Lily Salter's Blog, page 1020
August 14, 2015
Being Blunt: When the News Becomes the News: A Playbook for Recovering






Chicago conservative “envious” of Hurricane Katrina in the most appalling op-ed of the year






Paul Krugman explains the looming economic crisis that “bodes ill for the world as a whole”
“Even less representative” than cops: Why prosecutors’ offices also need major reform
Donald Trump, mad king of the extremists: What his surging popularity reveals about the GOP’s most dangerous strategy
“[African Americans are] basically on government subsidy, so now what do they do? They abort their young children, they put their young men in jail, because they never learned how to pick cotton. And I’ve often wondered, are they better off as slaves, picking cotton and having a family life and doing things, or are they better off under government subsidy? They didn’t get no more freedom. They got less freedom.”This disgustingly racist view is particularly ironic when it is taken into account that Bundy has been receiving subsidy from the government for two decades as a welfare rancher who hasn’t paid what he owes -- a measly $1.35 per month for each cow, to maintain the public land he grazes on. “Oath Keepers” is just one organization among many other right wing extremist groups and movements currently growing, and alarming the government. Take, for example, the “sovereign citizen” movement, which has been estimated to have up to 300,000 believers (although there is no central organization). Sovereign citizens are more or less conservative extremists who have taken their ideology one step further than the most dogmatic of libertarians. They do not recognize federal or state governments, and only abide by their own interpretation of common laws -- which is convenient for anyone who doesn’t want to pay any taxes. Over the years, self-described sovereign citizens have gotten into gunfights with police officers, and are considered a major threat by the FBI. According to a survey that New York Times conducted with the Police Executive Research Forum, out of 382 law enforcement agencies, 74 percent list anti-government extremism as a top terrorist threats in their jurisdiction, compared to just 39 percent for Islamic extremism. Right wing extremist groups range from white supremacy, nationalism, nativism, and anti-government extremism like the Sovereign Citizen movement. This increase of rightwing extremism in America poses the question of whether these aggressively reactionary movements are actually gaining traction in the political mainstream. Longtime war reporter and columnist Chris Hedges believes that a popular and radical movement is coming in the United States, but whether it will be based on progressive values, as we see with the Sanders’ campaign, or reactionary dogmatism, as we see with organizations like Oath Keepers or individuals like Donald Trump and Ted Cruz, is a question that remains unanswered. In his new book, “Wages of Rebellion,” Hedges writes of the reactionary passions we currently see in the United States, and what they could lead to if unchecked:
“Left unchecked, the hatred for radical Islam will transform itself into a hatred for Muslims. The hatred for undocumented workers will become a hatred for Mexicans and Central Americans. The hatred for those not defined by this largely white movement as American patriots will become a hatred for African Americans. The hatred for liberals will morph into a hatred for all democratic institutions, from universities to government agencies to the press. Beleaguered whites, battered by a stagnant and flagging economy, are retreating, especially in the South, into a mythical self-glorification built around the Confederacy. This retreat resembles the absurdist national and ethnic myths that characterized the former Yugoslavia when it unraveled.”The form of populism that we have seen Donald Trump embrace, a kind of nationalist nativism, promising to “make America great again” by keeping the brown people out and bringing jobs back to white America, has obviously gained traction. Trump is the antithesis of a career politician. He is openly sexist and xenophobic, but does not have to worry about losing campaign donations from his inflammatory comments. He does not talk like an anti-government rhetorician, but instead embraces the passions of the rightwing base -- whether it be xenophobia, nationalism, or anti-intellectualism -- while also promising to use his strength as president to crack down on all of society's perceived ills. And here lies a major contradiction with this man, who talks endlessly about the concerns of conservatives, yet promises to address them with the strength of the federal government and executive office -- something which conservatives are supposed to oppose. When given a choice, it seems that followers of the extreme right are willing to use the strength of the federal government, as long as it is addressing their concerns (e.g. national security, illegal immigration, abortion, gay marriage). Of course, not all conservatives have embraced Trump, and many see through his demagoguery -- but the people (at least a current plurality of GOP voters) have been enamored by his strongman shtick. Trump is just one person, and may very well fade away in the months to come -- but it is becoming clear that the right wing has increasingly retreated into a “mythical self-glorification,” as Hedges put it. Trump and his followers want to “make America great again.” But what does this mean? No doubt, Trump would say cutting our debt and bringing back jobs from China and Mexico, which is something most Americans would agree on. But the overwhelming rhetoric against immigration, foreign nations, and diplomacy (and diplomats) does point to a kind of retreat from reality into a hyper-nationalist mythology of American exceptionalism. Conservatives seem to be craving a strong personality like Trump, who can come into office and restore traditional values and America’s global supremacy with his superhuman business know-how. This similarly happened in the early 20th century, when strongmen like Mussolini and Hitler rose to power with a promise to restore national supremacy, while creating scapegoats for their problems. Trump wants to restore America’s greatness, and is going after immigrants and foreign nations to provoke much of white America. Again, there’s a good, perhaps even overwhelming, chance that Trump will eventually fade, but what about this growing reactionary energy? The surge of rightwing terrorism and extremist groups doesn’t seem to be fading, while the Republican party has become increasingly extremist over the past decade. When adding up the percentages of GOP primary candidates with 5 percent or more in the polls, it is found that 70 percent of GOP voters favor rightwing extremists who are anti-abortion, anti-government, anti-immigration, and even authoritarian (as seen with Trump). While progressivism has risen from its shallow grave over the past decade, so has reactionary populism of the right. It would be naive to think that society cannot turn back on the progress that has been fought for over time, which it has in the case of unionism and worker rights since the ‘80s. This is what the increasingly extremist right wing wants: to turn back time; and without a strong progressive movement standing in its way, this could all too easily happen.






