shortly after Michael went off to war, Hester passed away, in what would prove a heartbreaking few months for the family. Michael developed a “severe cold” soon afterwards while on picket duty, and when he was removed to Douglas Hospital in D.C. he was diagnosed with Typhoid Fever. He died on 12th March 1862. Mary followed him to the grave on 4th March 1879.

[image error] Thomas Mack, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Mack, 20th Massachusetts Infantry

Mayo native Thomas Mack was a 35-year-old painter when he enlisted in what became the Harvard Regiment on 22nd July 1861. Assigned to Company H, he was described as 5 feet 7 and a half inches tall with brown hair, grey eyes and a light complexion. Promoted to Sergeant, he was taken prisoner at the Battle of Ball’s Bluff on 21st October 1861 and confined in Richmond from 24th October. By the time he was exchanged at the James River on 20th February 1862 his health had been compromised. Diagnosed with pneumonia, he was confined to Columbian College Hospital in D.C., where he died on 8th March 1862.

[image error] Dennis Hogan, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Dennis Hogan, 2nd United States Infantry

Dennis was born in Co. Cork. The 29-year-old carpenter enlisted in the Regulars in Philadelphia on 20th July 1861. He was 5 feet 8 and a half inches tall with blue eyes, brown hair and a ruddy complexion. Assigned to Company K of the 2nd, Dennis appears to have struggled with an alcohol addiction. He was admitted to the Circle Hospital in Washington D.C. in early 1862, where he passed away on 15th February from “Delirium Tremens”.

[image error] Thomas Brennan, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Brennan, 69th New York Infantry

Little is known about Thomas prior to his enlistment in the Irish Brigade. He was 21-years-old when he joined up on 9th November 1861, becoming a Private in Company F. Not long afterwards he contracted Typhoid Fever and was confined in Washington’s Douglas Hospital, where he passed away on 24th March 1862.

[image error] Patrick FItzsimmons, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Patrick Fitzsimmons, 71st New York Infantry

Born in Ireland around 1823, Patrick married fellow Irish emigrant Mary McGurren at St. Paul’s Catholic Church, Harlem, in January 1845. In the years that followed, the couple went on to have at least four daughters. The 1850 Census found Patrick and Mary living in New York’s 17th Ward, with children Mary (5), Catharine (2) and Margaret (2 months). Elizabeth would follow in 1853. Patrick made his living as a shoemaker before the war, but on 25th April 1861 he took the decision to enlist in the army. He became a private in Company F of the 71st New York, part of the Excelsior Brigade. Promoted to Corporal, Patrick was wounded in action at the Battle of Bristoe Station on 27th August 1862, and succumbed to his injuries at Washington’s Armory Square Hospital on 16th September 1862. His wife Mary apparently followed him to the grave on the very same day, leaving their children orphans.

[image error] James Fitzgerald, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James Fitzgerald, 53rd Pennsylvania Infantry

Irish-born James was a main support for his ageing parents both prior to and during his military service. They made their home in Carbon County, in the heart of the Pennsylvania coal region. The 21-year-old laborer had enlisted at Mauch Chunk (now Jim Thorpe), mustering into Company E of the 53rd in September 1861. He was described as 6 feet tall with grey eyes, dark hair and a fair complexion. James fell ill in February 1862, and made sure to send a note to his parents about sending them money (below). Unfortunately he would not improve– he was suffering from Typhoid Fever and passed away in Douglas General Hospital on 11th March 1862. His father died the following year.

[image error] Note that James Fitzgerald had written to his parents when he fell ill in February 1862. His hopes of recovery came to nought, he died of Typhoid Fever the following month (NARA)



[image error] James Hayes, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James Hayes, 33rd New York Infantry

Born in Ireland around 1833, James enlisted at Seneca Falls on 18th May 1861, in what became Company K of the 33rd New York, the “Irish Volunteers”. Wounded on the Virginia Peninsula in 1862, he had to undergo amputation, from which he did not recover. He died at Carver General Hospital on 12th July 1862.

[image error] John Murphy, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

John Murphy, 31st New York Infantry

John was not a young man when he was in service. Back in November 1843 he had wed his wife Honora in Mallow. Co. Cork. When they emigrated to New York they lived on Cherry Street in Manhattan. By the time John marched off to war with Company B in May 1861 the couple had three children under 16– John (14), Ellen (13) and Mary (10). Not all were left behind though, as young John went to war with his father, serving as a drummer boy in the 31st. They were likely together on the march as the Army of the Potomac pursued Lee’s army into Maryland during the Autumn of 1862. During this punishing campaign John was ordered to fall out of the ranks by the regimental doctor. While his young son continued on towards the Antietam battlefield and the bloodiest day of the Civil War, John senior was sent to the Patent Office Hospital in Washington D.C. He died there on 25th September 1862, suffering from dysentery.

[image error] Patrick Tracy, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Patrick Tracy, 5th United States Cavalry

Patrick was a 28-year-old laborer when he enlisted in the Regulars at Louisville, Kentucky on 13th February 1861. The Co. Wicklow native was described as 5 feet 8 inches tall with grey eyes, brown hair and a ruddy complexion. Assigned to Company G of the 5th Cavalry, he died in early June 1862 at Columbian Hospital in D.C.

[image error] Patrick Boylan, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Patrick Boylan, 9th Massachusetts Infantry

Irish emigrant Patrick mustered into Company E of the famed ethnic unit at Boston on 11th June 1861. He was 22-years-old. His regiment were heavily engaged at the Battle of Malvern Hill on 1st July 1862, and Patrick went down when a bullet struck him in the left knee joint. Removed to Cliffburne Hospital in D.C. for treatment, he died there at 11am on 13th July.

[image error] Patrick Glennon, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Patrick Glennon, 1st Pennsylvania Light Artillery

Patrick Glennon had married his wife Margaret Hughes in Castlejordan, Co. Meath in 1841. By the time of the Civil War they were living in Philadelphia, where they had six children under 16: Patrick Junior (b. 1849), Mary Ann (b. 1851), James (b. 1853), Michael (b. 1855), Ellen (b. 1857) and William (b. 1859). Patrick enrolled in Battery D of the 1st Pennsylvania Light on 1st June 1861. As his unit fell back to Harrison’s Landing during the Peninsula Campaign Patrick fell ill, and was evacuated to hospital in Washington D.C. There he was confirmed as having contracted Typhoid Fever, from which he died on 6th July.

[image error]Patrick Murphy, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Patrick Murphy, 20th Connecticut Infantry

In 1860 there was little sign of the tragedy that lay in the Murphy family’s immediate future. The census found Irish emigrant painter Patrick (25) and his wife Julia (30) living in Derby, New Haven, Connecticut, making their home with their young children Mary (3) and Thomas (9 months). The couple, who had married in Bridgeport in 1856, were soon welcoming another addition to the family with Michael being born in October 1861. Almost a year later Patrick decided to enlist, joining Company F of the 20th Connecticut on 8th September 1862. His military career lasted just a few months, as he fell victim to disease while in camp at Stafford Court House, Virginia on 29th May 1863, not long after the regiment had their baptism of fire at Chancellorsville. Unfortunately more tragedy was on the horizon, as Julia died the following year, on 24th November 1864. The young couple’s death left their three children orphaned– the eldest of whom had just turned 7-years-old.

[image error] Thomas Halpin, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Halpin, 140th New York Infantry

Thomas was an Irish emigrant farmer who made his home in Brighton, Monroe County, New York. He had married American-born Harriett Dewey in 1853, and by 1860 they had four children– Ann Matilda (6), David (4), Isaac (2) and Sophia (9 months). Also living with the couple were laborer Daniel O’Connell and servant Mary Parnell. Although the circumstances of her death are unknown, baby Sophia passed away at some point in the early 1860s. Whether Thomas and his family fell upon hard times is impossible to know, but when he enlisted on 25th August 1862 the 37-year-old was no longer recorded as a farmer, but as a teamster. He became a member of Company I, but shortly afterwards contracted Typhoid Fever, dying at Harewood Hospital around the 9th January 1863.

[image error] Christopher Conners, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery

Christopher Conners, 8th New York Cavalry

Christopher was born in Ireland around 1830. After his emigration to the United States he made his home in Brighton, Monroe County, New York. He married fellow Irish emigrant Julia Carroll in Rochester in November 1846. The couple had no surviving children. Christopher enlisted on 27th October 1861 in what became Company B of the 8th. He survived their early campaigns but was struck down by illness in late 1863. Christopher passed away at Camp Stoneman Hospital in D.C. on 23rd November 1863 of “Chronic Diarrhoea”.

[image error] John Clark, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

John Clark, 15th New York Cavalry

Born in Ireland around 1823, John was another of the older recruits into the Federal military. He joined Company G of the 15th New York Cavalry on 26th August 1863, and was later transferred to Company H. He was wounded by a bullet very shortly after joining up, probably at the engagement at Green Springs, Virginia on 1st November 1863. John died five days later at Camp Stoneman Hospital.

[image error] John Connor, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

John Connor, 28th Massachusetts Infantry

John was 33-years-old when he entered Company B of the Irish regiment on 28th July 1863. The emigrant laborer had elected to serve as a substitute for one William Rich. John was 5 feet 5 and a quarter inches tall with blue eyes, light hair and a dark complexion. Taken sick on the march on 10th October 1863, he was sent to the rear. In the days that followed he was reported absent without leave and eventually marked as a deserter, but in fact he had been hospitalised due to the seriousness of his condition. Confined in Lincoln Military Hospital with acute bronchitis, John Connor died at 3.50pm on 8th November 1863.

[image error]Patrick McGuire, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Patrick McGuire, 6th New York Cavalry

Patrick was born in Killurcan, Co. Roscommon around 1842. His parents Patrick Senior and Bridget McGreedy had married there in 1831. After his father had died in Ireland in 1845, Patrick and his widowed mother departed for a new life in Newark, New Jersey. The Irish emigrant enlisted in Company A of the regiment on 6th September 1861. On 14th October 1863 at Oak Hill, Virginia he was shot in the back of the neck, a wound that paralysed him. He died in Judiciary Square General Hospital on 19th October 1863– the letter the hospital Chaplain sent to his family regarding his death is reproduced below.

[image error] The letter written to Patrick McGuire’s family by the Chaplain of Judiciary Square Hospital after his death (NARA)



[image error] Hugh Donnelly, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Hugh Donnelly, 2nd New York State Militia (82nd New York Infantry)

Hugh was a 40-year-old Irish emigrant porter when he entered Federal service as First Sergeant of Company E, 2nd New York State Militia. He and his wife Mary (née Martin) lived at 567 Third Avenue in Manhattan. She was some ten years Hugh’s senior, the couple having wed in the Transfiguration Church on 4th November 1855. They had no children. Hugh was a Color Sergeant for the regiment at the Battle of Antietam on 17th September 1862, where he was gunned down with wounds in the arm and leg. These brought an end to his life at Carver General Hospital in Washington D.C. on 10th October.

[image error] Edward Kelley, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Edward Kelley, 76th New York Infantry

In 1860 Edward, a laborer, was making his home in Dundee, Yates County, New York. The 34-year-old and his wife Catharine had married in Ireland before they started a family, but as war loomed on the horizon they had four American-born children: Julia (10), Ella (8), Rena (4) and James (1). Edward enlisted at Dundee on 8th November 1861, becoming a private in Company E. His regiment were heavily engaged in the opening exchange of what would develop into the Second Battle of Bull Run, at Brawner’s Farm on 28th August 1862. Marcellus Finch, who served alongside Edward, remembered what happened there:

[Kelley was] shot through the lower limbs…[I] saw him on the ground immediately after he was so wounded…he was unable to walk…[I] assisted him in getting into a ditch out of the way…[I] never saw…Kelly afterwards…

Another comrade described Edward’s fate:

…he laid on the field unable to move for three days after his wounding and was then taken to hospital…he had suffered amputation of one of his lower limbs [his leg]…

Edward Kelley died as a result of his wounds at the Waters Warehouse General Hospital in Georgetown on 16th September 1862.

[image error] John Rorty, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

John Rorty, 1st United States Cavalry

John was from Co. Galway. The 21-year-old was described as a farmer when he enlisted in Indianapolis, Indiana on 6th November 1862. He was 5 feet 6 inches tall with grey eyes, dark hair and a ruddy complexion. Assigned to Company A of the 1st Cavalry, he survived more than a year of war before he fell foul of disease. John passed away at Camp Stoneman, Maryland on 26th January 1864 from “Chronic Diarrhoea”.

[image error] Michael Doherty, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Michael Doherty, 10th Massachusetts Infantry

Michael, an Irish-born table-cutter, mustered in as a member of Company H on 21st June 1861. In 1860 the 25-year-old had been living in Buckland, Franklin County, Massachusetts with his 23-year-old Irish emigrant wife Honora and their 2-year-old Massachusetts-born son Thomas James. Their family grew the following year, with the addition of baby daughter Margaret Cecilia. Michael and Honora (née Egan) had been married in Holyoke, Massachusetts on 20th June 1857. Michael was admitted to Columbia College Hospital on 24th August 1861 suffering from an intermitted fever that was ultimately diagnosed as Typhoid. He passed away on 17th September 1861. Honora’s pension is significant, as it was the first resulting from the 1862 act to be supplied to an Irish emigrant. Her Certificate number was five– she was the first of tens of thousands of Irish emigrants to be assigned such a number.

[image error] John Dulenty, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

John Dulenty, 30th New York Infantry

Born in Ireland, John Dulenty was a 20-year-old laborer when he opted to join up, enlisting in Troy on 10th May 1861. Mustering into service as a member of Company H, John was described as having grey eyes, black hair and a light complexion. He was 5 feet 9 and a half inches tall. John was wounded in action at the Second Battle of Bull Run on 30th August 1862, and was removed to Eckington General Hospital, where he died on 19th September.

[image error] James Dunlap, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James Dunlap, 6th United States Infantry

James was born in Co. Armagh, and was a career soldier. His last enlistment came on 5th April 1858, when he was 34-years-old. Signing on in St. Louis, Missouri, he was described as 5 feet 10 inches tall with grey eyes, brown hair and a fair complexion. He served in Companies A and H of the 6th Infantry. He died only a few months short of the end of his term, having suffered a gunshot wound, most probably at the Battle of Fredericksburg. His end came at Finley Hospital in Washington D.C. on 19th December 1862.

[image error] Stephen Hogan, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Stephen Hogan, 108th New York Infantry

Stephen had married fellow Irish emigrant Catherine Moran in St. Mary’s Church, Rochester in the summer of 1859. On 6th July 1861 their first child, baby Edward, arrived. A coachman by occupation, Stephen was 29-years-old when he chose to enlist. He mustered into Company D of the regiment on 27th July 1862, and was described as 5 feet 4 and a half inches tall with blue eyes, brown hair and a florid complexion. Stephen died in Armory Square Hospital, Washington D.C. on 5th January 1863 suffering from Chronic Diarrhoea. Like many poor widows, it was not long before Catherine remarried, wedding another Irishman in 1866.

[image error] Patrick Rogan, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Patrick Rogan, 23rd United States Infantry

Patrick was a native of Co. Leitrim. He was a 20-year-old bartender when he entered the army in New York City on 6th October 1865. He was 5 feet 6 inches tall with hazel eyes, brown hair and a fair complexion. Initially assigned to the 14th U.S., he moved to Company A of the 23rd, rising to the rank of Corporal along the way. He was discharged at Camp Three Forks in Indian Territory on 6th October 1868. He was not interred in the Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery until his death more than 50 years later, where he was laid to rest beside many of his countrymen who had been placed in their graves during the early 1860s. Patrick is not the only Irish veteran of the wars against the Native Americans buried here– the Soldiers’ and Airmen’s Home National Cemetery is the final resting place of a number of Irishmen who received the Medal of Honor for their actions during this bloody period.

[image error] Patrick Haughey, Soldiers’ and Airmen’s Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Patrick Haughey, United States Army

Not all the Irish in the cemetery enlisted in the 1860s. One example is Patrick Haughey, who was born in Meigh, Co. Armagh in February 1861. He emigrated to the United States in August 1882, settling first in Chicago before joining the army. He was naturalised in Washington D.C. in January 1892. Patrick served with the Hospital Corps in Cuba during the Spanish-American War in 1898 and was assigned to duties in France during 1920-21. A resident of the Soldiers’ Home, he passed away there on 16th June 1935.

[image error] The passport image Patrick used in 1924 when he visited family in Ireland and Britain



[image error] Michael O’Connor, Soldiers’ Home National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Michael O’Connor, Medical Department

There are even Irish-born emigrant veterans of the Second World War at the Soldiers’ and Airmen’s Home National Cemetery. There are few available details regarding Michael’s life and service. His birthdate suggests he may be the Michael O’Connor from Kilmanihan near Knocknagoshel, Co. Kerry who arrived in the United States in 1921, and who petitioned for naturalisation in 1927. As with Patrick Rogan, Michael rests within yards of many of his countrymen–most of whom pre-deceased him by more than 100 years.

The post A Walk Among Storied Tombstones: Revealing Washington D.C.’s Most Significant Irish Diaspora Site? appeared first on Irish in the American Civil War.

Reorienting Perceptions of Irish American Service– A Case Study of New York Zouaves at Second Bull Run

Historically, we have tended to view the Irish American experience of the Civil War through the lens of ethnic formations such as the Irish Brigade and Corcoran’s Irish Legion. Yet of the c. 250,000 ethnic Irishmen who donned Union blue during the fighting, only a tiny proportion did so in such regiments. As I am wont to stress, we need to raise our view beyond these ethnic units if we want to gain a fuller, more complete understanding of how Irish America experienced the conflict, and responded to the war as it developed. In order to demonstrate this, I want to examine the desperate struggles of a single, small Federal brigade during one day of battle from an Irish perspective. This brigade contained no Irish units– yet their list of dead was laden with Irish Americans. The battlefield I have selected is that of Second Bull Run. Fought in late August 1862, few “ethnic” Irish regiments suffered major losses there. Yet the scale of involvement of men drawn from major urban areas–particularly New York City–guaranteed it was a devastatingly costly experience for Irish America. This was nowhere truer than on the portion of the field held by the 5th and 10th New York Infantry.

[image error] Men of the 10th New York “National Zouaves” at Fortress Monroe (Cowtan)

The afternoon of 30th August 1862 found the small brigade of Colonel Gouverneur K. Warren located near Groveton, deployed in support of Lieutenant Charles Hazlett’s Battery D of the 5th United States Artillery. Warren’s command consisted of c. 1050 men of the 10th New York Infantry, known as the “National Zouaves”, and the 5th New York Infantry, known as “Duryée’s Zouaves”. Neither of them were “Irish” units. Rather their formation was strongly influenced by the Zouave craze that swept through the North in the wake of the charismatic Elmer Ellsworth, immediately prior to the conflict. While we don’t view them as “Irish”, as with dozens of other Federal units geography guaranteed a strong Irish representation within their ranks. Both regiments had primarily recruited in Manhattan, home to the largest ethnic Irish community in the United States– a community that would be proportionately over-represented within the Union military. (1)

[image error] The position of Hazlett’s Battery on the Second Bull Run battlefield, 30th August 1862. The 5th and 10th New York Infantry were positioned in the area where the modern woods are located beyond the artillery piece (Damian Shiels).

As the 30th August 1862 wore on, it looked as if Warren’s brigade may escape serious fighting. Six of the 10th New York’s ten companies were deployed as skirmishers facing west on Lewis Lane, where they were involved in some desultory exchanges with their Rebel counterparts. Suddenly, a little after 4pm, their enemy stirred. The grayclad skirmishers began to surge forward, followed moments later by an overwhelming Confederate battle line. Where all had seemed relatively calm just moments before, Warren’s small brigade was now facing into the teeth of a massive Rebel assault. With battle flags and banners arrayed along their lines, thousands of Longstreet’s Corps bore down on the New Yorker’s position. Leading the Southerners into the fray were the famed fighters of the Texas Brigade. (2)

[image error] Looking beyond Hazlett’s position to the west and towards the crossroads at Groveton. The road just visible in the middle distance running from right to left was Lewis Lane, where skirmishers of the 10th New York first came face to face with the massed Confederate assault (Damian Shiels)

The sight must have been awe-inspiring and terrifying in almost equal measure for the men of the 10th. It’s unlikely that in the mere seconds before contact their minds had a chance to turn to home, but plenty of them may have spent time earlier that day conjuring images of family and friends back in New York. Former machinist John Johnston had likely thought of his young 21-year-old wife Catherine (née Duggan), whom he had wed just over two years before. The couple had not yet started a family by the time John had marched off to war. Sam McMullen would have worried for his daughter’s future. Like many step-migrants, he had spent time in England, where he married fellow Irish emigrant Sarah Reed in Liverpool in 1854. They had emigrated to New York in 1855 aboard the City of Mobile, but their American dream soon withered on the vine. Perhaps sparked by the death of their baby daughter Margaret, the couple’s relationship began to collapse. A second daughter, born in May 1858, had also been named Margaret “in memory of the first child.” After Sam had enlisted, Sarah moved in with another Irish emigrant, named Charles Duffy. The New York Zouave had discovered her adultery when he went home on furlough at Christmas 1861. The breakdown of the family complete, the couple’s young daughter had gone to live with a friend of Sam’s, the girl having apparently been “abandoned” by her mother. Such was the sorry situation for the McMullens as the Rebel yell pierced the air and descended on the 10th New York skirmishers. Neither Johnston or McMullen would survive contact with the Texas Brigade. For them and the rest of the National Zouaves, there was “barely time to discharge their pieces once before the rebels were almost upon them.” Their efforts at orderly retreat to the main line quickly turned into a mad dash for safety, with screaming Rebels thundered after them. (3)

[image error] Alfred Waud’s sketch of the ordeal of the 5th and 10th New York at Second Bull Run on 30th August 1862 (Library of Congress)