Welcome to internment nation: The hideous truth that rightwing xenophobes & cowardly Dems won’t admit
“I was one of the eight who visited the Karnes and Dilley detention center. And when I saw the Dilley detention center, I was so shocked at how isolated and barren it was. The first thing I thought was that they looked so much like the Japanese-American internment camps of World War II. I saw the sterile barracks, the muddy dirt pathways, the mass institutionalized cafeteria, and the guards everywhere. And I was shocked and so very moved by the desperate pleas of hundreds of mothers who came out to say, 'Release me, I am not a criminal,' and who scratched out picket signs that were written on their pillowcases and bedsheets.”It’s the women who are telling us what’s happening inside. Two of the largest centers that are detaining immigrant mothers and children are located in Texas — in Dilley and in Karnes County. The Dilley facility holds 2,400 people and the Karnes County center can hold up to 532 people. This Monday, five immigrant women held in facilities with their children filed court papers seeking damages from the U.S. government for what they are arguing is psychological and physical harm as a result of being detained. One woman reported that the experience of detention was so intense, that her 8-year-old daughter attempted to breast-feed again. Another young mother, having passed the “credible fear” interview required of all asylum-seekers, was held for an additional 28 days. When she sought attention for a broken finger she was allegedly told to "drink more water.” According to the court papers, her son was later rushed to the hospital after "a virus apparently had gone untreated for a dangerously long time.” We have a long -- and ongoing -- history in this country of rounding up people we consider to be a threat, and holding them without due process. Representative Chu rightly invoked the interment of 120,000 Japanese Americans, as there are important lessons we might learn from that terrible moment in American History. These stories are not so different, after all, from the stories of Japanese Americans interned during WWII. Mary Tsukamoto, survivor of a Japanese American internment camp, recalled the sight she saw upon arriving,
“We saw all these people behind the fence, looking out, hanging onto the wire, and looking out because they were anxious to know who was coming in. But I will never forget the shocking feeling that human beings were behind this fence like animals [crying]. And we were going to also lose our freedom and walk inside of that gate and find ourselves…cooped up there…when the gates were shut, we knew that we had lost something that was very precious; that we were no longer free."In 1943 when the interment of Japanese Americans (many of whom were U.S. Citizens and Permanent Residents) began, similar arguments were made. The federal government argued then, as it is arguing now, that these people were being held without due process because of the threat they potentially posed. Many of the immigrants being held in detention centers today are from countries in Central America, fleeing horrific violence and seeking asylum here in the U.S. Many politicians and officials find it just to detain these women and children without due process, including those who have passed the tests required to prove that they would be in life threatening danger if sent back to their home countries. They claim that their ability to keep these women and children incarcerated is important to deterring others who might also seek asylum here. Republicans,meanwhile, are pushing the Obama administration to keep their family detention practices as they are. Last week, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Bob Goodlatte of Virginia argued that detaining immigrant mothers and children who cross the border illegally was an effective way to ensure they show up for their immigration court hearings. Now, when a federal court has determined their actions unjust, they are fighting to preserve the right to keep these women and children incarcerated indefinitely, and in deplorable conditions. Which American value is at play in detaining women and children fleeing violence and trauma, without due process or adequate medical care? We have a long legacy of incarcerating people who are not criminals. And an ongoing practice of incarcerating millions people whose only crime is poverty. The President himself as admitted as much. The women and children in these detention centers are not criminals. In this case they are women and children seeking asylum in a nation that falsely advertised itself as a safe haven. These are the folks that Donald Trump, currently leading the GOP presidential primary, along with many in his party, wants us to fear. That ratcheting of that fear is a longtime tactic to stoke anxiety and fear about our borders and security. As if the threat to our freedom hasn’t been inside the gates all along. Eesha Pandit is a writer and activist based in Houston, TX. You can follow her on twitter at @EeshaP, and find out more about her work at eeshapandit.com.