As the 10th’s skirmishers scrambled for the dubious safety of the main line, they partially blocked the field of fire of the hastily assembled 5th New York’s left, who’s view of events was already obscured due to a wood in their front. The 10th’s reserve companies moved into line beside the 5th, in an effort to extend the position and to give their fleeing skirmishers a rallying point. Nonetheless, given what the 5th were facing, they had little choice but to commence firing before the last of their brigade comrades were clear. With the Confederates threatening to engulf the position, the 5th opened up. An officer of the 10th felt he and his men “could not blame them [the 5th], for the ‘rebs’ followed us up so close in line of battle that they were fairly upon our heels.” More of the skirmishers fell, while many others kept running. The shock of the assault and converging Confederate fire quickly threatened the complete collapse of the 10th. Color Sergeant William Duff, the son of Irish emigrants who had married in St. Patrick’s Cathedral in 1837, crumpled under the regimental flag. He died nine days later while being evacuated to Alexandria aboard the steamer Knickerbocker. The regimental standard was seized by Sergeant Daniel Dougherty, who was immediately “riddled by bullets”, succumbing 18 days later in a Washington D.C. hospital. Ultimately, the colors fell into the hands of the 18th Georgia Infantry. Irish Americans were dropping everywhere. John “Tailor” MacHale–his nickname apparently an allusion to the profession that employed so many of the New York Irish–was another to be gunned down. The fighting was so ferocious, so confused, and so quick, that few knew just who was left dead or alive. William Johnson hadn’t witnessed the fate of Irish Sergeant Alexander Finlay, but was told that evening by another soldier that he had seen the Irishman “in the fight and…that he saw him killed the person[‘s] name who told me I can[not] recollect. It was generally understood in the Regiment that…Finly was killed in that Battle.” Finlay, who effectively disappeared in these catastrophic few minutes, had married fellow Irish emigrant Nancy McQuillan when they were both 21 in 1857. His death left his young widow to care alone for their four-year-old son Alexander Junior. (4)

[image error] The Monument to the 10th New York, located where they fought on 30th August 1862 (Damian Shiels)

Enveloped in front and increasingly on flank, the 10th’s defence inevitably collapsed. They began to stream away to the east across Young’s Branch and towards Chinn Ridge. Some managed to drag the occasional wounded man with them. One of those lucky few was Corporal Hugh Reilly, from Castlerahan, Co. Cavan. His parents had married there in 1836, emigrating when he was a baby in 1842. Another with a troubled home background, his parents were effectively estranged, with Hugh’s mother Mary Ann accusing his father Charles of periodical abandonment through the 1850s and 1860s. Hugh’s father was also a Union soldier, having lied about his age to serve in the 1st New York Engineers. His son Hugh’s battlefield reprieve was shortlived. He died from his injuries nine days after the battle. 20-year-old Thomas McAvoy was similarly taken from the field, and similarly had challenges at home. His parents had married in Galway in 1842, and after his father’s death his mother Mary had remarried. Her new husband had soon abandoned her and her young family before the war. Thomas hung on until 24th October 1862. The next month Mary received the following letter:

U.S. General Hospital

Prince St. Alexandria Va.

Nov 21 1862

Dear Madam

I opened your letter received this day i[n] order to return and answer it. Your son Thomas McAvoy (Private Co F 10th NY Vols) died at this Hospital Oct 24th 1862 from the affects of a gunshot wound and was buried near Alexandria

Yours Resptly

Your Obedient Svt

A.R. Carson

Hospital Steward

U.S.A. (5)

[image error] The building that served as Prince Street Hospital in Alexandria, Virginia during the Civil War. Thomas McAvoy died here from wounds he sustained at Second Bull Run on 30th August 1862 (Damian Shiels)

Whilst bad enough for the 10th New York, the collapse of the National Zouaves was a disaster for the 5th. Already taking horrific losses, they were now subjected to a brutal enfilading fire raking their line. The ordeal for the 5th had begun to ramp up from the moment the 10th’s skirmishers had engaged the Confederate assault. Stray bullets began to slam into their main line. Pennsylvanian-born Irish American Patrick Brady “fell without saying a word…was dragged a few paces to the rear where he undid his body belt himself. He died there without a complaint.” Only moments passed before three Rebel regiments advancing behind the fleeing skirmishers started to pour lead into the Duryée’s Zouave’s line. It was the need to respond to this devastating onslaught that prompted the order to commence firing, despite the predicament of some of the skirmishers. Little wonder, as the enemy were now within 100 yards, and more and more of the brightly attired zouaves were beginning to crumple. One recalled the situation, as “the balls began to fly like hail from the woods…their fire directly increasing into one unceasing rattle, the air was full of deadly missiles; it was a continual hiss and sluck, the last sound telling that the bullet had gone into some man’s body.” (6)

[image error] A member of the 5th New York in their distinctive uniform (Library of Congress)

The near envelopment of the 5th caused what was, in very real terms, a slaughter. Among the many who faced it were classic representatives of ethnic Irish “step migrants”. These were those men born into Irish families in Britain and Canada who usually regarded themselves as ethnically Irish, but who tend not to be counted among the Irish American contribution to the war [the classic exemplar of this type of Irish American is Canadian-born Peter Welsh, of the 28th Massachusetts]. The most notable at Bull Run was Frank Spellman, a member of England’s Irish community. Frank had married Irish emigrant Fanny Doyle in Manchester in 1860 prior to their move to America. On 30th August 1862, the carver and gilder demonstrated the patriotic fervour that many recent ethnic Irish emigrants displayed in the cause of Union. Serving as Color Sergeant, Frank was struck seven times and was “bleeding from every pore” yet he succeeded in saving the regiment’s colors. Unfortunately, operations undertaken to save his life failed. A comrade remembered that “shot all to pieces at Manassas…he died trying to hum a hymn” [for another example of this form of patriotism, which played out only shortly afterwards on Chinn Ridge, see the story of Mike Brady, Color Bearer of the 75th Ohio, here]. (7)

[image error] Irish American Frank Spellman of the 5th New York (Davenport)

The 5th New York’s line began to dissolve, but some refused to yield. Six foot two inch Sergeant William McDowell from “Kilmoor” in Ireland (possibly Co. Wexford), a former bartender and fireman with New York’s Washington Truck Company No. 9, had been struck in the torso but kept his place when he might have sought relief in the rear. Although he supported his widowed mother back in New York, in the heat of battle his commitment to duty remained paramount. He was soon felled where he stood, taking a bullet to the forehead. John Hearn was another who faced the torrent of death flung at the New Yorkers. His widowed mother Bridget waited for news of her youngest son more than 5000 km away in Raheen, Co. Waterford. Her son had been a coachman in New York for four years prior to joining up, and had regularly remitted money across the Atlantic to her. This was something he continued from the ranks of the zouaves, but all aid stopped when his lifeless body slumped to the ground on the little knoll where the 5th made their stand. (8)

[image error] The National Park Service information panel at New York Avenue, where the 5th and 10th New York fought (Damian Shiels–Click to Enlarge)

Those who could escape from this “Vortex of Hell” attempted to do so, following on the heels of the 10th New York. How far Patrick Bergen, got–if he got anywhere–remains unknown. The Moyne, Co. Tipperary native had emigrated to America with his parents, but his end came at Second Bull Run. His twin brother Martin was then serving with the 62nd New York Infantry. Martin afterwards claimed that when the 5th was falling back from Bull Run he met them and asked the adjutant about his brother. He was told his twin had been killed and that “the enemy had his body.” Inquiries with other members of the regiment confirmed this news. Their father, who had been partially blinded and permanently disabled by a gunpowder explosion and rock fall during an 1854 quarry blast, received a pension based on Patrick’s service. (9)

[image error] The National Park Service information panel detailing the Confederate Counterattack that assailed the Zouave position. The monuments of the 5th and 10th New York are visible in the background (Damian Shiels-Click to Enlarge)

Incredibly, the experience of the 5th and 10th New York Zouaves lasted less than ten minutes. The disparity in numbers between attackers and defenders insured that the casualties were simply breathtaking. According to the regimental history of the 10th New York, in a “cleared space of five or six acres…the bright red uniforms of Duryee’s Zouaves, and the blue blouses of our own regiment, covered the ground thickly.” The 10th New York suffered at least 37 fatalities during the engagement. The 5th New York’s losses were mind-boggling. Of their c. 550 men, 300 became casualties, at least 120 being killed or mortally wounded. Their suffering represents the greatest number of fatalities sustained by a Union regiment in a single battle during the entire Civil War. (10)

[image error] The monument to the 5th New York Infantry, Duryée’s Zouaves, on the Second Bull Run battlefield. It was placed where the colors had stood during the engagement (Damian Shiels)

Beyond looking at some of the personal stories associated with Irish Americans in the Zouaves, I wanted to gain some insight into just how many of the killed and mortally wounded were drawn from Irish American communities. With this in mind I turned to the fatalities named in the regimental histories and analysed each of the names using a combination of nativity data and surname analysis. Given the fact that many Irishmen carried surnames that were not distinctly “Irish”, this method almost always underestimates Irish ethnicity. It should also be noted that the lists provided in the regimental histories are not entirely accurate. Nonetheless, this approach does allow us to gain an impression of just how an action such as this–one that did not involve “Irish” units–could impact the ethnic Irish.

10th New York Infantry “National Zouaves“

Of the 37 men of the 10th listed as killed or mortally wounded, 17 of them–just under 46%–have indicators of Irish American ethnicity (Table 1).

REGIMENTCOMPANYTOTAL LOSTIRISH AMERICAN?10 New York InfantryA7110 New York InfantryC5110 New York InfantryE1110 New York InfantryF3110 New York InfantryG3210 New York InfantryH4110 New York InfantryI9510 New York InfantryK553717

Table 1. Potential Irish American fatalities in the 10th New York at Second Bull Run (Damian Shiels)

5th New York Infantry “Duryée’s Zouaves”

The 5th New York had less of an Irish American character, but still contained significant indicators of Irish American ethnicity. Of the 123 men compiled in that list, at least 29 of them were Irish Americans, almost 24% of the total, or one in four (Table 2).

REGIMENTCOMPANYTOTAL
LOSTIRISH AMERICAN?5 New York InfantryA505 New York InfantryB1745 New York InfantryC1425 New York InfantryD1325 New York InfantryE1645 New York InfantryF1125 New York InfantryG1445 New York InfantryH935 New York InfantryI1265 New York InfantryK1125 New York InfantryUnknown1012329

Table 2. Potential Irish American fatalities in the 5th New York at Second Bull Run (Damian Shiels)

As outlined above, there is little doubt that these totals underestimate the Irish American ethnic element among the Zouave dead. Despite this, a little less than one in every two of the 10th New York’s fatalities, and a little less than one in four of the 5th New York fatalities were likely Irish American. This translates into almost 50 dead, creating a ripple effect that would have impacted and influenced hundreds among New York’s Irish American community.

[image error] An open field at the time of the battle, the men of the 5th New York descended this slope towards Young’s Branch as they sought to escape the slaughter in the “Vortex of Hell” (Damian Shiels)

The purpose of this “deep dive” into the fate of two regiments during a single afternoon of the war has been to demonstrate the centrality of such experiences–replicated hundreds of times across the 1861-1865 warzone–to the story of Irish American involvement in the conflict. The fortunes of ethnic Irish American formations dominated the small number of Irish American newspapers in operation during the Civil War, and had a disproportionate impact on contemporary Irish American opinion. Nonetheless, while extremely important, these ethnic regiments have been far too dominant in influencing how we perceive, discuss and remember Irish American involvement today. The engagements that truly rocked Irish American communities were those battles where regiments drawn from major urban centres– particularly from New York, Brooklyn, Philadelphia and Boston– suffered major losses. This was true no matter the character or “ethnicity” of the unit involved. Undoubtedly, there were few days worse for the New York Irish than those at the very end of the summer of 1862, near the old battlefield of Bull Run.

A postscript to the experience of these Irish Zouave is the story of another of their number, Martin Lawless. The Company I private was not with his comrades on the Bull Run battlefield on 30th August 1862. Yet it was also a day his family would remember. Martin’s parents had married in Rahoon, Galway in 1838. After their emigration, Martin’s mother died in New York in 1849. The boy headed out to work at an early age, going to a printing office at twelve, before moving to a porter’s position at 406 Broadway aged thirteen. In 1858 he relocated to New Haven, Connecticut to take up an opportunity as a clerk in a grocery store. But he was back in New York to become a National Zouave during the war, serving in the ranks until 6th August 1862. It was then, at Harrison’s Landing, that Martin took ill with Typhoid Fever. Hospitalised, he lingered on for 24 days, passing away in Newport News, Virginia on the very day that his friends and comrades were being gunned down in their droves near Groveton. It was not only Rebel bullets that brought death to Irish Americans during the American Civil War. Battles brought intermittent, intense, sharp shocks to these urban communities, but it was disease that sounded the constant low drumbeat of loss for Irish America through the great struggle of the 1861-65.

[image error] The grave of Martin Lawless, Hampton National Cemetery (Ron Stewart, Find A Grave)

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Appendix–Known and Probable Irish Americans KIA/Mortally Wounded with the 5th and 10th New York Infantry at Second Bull Run, 30th August 1862

NAMEREGIMENTCOMPANYBergen, Patrick5 New York InfantryBBlake, Richard5 New York InfantryEBradley, John5 New York InfantryIBrady, James5 New York InfantryEBrady, Patrick5 New York InfantryGCabe, John5 New York InfantryIColeman, Denis10 New York InfantryICollins, Charles5 New York InfantryBDillon, Edward5 New York InfantryIDougherty, Daniel10 New York InfantryKDuff, William10 New York InfantryIFinlay, Alexander10 New York InfantryKFlynn, William5 New York InfantryFFoley, John10 New York InfantryCHannon, John5 New York InfantryIHearn, John5 New York InfantryIHeffernan, John5 New York InfantryHJohnson, John10 New York InfantryIKavanagh, George10 New York InfantryIKent, John5 New York InfantryHKerr, John5 New York InfantryEKiernan, Patrick10 New York InfantryKMacHale, John10 New York InfantryAMahon, John5 New York InfantryDMallin, Henry10 New York InfantryEMcAvoy, Thomas10 New York InfantryFMcCarty, James5 New York InfantryDMcCauley, Denis5 New York InfantryCMcDowell, William5 New York InfantryGMcGeehan, George5 New York InfantryEMcGirr, Edward5 New York InfantryFMcKenna, Patrick5 New York InfantryBMcLoughlin, Charles10 New York InfantryKMcMullens, Samuel10 New York InfantryIMilligan, John5 New York InfantryIMulkey, William10 New York InfantryGO’Brien, Denis5 New York InfantryCPlumb, Francis5 New York InfantryKReilly, Hugh10 New York InfantryGRooney, Thomas5 New York InfantryGRyan, Patrick10 New York InfantryKShannon, William5 New York InfantryKSpellman, Francis5 New York InfantryGSullivan, John10 New York InfantryHUssher, James5 New York InfantryHWhite,
John5 New York InfantryB

References

(1) Hennessy 1999: 366-373, Pohanka 2012: 366-273; (2) Ibid., Cowtan 1882; (3) Johnston Pension File, McMullen Pension File, Cowtan 1882; (4) Hennessy 1999, Pohanka 2012, Cowtan 1882, Duff Pension File, Finlay Pension File; (5) Reilly Pension File, McAvoy Pension File; (6) Hennessy 1999, Pohanka 2012, Daveport 1879; (7) Ibid., Spellman Pension File; (8) Pohnaka 2012, Davenport 1879, McDowell Pension File, Hearn Pension File; (9) Bergen Pension File; (10) Cowtan 1882, Pohanka 2012;

Widow’s and Dependent’s Pension Files of the 5th and 10th New York Infantry.

Cowtan, Charles W. 1882. Services of the Tenth New York Volunteers (National Zouaves) in the War of the Rebellion.

Davenport, Alfred 1879. Camp and Field Life of the Fifth New York Volunteer Infantry.

Hennessy, John 1999. Return to Bull Run: The Battle and Campaign of Second Manassas.

Pohanka, Brian 2012. Vortex of Hell: History of the Fifth New York Volunteer Infantry.

The post Reorienting Perceptions of Irish American Service– A Case Study of New York Zouaves at Second Bull Run appeared first on Irish in the American Civil War.

A Walk Among Storied Tombstones: The Irish of Alexandria National Cemetery

The latest instalment of the series focuses on Alexandria National Cemetery, which I visited on my recent trip to the United States. The majority of burials relate to men who died of illness or injuries in one of Alexandria’s many Union hospitals between 1862 and 1864. As usual, I wandered among the headstones to capture images of the headstones of those with Irish names, with the intent of researching some of their stories afterwards. This post presents just a handful of them, providing some indication of the number of Irish dead interred here. For many, the immigrant journey that set them on the road to Alexandria National Cemetery began with the Great Famine a decade previously. Their varied stories and experiences help to paint a picture of the sheer breadth of Irish service in the Union military.

[image error]John Stack, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

John Stack, 13th Massachusetts Infantry

John was born in Ireland around 1842. His work career was typical of many Irish, being both varied and volatile. In the two years prior to enlistment he had spent time as a plumber, in the bread baking business, and employed at the Boston Navy Yard. He also enlisted in Boston, becoming a member of Company D of the 13th Massachusetts on 6th July 1861, where he served as a wagoner. Two of his brothers also served in the military. John succumbed to typhoid fever in Alexandria on 23rd July 1862. His father Garrett, whose personal property was “not worth a shilling”, successfully applied for a pension to help support John’s younger sister Catherine after his death.

[image error]Jeremiah Coughlan, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Jeremiah Coughlan, 27th New York Infantry

Jeremiah was born in Kilcrohane, in the west of Co. Cork around 1841. His parents had married in Durrus in 1833. The entire family emigrated to New York state in 1845. A laborer before enlisting, Jeremiah was described as being 5 feet 6 1/2 inches tall with auburn hair, blue eyes and a sandy complexion. On 21st September 1861 he enlisted in Mount Morris, Livingston County, and was mustered in as a Private in Company H of the 27th New York at Elmira. He died of Typhoid Fever in Alexandria on 19th May 1862, leaving behind his elderly parents Daniel and Mary.

[image error]Thomas Hickey, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Hickey, 73rd Pennsylvania Infantry

Thomas was born in Ireland around 1812. He was not a young man when he enlisted, being at least 49-years-old when he mustered into service in Company G of the 73rd in August 1861. At home he left his Irish wife Eliza, whom he had married in St. Joseph’s Church, Philadelphia in 1844. Prior to his service the couple had lived in Philadelphia’s Tenth Ward, where John worked as a tailor to support Eliza and their seven children. Their youngest, Francis, was still a toddler when his father went to war. Thomas was struck in the thigh during the fighting at the Battle Second Bull Run, and died from his injuries in Alexandria’s Fairfax Street Hospital on 29th September 1862.

[image error]Copy of the Hickey family record, showing the births of some of their younger children (NARA)



[image error]Anthony Corbit, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Anthony Corbit, 12th New York Infantry

Anthony was born in “Tallman Road”, Kilkee, Co. Clare, and had just turned 18-years-old when he enlisted in December 1861. He became a Private in Company I of the 12th New York. Anthony’s parents had married in Clare in 1836, where his father Thomas had died during the Famine in 1848 or 1849. Thomas’s widow Margret and Anthony emigrated to America in 1851. Prior to joining the army Anthony had worked as a farm laborer around Onondaga County. He died of Typhoid Fever in the U.S. General Hospital, 3rd Division, Alexandria on 24th May 1862. His mother Margaret, who worked as a domestic, received a pension after his death.

[image error]Thomas McAvoy, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas McAvoy, 10th New York Infantry

Thomas was just over 19-years-old when he enlisted in Company F of the regiment in December 1861. He had been born in Co. Galway, where his parents had married in 1842. Mortally wounded at the Battle of Second Bull Run, when his regiment was overrun by a massive Confederate assault, Thomas died in the U.S. General Hospital on Prince St., Alexandria on 24th October 1862.

[image error]Mike Brady, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Mike Brady, 75th Ohio Infantry

Mike Brady was a Famine-era emigrant from Ireland. His parents had been married in the “Priest House in County Cavan near Old Castle” in 1829. Mike was born around 1840; he emigrated with his father to America sometime after his mother’s death during the Famine in 1848. In the United States Mike took up the blacksmithing trade, before joining Company A of the 75th Ohio in Cincinnati in December 1861. His battlefield performances earned him the honour of carrying the 75th’s National Flag, and he was shot down while bearing it aloft at the Second Battle of Bull Run. He died of his injuries at Alexandria’s Prince Street Hospital on 9th September 1862. Mike was long remembered by his comrades in arms, and his story has been the subject of a detailed post on the site, which you can read here.

[image error]Barney Brady, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Barney Brady, 36th New York Infantry

Although Barney claimed to be 39-years-old when he enlisted into Company D in New York on 17 June 1861, he was actually 45. The laborer was described as 5 feet 8 inches tall, with blue eyes, sandy hair and a fair complexion. Barney had married his wife Catherine Meehan in Co. Cavan at the height of the Famine in 1848. When Barney went to war, he left behind two children- his youngest son William was not yet four-years-old. Barney died on 12th December 1862 of Chronic Diarrhoea.

[image error]Confirmation note written by Barney’s Captain which allowed his wife Catherine to claim relief in New York while he was in service (NARA)




[image error]Michael Collins, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Michael Collins, 6th New Jersey Infantry

Michael, a native of Co. Wexford, was 50-years-old when he enlisted in Company E in August 1861. A tailor by profession, he was described as five feet four inches tall, with grey eyes, a fair complexion and grey hair. In 1848 he had married Mary Lyon in New York’s famous Transfiguration Church; the couple’s daughter Catherine was born in 1852. Michael fell ill in late 1862, and was discharged from the service on 5th December from Fairfax Seminary Hospital suffering from chronic diarrhoea. He was immediately admitted to Alexandria’s Mansion House hospital (recently made famous by the television series Mercy Street), where he died on 10th December 1862.

[image error]Daniel Murphy, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Daniel Murphy, 36th New York Infantry

In 1862 Daniel lived at No.3 Mission Place in New York with his wife Honora and their children John (10), Michael (4) and Dennis (1). At least one of their other children appears to have died during the war. The couple had married in Ireland in 1845 before their emigration. Daniel was enrolled in Company K of the 36th on 7th October 1862, but fell ill as he made his way to the regiment. He was left in hospital in Alexandria, where he died on 9th December.

[image error]Confirmation provided to Daniel Murphy on his enlistment that he was in service, allowing his family to claim relief (NARA)



[image error]Thomas Scully, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Scully, 69th New York Infantry

Born in Ireland, Thomas was 25-years-old when he enlisted in Company H of the 69th New York, Irish Brigade, on 17th September 1861. He was quickly appointed First Sergeant. Thomas had only recently married, having wed Elizabeth Aherne in St. Stephen’s Church, New York on 9th March 1860. His son John was born on 1st February 1861. Thomas’s service did not last long. He died of ascites (a build up of fluid in the abdomen) in Alexandria on 14th April 1862.