The laughable hypocrisy of the GOP’s Trump backlash

Donald Trump is a misogynist. This has been indisputable for decades, but many Republican leaders are finally starting to agree there might be something, you know, bigoted about Trump’s eagerness to use every sexist trope in the book to attack women he takes issue with.
Specifically, Republicans are "offended" that Donald Trump made a gross crack about Fox News host Megyn Kelly after Kelly dared ask him some tough questions during Thursday night’s Republican primary debate.
Conservative posturing about the evils of misogyny is sheer opportunism; that is hardly in dispute. Trump has been a pig as long as he’s been in the public eye, calling Rosie O’Donnell a “fat pig,” saying women from Gail Collins to Arianna Huffington are ugly because they disagree with him, and suggesting Anne Hathaway is a golddigger. That his hateful attitude toward women suddenly offends Republicans has little to do with sincere objections to misogyny and everything to do with the fact that Republican leadership wants Trump to end his stunt race now, before his antics do any further damage to the Republican brand.
But while Republican leaders have started to express disgust about Trump’s misogyny, Trump denies the charge, claiming, “I cherish women. I want to help women."
That Trump pulls this card is hardly a surprise. You’ll have more luck finding a talking dog than a misogynist who openly cops to hating women. The dictionary may define misogyny as “hatred, dislike, or mistrust of women” but it’s usually a little more complex than that.
Your average misogynist, like Trump, often claims -- may even believe -- that he loves women. But that supposed love comes with a caveat, which is that he expects a woman to be subservient and know her place. If a woman steps out of line by disagreeing with the misogynist, rejecting his instructions on how to live her life, or behaving or dressing in a way he doesn’t like, that’s when the anger and hatred come pouring out.
Misogyny is more about male entitlement than anything else. It’s a direct result of men feeling entitled to women’s obedience, submission, silence, fawning adoration, or some combination of all of these. When the misogynist claims he loves women, he means women who are deferential to him and his desires. Incidentally, this also explains why there are so many female misogynists — women who have absorbed the message that women should be deferential to men and attack any women who disagree.This is why it’s such an eye-rolling moment when sexist politicians or public figures push back against criticism by citing their love for their wives or daughters. No one is surprised that a sexist man thinks well of his doting wife. The question is how he feels about women who defy his instructions on what to believe and how to live and how to talk to men.
When a conservative like Erick Erickson defends Megyn Kelly while lobbing sexist vitriol at feminists, he’s not actually doing anything different than what Trump is doing. Like Trump, Erickson either puts women on pedestals or believes they are disgusting tramps to be spat upon. Like Trump, Erickson believes that the way to tell which woman is good or bad depends on whether she’s deferential to him. The only point of contention here is how to categorize Megyn Kelly. Since Erickson agrees with her, he wants to give her pedestal status. Since Trump disagrees with her, he wants to give her gutter status. But both men firmly agree that actually respecting women as equals, instead of objectifying them as either trophies or trash, is completely out of the question.
All of which is why none of this appears to be hurting Trump in the polls. Trump’s conservative critics aren’t really denouncing the practice of trying to put disobedient women in their place by telling them they are fat, ugly, slutty or should be ashamed of themselves for having female body functions. The only real point of contention is whether or not Megyn Kelly should be subject to the same treatment that any other woman who crosses an angry, sexist man will get. Since there’s no broader principle at stake, it all just looks like a pissing match between Trump and people who want someone else to get the Republican nomination. And it looks that way because that’s all it is.
Trump supporters aren't stupid. They grasp the incoherence of the Republican mainstream opinion. If sexism is an acceptable weapon to use against liberal women who speak out against you, then why is it suddenly not okay when the disobedient woman is a conservative? Most of Trump’s supporters don’t like it when feminists and liberals tell them not to call women bitches and sluts when they feel like it, so it’s not surprising that they’re not going to listen to conservatives to cut it out just because this particular woman works for Fox News.
This feud may end up hurting Trump in the polls, but it won’t be because he’s a misogynist. It’s clear that neither his supporters nor his conservative detractors give a fig about that, and as soon as this is all over, most will join back together to keep lobbing the same nasty insults at feminists and women in Democratic leadership. So this really comes down to a popularity contest between Trump and Kelly. Will Kelly's not inconsequential fan base in the conservative movement outgun the loud and proud Trump constituency? The answer is still unknown, but even if the Trump machine collapses, genuine conservative outrage over sexism will have played no part in it.