[image error]The fate of timing meant that Thomas Scully was laid to rest beside a fellow member of the Irish Brigade. 35-year-old Jeremiah Sullivan of the 63rd New York had died of disease the day before Thomas in the Mansion House Hospital (Damian Shiels)



[image error]Thomas Lane, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Lane, 6th New York Heavy Artillery

Thomas was yet another who lied about his age to enlist. When he joined up with Company F in Yonkers on 18th August 1862 he claimed to be 30-years-old, but was actually around 47. The Irish-born laborer left behind his wife Mary–who he had married in Westchester County in 1855–and their two daughters Mary, who was around 7, and Kate, who was 5. Thomas was shot at Spotsylvania Court House on 19th May 1864, and died of his injuries in Alexandria on 28th May.

[image error]Joseph Dougherty, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Joseph Dougherty, 69th New York Infantry

Joseph Dougherty was the epitome of a dedicated Irish Brigade veteran. The Nobber, Co. Meath native had enlisted as a Company A Corporal in the 69th in September 1861, when he was 26-years-old. Prior to enlisting Joseph had worked as a stone cutter in New York, living with and supporting his widowed mother Elizabeth. The family appear to have emigrated around the time of the Famine, as Joseph’s father had died in New York in 1853. The Meathman witnessed all the trials of the Irish Brigade during the war, and was clearly an excellent soldier. He was promoted to First Sergeant in Company B, in which capacity he was wounded in Gettysburg’s Wheatfield on 2nd July 1863. He recovered and re-enlisted in time for the Overland Campaign. Joseph’s luck ran out near the Po River on 10th May 1864, when he was struck by shell fragments. The veteran volunteer died of his wounds at the 3rd Division Hospital in Alexandria on 26th May.

[image error]Garrett Sheehan, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Garrett Sheehan, 164th New York Infantry

The 164th New York were the zouave regiment in Corcoran’s Irish Legion. Garrett Sheehan was at most 21-years-old when he enlisted in Potsdam, becoming a member of Company A on 3rd September 1862. He had been working on his parents recently acquired family farm in Stockholm, Saint Lawrence County prior to joining up– the birthplaces of Garrett’s younger siblings indicating that the family had left Ireland between 1852 and 1855. The young man was described as being 5 feet 9 inches in height with blue eyes, brown hair and a light complexion. He was wounded in the left foot around the 24th May 1864 and died at Alexandria’s 3rd Division Hospital on 6th June.

[image error]William McCracken, Alexandria National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

William J. McCracken, 28th New York Infantry

Thousands of Irish Americans who served in the Union forces were born in Britain, Canada or the United States. One of them was William McCracken from Alabama, Genesee County. Before his enlistment he lived at home on his Irish emigrant father John’s farm, where he was described as a cooper laborer. On 22nd May 1861 the 21-year-old enlisted in Albany, becoming a member of Company F. He was described as five feet 6 inches tall, with hazel eyes, dark hair and a fair complexion. William fell sick at Aikens Landing in September 1862, and died at Fairfax Seminary Hospital of chronic diarrhoea on 17th November.

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One Week to 69th New York at Bull Run Tour

There is only one week until our free tour of the 69th New York State Militia at the Battle of Bull Run. I have arrived Stateside, and will be spending this week researching Union Irish at the National Archives in Washington D.C. This weekend I have been on the trail of the 69th in the environs of the capital, and I am sharing a couple of those images below. If you are interested in coming along to the tour, it starts at the Stone Bridge at 9am on Saturday. For details check out Harry’s updates over at Bull Runnings, or the Facebook page for the tour here. As ever I will be concentrating on personal stories of the men and their families, and hope to share some that I have never aired before. Hopefully some of you can make it!

[image error]Healy Hall, a post-war building that is one of the dominant features of the Georgetown College campus. The 69th were billeted at Georgetown College following their arrival in the capital from Annapolis, and would remain here until advancing into Virginia (Damian Shiels)



[image error]The site of Fort Corcoran on Arlington Heights, Virginia. When the 69th advanced across the Potomac on the Aqueduct Bridge they constructed this fort and made it their camp. It was the base from which they advanced towards Bull Run, and it subsequently continued in use as part of the Washington Defences (Damian Shiels)



[image error]An area of dead ground not covered by Fort Corcoran necessitated the construction of a smaller outwork, which the 69th named Fort Haggerty. James Haggerty was Captain of Company A and served as acting Lieutenant-Colonel at Bull Run. He was the first member of the regiment to be killed in action (Damian Shiels)

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Podcast: Enduring Obligations–Transatlantic Connections Between Emigrants and Ireland

Popular perceptions of 19th century Irish emigration imagine a tearful farewell from home, as emigrants departed never to be heard from again. But in reality those who left usually maintained close ties with their home communities– ties of obligation and relationship that continued for decades. Through the personal stories of ordinary Irish emigrants, this episode explores just how vital these links were, and how they functioned.

You can listen to the new podcast below; The Forgotten Irish Podcast is also available on Soundcloud, iTunes and Spotify so please do follow there and leave a review!

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Returned Amputees: American Civil War Amputees Living in Ireland

Although proportionately very few Irish veterans of the American Civil War returned to Ireland after their service, hundreds did choose to do so. Up and down the island in the late 19th and early 20th centuries those who had served the Union could regularly be seen making their way to their local post offices for their American pensions. Some of them bore the tell-tale signs of the Civil War’s most infamous medical procedure–amputation. Indeed, it had likely been the horrendous injuries sustained on battlefields such as Fredericksburg and Antietam that had prompted their return. In a world where an inability to perform manual labour condemned many to penury, their return to Ireland offered them the potential of closer family support. The post that follows identifies some of these Civil War amputees, arranging their details alphabetically by county. 

ANTRIM

Ballykenver, Armoy: James Stewart, 1st Maryland Infantry. Right leg amputated following the Battle of Weldon Railroad, Virginia, 19th August 1864. 

James was 23-years-old laborer when he enlisted in Company K at the Relay House, Maryland on 28th May 1861. Described as 5 feet 11 inches in height, with blue eyes, light hair and a light complexion, he deserted outside Baltimore in June 1862. He voluntarily returned to the ranks in February 1864 and so was spared a court martial– on the understanding that he would complete the remaining time on his original enlistment and forfeit the pay due when he was away. This meant he had to serve through the Overland Campaign, where he sustained the wound that took his limb. The lower third of his right leg was removed following his injury, and became gangrenous, a death sentence for many men. Fortunately James’s leg responded to treatment and the Antrim native survived. His brother also seems to have served in the army– during his recovery he gave his gave his nearest relative as John Stewart who was stationed at Fort McHenry in the 2nd U.S. Artillery.

[image error]

Letter that James wrote when he was recovering from his amputation in Baltimore, seeking transfer to a Washington D.C. hospital as it was where he lived. He was illiterate, indicated by him having to make his mark at the end of the note (National Archives)

Carniny, Ballymena: Neal McIntyre, 10th Missouri Infantry. Left foot amputated following the Battle of Jackson, Mississippi, 14th May 1863.

Neal was 22-years-old when he enlisted in Company F of the regiment from Coultersville, Illinois on 1st August 1861. Prior to his service he had been working on a farm. Neal was 5 feet 10 inches tall with blue eyes, light hair and a fair complexion. He had been taken prisoner at the same time of his wounding at Jackson and later contracted measles when in hospital. He was discharged from the service at Annapolis, Maryland on 21st January 1864.

[image error]

Neal McIntyre’s Prisoner of War record, detailing his capture, imprisonment and parole by the Confederacy (National Archives)

Larne, Co. Antrim: Michael Kinney, 8th United States Infantry? Right leg amputated, engagement to be determined.

Michael served in the Regular Infantry (most probably the 8th United States Infantry). His was an “Old War” pension, so he received his monies for disability that had occurred in service prior to the American Civil War. More work is required to ascertain the precise background to his wounding.

CORK

Ballyhoold [Ballyhooly?]: William Connor, 6th New York Heavy Artillery. Left arm amputated following wounding in front of Petersburg, Virginia, 20th June 1864.

William was a 43-year-old laborer when he enlisted in Cortlandt, New York on 21st August 1862. He was 5 feet 5 inches tall with blue eyes, dark hair and a dark complexion. William received his wound on 20th June 1864 when he was shot in the arm, and the limb was subsequently amputated above the elbow. He was discharged for disability on 11th September 1865 at De Camp General Hospital in New York. William later spent time in the Eastern Branch of National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans at Togus, Maine prior to his return to Ireland.

[image error]

The Camp of the 6th New York Heavy Artillery photographed at Brandy Station, Virginia in April 1864, when William Connor was serving in the unit (Library of Congress)

Blackpool: George Church, 17th New York Infantry. Left arm amputated following Battle of Jonesboro, Georgia, 1st September 1864.

George enlisted in Company G of the 17th New York Infantry on 25th September 1863. He was a 39-year-old laborer and described as being 5 feet 11 inches in height with a ruddy complexion and blue eyes. A man who matches his description had landed in New York aboard the Victory on 19th September 1863, suggesting that George had only been in America for a matter of days before joining up. After his wounding at Jonesboro his arm was amputated about two inches above the elbow. He was treated in the U.S. Government Hospital in Atlanta until October 1864, before moving to Central Park Hospital in New York where he was discharged from the military on 20th December 1864. The condition of his stump meant that he was not able to wear an artificial arm.

Having originally lived in New York City and later with his mother in East Dedham, Massachusetts, George also spent a part of the 1870s in the Eastern Branch of the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans. He had returned to Ireland by 1879. In Blackpool he made his home at 83 York Street. When he died on 27th September 1890 he named his housemate Patrick O’Shea as his executor.

(With thanks to Breandán O’Rioghbhardain, Ann Marie Coghlan and Louise O’Connell for assistance in tracing George in Cork).

[image error]

George’s entry in the Calendar of Wills following his death in 1890, leaving £11 to his housemate in Blackpool (National Archives of Ireland)

Castlemartyr: Michael Beaty, 149th New York Infantry. Right leg amputated following the Battle of Chancellorsville, Virginia, 3rd May 1863. 

Michael Beatty (sometimes Beatty, Bates or Baty) had enlisted in Syracuse, New York on 25th August 1862. The 23-year-old laborer became a private in Company C of the 149th New York Infantry. As his regiment held the line at the Battle of Chancellorsville on 3rd May 1863 Michael was struck by a bullet in the right leg. It led to amputation three inches below the knee. After the war he lived variously at 40 Fayette Street in Syracuse, in Albany, and at a number of National Homes for Disabled Veterans in different States. He likely came back to Ireland in the 1870s. After his death, his widow Norah received a pension based on his service.

[image error]

1889 depiction of the Battle of Chancellorsville and the wounding of Stonewall Jackson. Michael Beatty of Castlemartyr lost his leg as a result of the fighting here (Kurz & Allison)

1 Old Street, Queenstown (Cobh): John O’Leary, 8th United States Infantry. Left leg amputated following Seven Days Battles?, Virginia, 1862.

Born around 1832, John was a career soldier and former laborer. He had seen service in Company G of the 44th U.S. Infantry and during the Civil War served in Company A of the 8th U.S. Infantry. He was described as 5 feet 5 inches in height, with blue eyes, brown hair and a fair complexion. Before returning to Ireland he spent time in the Roseburg National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans. After his death, John’s widow Bridget received a pension based on his service.

DERRY

Claggan Street, Straidarrow: John Mulberry, 145th Pennsylvania Infantry. Right Arm amputated following the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House, Virginia, 10th May 1864.

John was drafted into Company D on 29th September 1863. After his amputation he was transferred to Company F of the 53rd Pennsylvania, though he likely did not see service with them. After his death his widow received a pension based on his service.

[image error]

Civil War amputee George Lemon, who lost his leg following the Wilderness, with his prosthetic limb (National Museum of Health & Medicine)

Derry City: Patrick Forrester, 99th Pennsylvania Infantry. Left leg amputated following the Battle of Fredericksburg, Virginia, 13th December 1862.

Patrick was born around 1837 and enlisted on 12th October 1861, serving in Company G. Following his injury he was discharged on 18th October 1863. Prior to returning home he spent time in the Central Branch of the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans in Dayton, Ohio. His widow received a pension after his death.

Derry City: Edward McGready, 4th New Jersey Infantry. Loss of finger in left hand, action not yet established, potentially Battle of Fredericksburg, Virginia, 13th December 1862.

Edward enlisted in Company C on 13th August 1861. He was mustered out on 25th March 1863 at Chester, Pennsylvania. His pension application was granted in 1879.

[image error]

Dublin-born war artist Arthur Lumley’s sketch of wounding being brought in at Fredericksburg. Both Patrick Forrester and probably Edward McGready were wounded here (Library of Congress)

DONEGAL

Ballintra: William Cockburn, 2nd New Jersey Cavalry. Left leg amputated, possibly following the Battle of Egypt Station, Tennessee, 28th December 1864.

William Cockburn was a Commissary Sergeant in the 2nd New Jersey Cavalry. He enlisted on 7th August 1863 and was ultimately discharged on 9th June 1865. It is not clear what caused the wound which resulted in his amputation. It may have come at the Battle of Egypt Station, Tennessee in December 1864, when the regiment sustained heavy casualties. William was back in Ireland in the 1880s, and he may well be the William Cockburn recorded in the 1901 Census living in the townland of Ballymagrorty Scotch in Ballintra. The 75-year-old farmer lived with his sons William and George and their servant Mary Ann Kerr.

DOWN

Edenmore, Mayobridge: Phaley Cunningham, 83rd Ohio Infantry. Left arm amputated, either following the Battle of Chickasaw Bayou, Mississippi in December 1862 or the Battle of Arkansas Post, Arkansas in January 1863.

Phaley Cunningham entered into service in Company C of the 83rd Ohio Infantry on 13th August, 1862 for three years. He was discharged on 9th March 1863 at Nashville, Tennessee on a Surgeon’s Certificate of Disability. The reason for his discharge was the loss of his left arm. Cunningham would eventually return home to Co. Down where he received a pension of $18.00 for his disability, payment of which started in December 1863. He died on 4th June 1888, and his widow Bridget subsequently received a pension.

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The monument to Phaley Cunningham’s 83rd Ohio at the Vicksburg National Military Park in Vicksburg, Mississippi (Library of Congress)

DUBLIN

Dublin City: Thomas Kelly, 69th New York Infantry. Left arm amputated following the Battle of Antietam, Maryland, 17th September 1862. 

Thomas was born around 1824 and enlisted in the 69th on 5th October 1861. Following his amputation he was discharged in Frederick, Maryland on 13th December 1862. He had been a tailor by profession, and was married. Through the 1860s and 1870s he had various stints in the Central Branch of the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans before returning to Ireland. He died on 25th April 1904.

Dublin City: Louis Wilson, 17th New York Infantry. Right leg amputated at the thigh following the Battle of Jonesboro, Georgia, 1st September 1864.

Louis suffered his wound in the same regiment and at the same battle as George Wilson of Blackpool. He had first enlisted on 21st June 1861 in New York City and from September 1863 served as a Corporal in Company E of the 17th New York Veteran Infantry. Louis was a 26-year-old printer with blue eyes, dark hair and a fair complexion and was 5 feet 5 inches in height. The bullet at Jonesboro had struck him in the thigh. After his discharge he spent time in the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans Central Branch in Dayton, Ohio and the Eastern Branch in Togus, Maine. He returned to Ireland in the late 1870s or early 1880s, and died in North Dublin on 7th December 1886. After his death, his widow claimed a pension based on his service.

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Destruction following the fall of Atlanta in 1864. The Battle of Jonesboro in which George Church and Louis Wilson sustained injuries was instrumental in bringing about the city’s capture (Library of Congress)

KILDARE

Rathangar [Rathangan?]: Patrick McCann, 145th Pennsylvania Infantry. Left arm amputated following the Battle of Fredericksburg, Virginia, 13th December 1862.

Patrick enlisted in Company G of the 145th on 29th August 1862. His amputation did not end his service, as he was transferred to the 162nd Company, 2nd Battalion, Veteran Reserve Corps on 15th January 1864 and remained with them until his discharge on 29th August 1865.

LEITRIM

Ballinamore, Knockacullen: John McGlynn, 11th Massachusetts Infantry. Right arm amputated following the First Battle of Bull Run, 21st July 1861.

John was a 28-year-old blacksmith when he enlisted in Worcester in Company A of the 11th on 13th June 1861. His military career did not last long– he was wounded and captured at First Bull Run after which his right arm was amputated. The limb was taken off at the shoulder joint following a gun shot wound. He was discharged for disability on 31st January 1862 at Budd’s Ferry, Maryland. He afterwards served in the Veteran Reserve Corps. John spent various times in the 1860s and 1870s in the Eastern, Roseburg and Northwestern Branches of the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans, listing his brothers Frank and Charles in Worcester as his next of kin.

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John McGlynn’s Prisoner of War record charting his capture and imprisonment following First Bull Run. John had been right handed; the record reveals he “could sign his name only with great difficulty with left hand” (National Archives)

LIMERICK

Limerick City: John McKenny, 5th Connecticut Infantry. Right arm amputated following the Battle of Peachtree Creek, Georgia, 20th July 1864.

John enlisted in Company D from Roxbury on 15th August 1863. After his amputation he was transferred to 93rd Company, 2nd Battalion of the Veteran Reserve Corps in March 1865 and then to the 20th Company in August 1865. His final discharge from the army came on 8th March 1866.

28 Athlunkard Street, Limerick City: John Welsh, 5th United States Cavalry. Loss of part of right index finger, cause to be established.

John also served in Company I of the 13th United States Infantry. He died on 22nd February 1923.

LOUTH

Drogheda: Thomas Beatty, 4th New York Heavy Artillery. Left leg Amputated following the Battle of Cold Harbor, Virginia, 3rd June 1864.

Born around 1830, Thomas was receiving $18 per month in Drogheda in 1883. A private in the 4th New York Heavy Artillery, he had been struck by a bullet in the left leg during the assault on the Confederate works at Cold Harbor on 3rd June 1864. As a result the lower-third of his limb was removed. By 1864 he was an old soldier– he had spent the first two years of the war in Florida and Louisiana with the 6th New York Infantry, a unit in which he rose to Sergeant. At different times of his life Thomas had worked as a carman, boiler-maker and laborer. He spent some time in U.S. National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Veterans, listing his wife Anne back in Drogheda as his next-of-kin. He seems to have returned to Ireland in the 1880s.

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Irish American John Murphy pictured following the amputation of part of his right arm after wounding in the closing days of the Civil War (National Museum of Health & Medicine)

OFFALY

Cloughatanny, Clara: Thomas Leap, U.S. Military Detachment West Point. Left foot amputated following fracture to leg.

Thomas was an American military amputee, but did not receive his injury in the Civil War. He was born around 1862 and was a career soldier, serving in the 1880s and 1890s. He was 5 feet 8 1/2 inches tall, had blue eyes, dark hair and a dark complexion. The cause of his fracture is unknown, but was likely accidental.

ROSCOMMON

Donamon: James Cunniff, 35th New Jersey Infantry. Left leg amputated following an action with guerrillas at Meridian, Mississippi, February 1865.

James enlisted as a private in Company H on 17th August 1863. After his amputation he was discharged from Central Park U.S. General Hospital in New York on 4th June 1865. He died on 11th November 1909, possibly in Clonerfield, Mountbellew, Co. Galway. His widow afterwards successfully claimed a pension.

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A Union field hospital in operation during the Chancellorsville Campaign in 1863 (Library of Congress)

SLIGO

Skreen: Jasper Stafford, 170th New York Infantry, Corcoran’s Irish Legion. Right arm amputated following the Second Battle of Petersburg, Virginia, 16th June 1864.

Born around 1828, Jasper enlisted in New York on 10th September 1862, becoming a member of Company D. The 34-year-old laborer was described as 5 feet 8 1/2 inches tall with blue eyes, brown hair and a sandy complexion.

TYRONE

Castlecaulfield, Co. Tyrone. Hugh O’Brien, 170th New York, Corcoran’s Irish Legion. Left leg amputated following the Second Battle of Petersburg, Virginia, 16th June 1864.

Hugh was born around 1830. He enlisted in New York on 20th September 1862 in what became Company C of the regiment. The laborer was described as being 5 feet 8 inches in height with black eyes, grey/brown hair and a light complexion. His leg was amputated at the foot following his wounding. Hugh spent time in Albany after the war and later was admitted to the Northwestern Branch of the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans before his return to Ireland. His widow received a pension after his death.

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Soldiers of the 170th New York Infantry, Corcoran’s Irish Legion during the Civil War. Both Jasper Stafford and Hugh O’Brien served in the regiment, and suffered their wounds during the same engagement (Library of Congress)

Donaghmore: Patrick Connolly, 70th New York Infantry. Left foot Amputated following the Battle of Kettle Run, Virginia, 27th August, 1862.

Patrick had enlisted on 20th April 1861 from Newark, New Jersey. He rose to the rank of Corporal in Company K of the 70th New York Infantry, Excelsior Brigade. He was shot through the left ankle joint at the Battle of Kettle Run, Virginia on 27th August 1862 and was discharged on 13th August 1863. After the war he and his wife lived in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, but Patrick also spent time in the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans. It is unclear when they returned to Ireland. His widow Sarah received a pension after his death.

Kilnaheery, Omagh: Mathew McNaull, USS Suwanee. Loss of right arm due to accident.

Mathew enlisted in Philadelphia on 9th January 1865 as a Landsman. The injury he sustained occurred when he was in the act of lowering a boat off Callao, Peru. He was discharged in January 1867. Married in his local Presbyterian Church, Mathew and his wife went on to have seven children.

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An unidentified Union soldier with an amputated arm (Library of Congress)

WATERFORD

Belline, Piltown: Peter Keefe, USS Perry. Left leg amputated at the knee following an attempted escape attempt, Columbia, South Carolina, April 1863. 

Peter enlisted in the United States Navy in New York City on 12th October 1863 at the age of 23, becoming a Seaman on the Brig Perry. He was captured on Murrells Inlet, South Carolina while part of a shore party sent to burn a schooner. Confined to the Richland County Jail in Columbia, South Carolina, he was shot during an escape attempt and his left leg was amputated at the knee joint by Confederate surgeons. He lived in Albany in 1867, but before long had returned to Ireland. Peter died on 8th January 1900 in Corlohan, Co. Waterford. Peter’s story will be the subject of a more detailed post on the site in the future.

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The Brig Perry (left) in a pre-war sketch. Peter Keefe served on her during the Civil War (US Naval History & Heritage Command)

Waterford City: Richard Brooks, 72nd New York Infantry. Right thumb Amputated following the Battle of Fredericksburg, Virginia, 13th December 1862.