Donald Trump is a misogynist. This has been indisputable for decades, but many Republican leaders are finally starting to agree there might be something, you know, bigoted about Trump’s eagerness to use every sexist trope in the book to attack women he takes issue with.
Specifically, Republicans are "offended" that Donald Trump made a gross crack about Fox News host Megyn Kelly after Kelly dared ask him some tough questions during Thursday night’s Republican primary debate.
Conservative posturing about the evils of misogyny is sheer opportunism; that is hardly in dispute. Trump has been a pig as long as he’s been in the public eye, calling Rosie O’Donnell a “fat pig,” saying women from Gail Collins to Arianna Huffington are ugly because they disagree with him, and suggesting Anne Hathaway is a golddigger. That his hateful attitude toward women suddenly offends Republicans has little to do with sincere objections to misogyny and everything to do with the fact that Republican leadership wants Trump to end his stunt race now, before his antics do any further damage to the Republican brand.
But while Republican leaders have started to express disgust about Trump’s misogyny, Trump denies the charge, claiming, “I cherish women. I want to help women."
That Trump pulls this card is hardly a surprise. You’ll have more luck finding a talking dog than a misogynist who openly cops to hating women. The dictionary may define misogyny as “hatred, dislike, or mistrust of women” but it’s usually a little more complex than that.
Your average misogynist, like Trump, often claims -- may even believe -- that he loves women. But that supposed love comes with a caveat, which is that he expects a woman to be subservient and know her place. If a woman steps out of line by disagreeing with the misogynist, rejecting his instructions on how to live her life, or behaving or dressing in a way he doesn’t like, that’s when the anger and hatred come pouring out.
Misogyny is more about male entitlement than anything else. It’s a direct result of men feeling entitled to women’s obedience, submission, silence, fawning adoration, or some combination of all of these. When the misogynist claims he loves women, he means women who are deferential to him and his desires. Incidentally, this also explains why there are so many female misogynists — women who have absorbed the message that women should be deferential to men and attack any women who disagree.This is why it’s such an eye-rolling moment when sexist politicians or public figures push back against criticism by citing their love for their wives or daughters. No one is surprised that a sexist man thinks well of his doting wife. The question is how he feels about women who defy his instructions on what to believe and how to live and how to talk to men.
When a conservative like Erick Erickson defends Megyn Kelly while lobbing sexist vitriol at feminists, he’s not actually doing anything different than what Trump is doing. Like Trump, Erickson either puts women on pedestals or believes they are disgusting tramps to be spat upon. Like Trump, Erickson believes that the way to tell which woman is good or bad depends on whether she’s deferential to him. The only point of contention here is how to categorize Megyn Kelly. Since Erickson agrees with her, he wants to give her pedestal status. Since Trump disagrees with her, he wants to give her gutter status. But both men firmly agree that actually respecting women as equals, instead of objectifying them as either trophies or trash, is completely out of the question.
All of which is why none of this appears to be hurting Trump in the polls. Trump’s conservative critics aren’t really denouncing the practice of trying to put disobedient women in their place by telling them they are fat, ugly, slutty or should be ashamed of themselves for having female body functions. The only real point of contention is whether or not Megyn Kelly should be subject to the same treatment that any other woman who crosses an angry, sexist man will get. Since there’s no broader principle at stake, it all just looks like a pissing match between Trump and people who want someone else to get the Republican nomination. And it looks that way because that’s all it is.
Trump supporters aren't stupid. They grasp the incoherence of the Republican mainstream opinion. If sexism is an acceptable weapon to use against liberal women who speak out against you, then why is it suddenly not okay when the disobedient woman is a conservative? Most of Trump’s supporters don’t like it when feminists and liberals tell them not to call women bitches and sluts when they feel like it, so it’s not surprising that they’re not going to listen to conservatives to cut it out just because this particular woman works for Fox News.
This feud may end up hurting Trump in the polls, but it won’t be because he’s a misogynist. It’s clear that neither his supporters nor his conservative detractors give a fig about that, and as soon as this is all over, most will join back together to keep lobbing the same nasty insults at feminists and women in Democratic leadership. So this really comes down to a popularity contest between Trump and Kelly. Will Kelly's not inconsequential fan base in the conservative movement outgun the loud and proud Trump constituency? The answer is still unknown, but even if the Trump machine collapses, genuine conservative outrage over sexism will have played no part in it.