Born in Co. Tipperary around 1832, Richard enlisted in Company C of the 72nd New York Infantry on 7th July 1861. The unit was part of the famed Excelsior Brigade. During the Battle of Fair Oaks, Virginia in the summer of 1862 he was struck by a shell, and at the Battle of Fredericksburg that December he was hit by a bullet. As a result of his injuries his right thumb was amputated. Richard served out the remainder of his term in the Veteran Reserve Corps, but his disability did not prevent further military service. In February 1867 he enlisted in the 44th United States Infantry, but was discharged in June 1868. He spent a period in a number of National Veteran Homes, but seems to have had a somewhat troubled time.  He sometimes listed his brother John in New York City as his closest relative, and at other times noted that he had “no friends.” He likely returned to Ireland in the late 1870s.

WESTMEATH

Kilbillaghan, Creggan, Athlone: Thomas Duffy, 2nd New Jersey Cavalry. Right arm amputated following the Battle of Egypt Station, Mississippi, 28th December 1864.

Born around 1844, Thomas Duffy had served in Company A of the 69th New York State Militia. He later enlisted in the 2nd New Jersey Cavalry under the alias Thomas Ryan, joining them on 20th August 1863 at New Brunswick, New Jersey. A member of Company C, his injury was a gunshot wound to the right arm. After amputation (which was at the shoulder joint) he was discharged on 5th June 1865. Thomas, who characterised himself as a single farmer living in Pittsburgh (where his brother lived), spent time in the Central and Eastern Branches of the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans in Ohio and Maine during the late 1860s and 1870s, as he was unable to support himself. He appears to have returned to Ireland at some point in the late 1870s or early 1880s. Thomas appears to have lost his limb in the same action as William Cockburn.

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Irish American Civil War amputee Martin Burke (National Museum of Health & Medicine)

The post Returned Amputees: American Civil War Amputees Living in Ireland appeared first on Irish in the American Civil War.

The Men Who Led the 69th New York on the Bull Run Battlefield

Thoughts of the 69th New York State Militia’s leadership at Bull Run immediately conjures images of Michael Corcoran and Thomas Francis Meagher. Yet there were many others who held important command positions in the regiment on that fateful day in 1861. As the long anticipated date of our 69th New York Bull Run Battlefield Tour approaches (you can check out more details of that free event over at Harry’s site by clicking here), I decided to break down the leadership of the 69th by company. The post that follows explores the backgrounds and fates of these senior 69th officers, whose responsibility it was to urge their fellow Irishmen onwards during the desperate struggle for Henry Hill on 21st July 1861.

[image error] The regimental color of the 69th New York State Militia presented by the Common Council of New York in 1857. The colors were created by Mrs. Hand of 59 Vandam Street (New York Irish American Weekly 31st October 1857)

When the 69th crossed Bull Run creek on the day of battle in 1861, they did so without a number of their regimental officers. Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Nugent (who would later lead the Irish Brigade) had been incapacitated by a fall from his horse and could not march with the unit. Major James Bagley, then an Alderman of New York and later a sachem of Tammany Hall, was likewise absent. In addition the 69th’s Adjutant, John McKeon, had been detailed to stay behind at Fort Corcoran in Arlington. Colonel Michael Corcoran, an individual who we have often discussed on the site, would be slightly wounded and captured during the regiment’s retreat from the field. But what of the men responsible for leading the 69th’s companies into the fray?

[image error] The order in which the 69th New York State Militia marched during the New York St. Patrick’s Day Parade in 1861. Robert Nugent led them off due to the ongoing Court Martial proceedings then in train against Michael Corcoran for refusing to parade the regiment during the visit of the Prince of Wales. Four months later they would be on the Bull Run battlefield (New York Irish American Weekly 23rd March 1861).

COMPANY A “IRISH FUSILIERS”

Company A, Michael Corcoran’s former command, was led into Virginia by Glenswilly, Co. Donegal native Captain James Haggerty. The absence of Robert Nugent meant that Haggerty was Acting Lieutenant Colonel of the 69th on the day of battle, and he famously became the first member of the regiment to be killed in action. You can read more about James Haggerty and his fate in this post. Haggerty’s new role meant that command of Company A at Bull Run devolved on Lieutenant Theodore Kelly. Born in Co. Mayo around 1820, he had emigrated to the United States when he was 18-years-old. For the next forty years Kelly made his living in the poultry trade at New York’s Clinton Market. He had previously been a member of the 9th New York State Militia before its consolidation with the 69th. After Bull Run Kelly maintained his association with the regiment and went with it into Corcoran’s Legion, where he held the rank of Major in the 182nd New York Infantry (as the 69th New York National Guard Artillery was designated). He died at his home at 488 Greenwich Street on 25th May 1888 of congestion of the lungs. (1)

[image error] Advertisement for the Annual Excursion of the “Irish Fusiliers” in 1857, when Michael Corcoran had Captained the Company (New York Irish American 18 July 1857)

COMPANY B “EMMET LIFE GUARD”

Originally the Engineer Company of the 69th, the company was named for Irish patriot Robert Emmet, who led the abortive 1803 Rising. Its original Captain, Thomas Lynch, had led it out of New York but had resigned shortly before the battle. At Bull Run its men were commanded by Lieutenant William M. Giles. After the engagement Giles put himself forward as candidate for coroner in the November state elections. In 1863 he was appointed Medical Storekeeper to the U.S. Army, a role that required him to select and purchase medical supplies for the military. After the Civil War he made his home in Eastchester, New York where he worked as a druggist. (2)

[image error] Advertisement for the Emmet Life Guard drills at 22 White Street from 1856 (New York Irish American Weekly 31 May 1856)

COMPANY C “O’MAHONY GUARD”

The company took its appellation from John O’Mahony, a founding member of the Fenian Brotherhood. They were led onto the field at Bull Run by Captain James Cavanagh, who had been born in Carrick-on-Suir, Co. Tipperary in 1831. He had been involved in the Young Ireland rebellion of 1848 and emigrated to New York in 1852. Following his arrived he entered the carpentry trade and ultimately set up a shop on Thomas Street. Cavanagh joined the 69th almost as soon as he arrived in America, and had come through the ranks to command Company C. After Bull Run he joined Thomas Francis Meagher in the Irish Brigade, becoming the Major of the 69th New York Volunteers–he soon became known as “the little Major”. Cavanagh was severely wounded through the hip at Fredericksburg, and was discharged for disability. He became Colonel of the 69th New York National Guard in 1867 and was breveted a National Guard Brigadier-General in 1892. Retiring from the Militia in 1893, he died at his home at 44 Third Place in Brooklyn on 7th January 1901, and was buried in Holy Cross Cemetery. (3)

[image error] Pictorial tribute to James Cavanagh, who commanded Company C of the 69th New York State Militia at Bull Run, which appeared in the New York Irish American in 1911 (New York Irish American Weekly 22nd April 1911)

COMPANY D “FITZGERALD GUARD”

Most likely named for Lord Edward Fitzgerald, the 1798 United Irishman leader in 1798. Thomas Clarke had been elected the Company Captain in 1860, having previously being a member of the Montgomery Guard. Reportedly wounded at Bull Run, he did not see front line service again during the conflict, but served as Major of the 69th New York National Guard after the war. He died at his home at 110 Chatham Street on 27th July 1868 at the age of 54 and was buried in Calvary Cemetery. (4)

[image error] Notification of the successful ball of the Fitzgerald Guard held in 1859 (New York Irish American Weekly 26th March 1859)

COMPANY E “FAIG-A-BEALACS”

The company designation Fàg An Bealach, an Irish war cry meaning “Clear the Way”, is one that remains associated with the 69th. Company E was led at Bull Run by Captain Patrick Kelly, a former farmer from Castlehackett, Co. Galway. Born in 1822, Kelly had emigrated to America in the 1840s, and had risen through the ranks of the 69th. After Bull Run he was commissioned in the U.S. Regulars, but joined Thomas Francis Meagher’s Irish Brigade as Lieutenant-Colonel of the 88th New York Volunteers in December 1861. Promoted to Colonel in September 1862, he commanded the Irish Brigade at the Battle of Gettysburg. While again leading the Brigade at Petersburg on 16th June 1864 the 42-year-old was struck in the head by a bullet and killed. One of the enclosing forts in the Petersburg line was subsequently named for him. He was buried in Calvary Cemetery. (5)

[image error] Patrick Kelly, who led Company E of the 69th New York State Militia at Bull Run (Find A Grave)

COMPANY F “SHIELDS GUARD”

Named for James Shields, the noted Irish military hero of the Mexican War, Illinois politician and later a Civil War General. Captain John Breslin from Co. Longford had led Company F into Virginia, but was injured when a stand of muskets collapsed on him during a halt in the march. Severely wounded in the shoulder, he was sent to the rear (the handling of his injury caused significant bad blood between the regiment and their brigade commander, a certain William Tecumseh Sherman). Breslin maintained his association with the 69th after Bull Run and following the war commanded it’s Veteran Corps. He died at his home in 113 Albany Avenue, Brooklyn on 10th January 1908 at the age of 76. With Breslin out of action, on the Bull Run battlefield it fell to Lieutenant Patrick Duffy to command Company F for the duration. Duffy also maintained his association with the 69th after Bull Run. He was elected the regiment’s Secretary in early 1862 following the departure of Robert Nugent for the Irish Brigade. (6)

[image error] The 69th New York State Militia’s assembly orders prior to their departure from New York, issued by Colonel Michael Corcoran and afterwards printed in the New York Irish American (New York Irish American Weekly 27th April 1861)

COMPANY G “IRISH GRENADIERS”

Captain Felix Duffy led Company G into the campaign. Born in Co. Monaghan, he had emigrated to America at the age of 14 in 1840. He was a valuable asset to the 69th, having served in the 4th U.S. Artillery during the Mexican War, a conflict in which he was wounded. His adventures continued when he joined the California Gold Rush in 1850, and apparently he met with some success before returning to New York in 1853. Originally a member of the 9th New York State Militia, he was another who came over to the 69th following the amalgamation. Despite his pedigree, Duffy did not command Company G on the battlefield. He had resigned along with Thomas Lynch of Company B while the the 69th were stationed in Georgetown. Duffy later joined the 69th New York Volunteers of the Irish Brigade as Captain of their Company G, and was killed in action at the Battle of Antietam. On 21st July 1861 command of the Irish Grenadiers was in the hands of Lieutenant William Butler. Butler had been born in Newcastle, Co. Tipperary in 1831 and had emigrated to the United States in 1848. He stayed with the 69th Militia until it volunteered for service as part of Corcoran’s Legion (becoming the 182nd New York), serving first as Captain of Company H and then as the unit’s Major. Struck in the hip during the assault on Petersburg on 16th June 1864, he was promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel four days before he succumbed to his injuries at Annapolis on 16th August 1864. He lay in state at New York’s City Hall before his burial in Calvary Cemetery. (7)

[image error] Drill notification placed by Felix Duffy for the Irish Grenadiers of the 9th New York State Militia in 1855 (New York Irish American Weekly 12th May 1855)

COMPANY H “RED HAND GUARD”

Captain James Kelly was a native of Co. Monaghan. The red hand was (and continues to be) the principal symbol of Kelly’s home province of Ulster. Following his service at Bull Run Kelly was appointed a Captain in the U.S. Regulars, but joined the Irish Brigade as Lieutenant-Colonel of the 69th New York Volunteers. He led that regiment at the Battle of Antietam where he was struck in the face and shoulder. While he recuperated the regiment was consolidated, and he departed for the Regulars and service at a recruiting depot in Grand Rapids, Michigan. He briefly returned to the 69th and for a short time commanded the Brigade before rejoining the 16th United States Infantry and finishing the war with Sherman’s army. He died during a yellow fever epidemic while on service in Jackson, Mississippi in 1871. (8)

[image error] Advertisement for the Ball of Company H of the 69th in 1859 (New York Irish American Weekly 12th November 1859)

COMPANY I “NATIONAL CADETS”

Captain John Nugent of Company I was Acting Adjutant of the 69th at Bull Run and so was not in charge of his men on 21st July 1861. Captain James P. MacIvor, who had been elected a Captain at Georgetown College and would later lead Company I was present on the field and captured, but he appears to have had no role in leading the Company at Bull Run. The Enniskillen, Co. Fermanagh native went on to serve as Lieutenant-Colonel and later Colonel of the 170th New York Infantry, Corcoran’s Legion, rose to brigade command at Petersburg, and concluded the war a Brevet Brigadier-General. He died in 1904. All near contemporary accounts appear to agree that on the Bull Run battlefield it fell to Lieutenant John Coonan to exercise command of Company I. Born in Ireland around 1830, after Bull Run Coonan remained with the 69th National Guard and ultimately joined Corcoran’s Legion with them. Initially commissioned a Captain in what was now designated the 182nd New York, he rose to Lieutenant-Colonelcy in September 1864 and ultimately commanded the regiment. After the war he spent a number of years as Deputy Superintendent of the immigration center at Castle Garden, and later held the position of foreman in New York’s Street Cleaning Department. He maintained his associations with the 69th throughout, and died on 4th June 1898 in Mount Sinai Hospital. (9)

[image error] The plan and company layout of Fort Corcoran, which the regiment built in Arlington, and from where they departed en-route to Bull Run (New York Irish American Weekly 13th July 1861)

COMPANY K “IRISH ZOUAVES”

Company K were not part of the 69th New York State Militia, but were formed by Thomas Francis Meagher for service with them when the war commenced. They joined the regiment in Virginia and served as part of the unit at Bull Run. The legendary orator would go on to establish the Irish Brigade, serving as its Brigadier-General. You can explore an image of Captain Meagher with his zouaves in this post.

[image error] Thomas Francis Meagher’s advertisement for the Irish Zouaves, which served as Company K of the 69th New York State Militia at Bull Run (New York Irish American Weekly 27th April 1861)

69TH ENGINEERS CORPS

Slightly more than 30 men in the 69th New York State Militia at Bull Run were in the regiment’s engineer corps. The corps was commanded by American-born Captain James B. Kirker, the Catholic publisher whose premises became a key location in the efforts to aid the families of the 69th’s soldiery. A close friend of Michael Corcoran, it was to Kirker’s offices that many of the Colonel’s letters were sent while Corcoran was a Confederate prisoner. Kirker remained at Fort Corcoran during the Manassas Campaign, and so was not on the field at Bull Run. In his absence Lieutenant James Quinlan commanded the Engineers in battle. Born in Clonmel, Co. Tipperary in 1833, Quinlan emigrated to America at the age of 17. He was appointed a Lieutenant in the 69th in 1854. After Bull Run he joined Meagher’s Irish Brigade as a Major in the 88th New York Volunteers. He commanded that regiment during the Seven Days, and was promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel in September 1862. Discharged for disability after the Battle of Fredericksburg, he went on to become President of the Irish Brigade Veteran’s Association. In 1891 he was awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions while in command of the 88th New York at Savage Station in 1862. Quinlan passed away at his home at 104 East Ninty-Sixth Street on 29th August 1906, and was buried in Calvary Cemetery. (10)

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[image error] James Quinlan in later life with his Medal of Honor. He commanded the 69th’s Engineers on the field at Bull Run (Deeds of Valor)

If readers have any information to add (or suggested corrections) on any of the individuals featured in this post I would be very grateful to hear from you.

References

(1) New York Irish American Weekly 14th May 1855, New York Herald 26th May 1888; (2) New York Irish American Weekly 19th October 1861, Letters Received by the Commission Branch, New York Irish American Weekly 21st April 1888; (3) New York Irish World 12th January 1901, New York Irish American Weekly 22nd April 1911; (4) New York Irish American Weekly 8th August 1868, New York Herald 28th July 1868; (5) New York Irish American Weekly 2nd July 1864; (6) New York Irish American Weekly 3rd August 1861, New York Irish American Weekly 10th June 1876, Brooklyn Daily Eagle 13th January 1908, New York Irish American 8th February 1862; (7) New York Irish American Weekly 15th November 1862, New York Irish American Weekly 27th August 1864; (8) New York Irish American Weekly 7th October 1871; (9) New York Sun 5th June 1898; (10) New York Gaelic American 8th September 1906;

The post The Men Who Led the 69th New York on the Bull Run Battlefield appeared first on Irish in the American Civil War.

T.J. O’Connell: In Search of the Cork Statistician who Profiled America’s Civil War Soldiers

The majority of the statistical knowledge we possess on United States volunteers during the American Civil War owes its origins to the Statistical Bureau of the United States Sanitary Commission. During the conflict the Commission painstakingly gathered information on both sanitary conditions and the soldiers themselves in order to inform hygiene, health and other policies. At the heart of these efforts was the work of a statistician from Cork City, T.J. O’Connell, a young man whose efforts continue to influence our perception of the Union volunteer to this day.

During the war years the personnel of the Sanitary Commission’s Statistical Bureau were given the daunting task of compiling background data on hundreds of thousands of Federal volunteers. These statistics covered not only raw numbers and casualties, they also covered topics such as volunteer ages, nativity, and the minutiae of their physical characteristics. This work continues to underpin almost every discussion of the “average” Union soldier during the conflict to this day. The fruits of these statistical efforts were many and varied, but the best known compendium of their findings appeared in 1869. That was when the Bureau’s Actuary, Benjamin Apthorp Gould, published the seminal Investigations in the Military and Anthropological Statistics of American Soldiers, a volume that has long been a go-to for my own work on Irish Americans. It is in Gould’s preface that we are given one of our fragmentary glimpses into the contribution of T.J. OConnell to those efforts:

Mr. T.J. O’Connell, a gentleman of Irish birth, and a graduate of the University of Dublin, who, with the assistance of a single clerk, had carried on the statistical work subsequent to Mr. Elliott’s [E.B. Elliot, the original Actuary, who Gould succeeded in July 1864] departure for Europe in the summer of 1863, became the chief clerk upon the reorganization of the Bureau a year later, and managed the details of the work with discretion and unsurpassed fidelity. His health, already seriously impaired by service in the army, in which he had enlisted as a private soldier upon the outbreak of the rebellion, gave way during the early part of the succeeding winter. His resignation was for some months declined, while he was temporarily relieved from duty, but at his own earnest desire his office was filled in April 1865. Before the close of that year he died, leaving an honorable name, associated in the minds of those who knew him with the memory of a high-toned character, and unassuming ability. (1)

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TJ O’Connell (New York Public Library)

During the year when the Statistical Bureau was effectively without an Actuary, it was O’Connell who led the line on the work that remains a bedrock of Civil War soldier studies. His influence was far reaching. For example, in the introduction to Statistical Bureau’s 1866 publication Ages of U.S. Volunteer Soldiery, we are told that the “the original collection of the materials was principally made by Mr T.J. O’Connell, until lately the efficient and accurate chief clerk of the Statistical Department…” This work, from which all our knowledge of the average ages of white Union volunteers is drawn, was staggering in extent. It involved the pain-staking collection of age data for more than 750,000 men, largely drawn from muster-rolls. (2)

Given his importance in creating these vital data sets, I have been keen to find out more about T.J. O’Connell since I first encountered him a number of hears ago. Yet his story is extremely elusive. Undoubtedly there is much to be learned in the United States Sanitary Commission records held at the New York Public Library, but as yet I have not had an opportunity to explore them. Outside of the references to T.J. in Commission reports and minutes, what we know of his life largely comes from obituaries written at the time of his premature death. From them we learn that T.J.- Timothy Joseph- was a native of Old Market Place in the heart of Cork City, and was the eldest son of Jeremiah O’Connell. Born around 1838, it is not clear when he made his way to the United States. My analysis of military records suggests that he is likely the same Timothy O’Connell who enlisted in the 25th New York Infantry in May 1861, only to be discharged from Company G the following September, having suffered from “tonsilitis and phthisis”. The latter ailment were the first indications of the tuberculosis that would plague him in the years to come. T.J. likely selected the 25th New York because of its strong Irish American credentials. The unit was commanded by Colonel James E. Kerrigan, a New York Democrat and prominent Fenian.(3)

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Ages of Union Volunteers prepared by O’Connell and his colleagues (Sanitary Commission)

With his brief military career over, T.J. relocated to Washington D.C. where he began work with the Sanitary Commission. The 1863 draft registration records the then 25-year-old living at 588 I Street in the city. Given the eulogies that followed his time as Chief Clerk, he clearly excelled at his role, particularly in the period from 1863 to 1864 when he took on added responsibility. Tragically the illness that had forced him from the military also cut short his career in the Commission, and ultimately ended his life. (4)

When T.J. was in the final stages of his illness, he moved into the home of his friend, Daniel A. Brosnan, the sexton of St. Patrick’s Catholic Church in Washington D.C. Brosnan was himself a prominent Fenian, and this together with his war service suggests that T.J. may also have played a role in that organisation. The young Corkman died in Brosnan’s home at 4am on Easter Sunday, 31st March 1866, aged just 28. His friend informed the press of his demise, describing him as a “brilliant and patriotic young Irishman” (further evidence for his nationalist outlook). Obituaries were printed in Washington D.C. and New York, and T.J.’s death was also reported in Ireland. (5)

While acknowledged by his peers, the significance of T.J. O’Connell’s work with the Sanitary Commission did not translate into his long-term remembrance. Yet his role was undoubtedly one of the most significant and far-reaching of any undertaken by the wartime Irish diaspora, and deserve to be more widely known. I am keen to uncover more details concerning T.J.’s life in an effort to redress that imbalance. If any readers can shed any further light on his life and work, I would be most keen to hear from you.

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Sanitary Commission Lodge in Washington D.C. (Library of Congress)

(1) Stillé 1868: 455, Gould 1869: viii; (2) Statistical Bureau 1866: 2, Stillé 1868: 461-2; (3) New York Irish American, New York Tribune, Muster Rolls; (4) Draft Registration; (5) New York Irish American, New York Tribune;

References

New York Muster Roll Database.

Civil War Draft Registration Records.

New Irish American Weekly 7th April 1866. Irish-American Obituary.

New York Herald 7th April 1866. Mortuary Notice.

U.S. Sanitary Commission Statistical Bureau, 1866. Ages of U.S. Volunteer Soldiery.

Benjamin Apthorp Gould, 1869. Investigations in the Military and Anthropological Statistics of American Soldiers.

Charles J. Stillé, 1868. History of the United States Sanitary Commission.

The post T.J. O’Connell: In Search of the Cork Statistician who Profiled America’s Civil War Soldiers appeared first on Irish in the American Civil War.