Big Oil takes a spill: Russia, Venezuela and the dawn of a new energy epoch






Ben Carson just made life very hard for the GOP: Why his fetal tissue research matters
There was no contradiction between this science and Carson's pro-life views, he said. "My primary responsibility in that research was when I operated on people and obtained the tissue," said Carson, who noted that he has not used fetal tissue samples since then. "This has everything to do with how it’s required. If you’re killing babies and taking the tissue, that’s a very different thing than taking a dead specimen and keeping a record of it."I’ve read through Carson’s statement several times and I’m still not entirely sure what he is trying to say. Thankfully, I don’t seem to be the only person who is baffled by his attempt at explaining this. The Post’s Amber Phillips writes that Carson seems to be alleging that Planned Parenthood is performing abortions specifically so that fetal tissue will be available for medical research, but that’s an allegation that “Planned Parenthood has flatly rejected and isn't proven by the videos.” At the very least, Carson is trapped in an inconsistency and he’s having a great deal of difficulty explaining it. And while that doesn’t make Carson look particularly good, his involvement with fetal tissue research and his tortured defense of it also cause problems for the other candidates and conservatives who are trying to demagogue the issue. Carson's fellow presidential hopefuls are all trying to outdo each other by taking increasingly hardline stances on Planned Parenthood. Ted Cruz just released an ad promising he’ll prosecute the organization and put an end to the “harvest” of “organs from unborn children,” which he says is contrary to American “values.” Mike Huckabee is also calling for Planned Parenthood to be prosecuted for “for violating federal law and selling body parts.” It’s tough to make the political case that the donation of fetal tissue for medical research is un-American and potentially criminal when celebrated physician and conservative hero Ben Carson is complicit in the act. To that point, Carson’s defense of his involvement with that research ended up turning into a broader defense of fetal tissue research and the role it has played in advancing medical science. “When we obtain tissue like that, we want to know what the origin of that tissue is developmentally,” he told the Post. “Knowing that helps us determine which patients are likely to develop a problem. It’s one of the reasons why at the turn of the last century, the average age of death was 47. Now, the average age of death is 80. Using the information that you have is a smart thing, not a dumb thing." This is a compelling moral case for fetal tissue research, and it’s coming from a Republican presidential candidate. This is not the conversation Republicans and conservatives want to have when it comes to the Planned Parenthood videos. They’d much rather maintain focus on the gory details of abortion procedures and the unsubstantiated allegation that Planned Parenthood is profiting from all this. When you start talking about the scientific progress made possible by Planned Parenthood’s tissue donations and the amazing medical advancements that have already taken place, you enter into complex moral gray areas that erode the absolutist anti-abortion arguments that increasingly dominate conservative discourse and Republican politics. The politics of the Planned Parenthood fight were already dicey for Republicans, given that hardline anti-abortion conservatives are pushing GOP leaders in Congress to take extreme measures – like shutting down the government – to cut off the organization’s federal funding. They're presenting this as a black-and-white issue with Planned Parenthood playing the role of an intolerable villain. News about Ben Carson’s own involvement with fetal tissue research and his broader defense of its merits add unwanted complexity and nuance to the fight.






The Hillary Clinton double standard in a nutshell: Why aren’t we talking about Jeb’s email scandal too?
In one e-mail sent four days after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the top general for the Florida Air National Guard told Bush that “we are actively planning sequences in preparation for mobilization orders should they come.” [...] In November 2001, Bush and an aide to then-Lt. Gov. Frank Brogan exchanged messages about the deployment of National Guard troops to a nuclear power plant in Crystal River, Fla. The aide wrote Bush that a state lawmaker had called to say she thought “it is imperative that the Crystal River nuclear facility have National Guard security.” Bush wrote back: “Florida power does not want it. We are reducing or getting rid of guard protection in the other plants.”That last line, to me, is the real bombshell -- that within two months of 9/11, Bush ordered the National Guard to pull its troops from protecting nuclear power plants in Florida, simply because the private corporations that operated the plants didn't want the protection. I wonder if the people who lived near the plants wanted the protection. Combine this news with the fact that Colin Powell also used a private email server at a time when the internet was far less secure than it is now, and we can only conclude: 1) For a good long time, it appears mostly commonplace for public officials to use a personal email address, and 2) They probably shouldn't have due to security and transparency concerns. But in the grand scheme of things, it's a D-list level scandal -- water under the bridge. What's crucial now is that everyone running for president is held to the same standard, and that both state and federal governments take action to make sure the system is as transparent as possible. I also think it's curious how the news media treated the Clinton email story, when it broke back in March, as if the existence of her email was previously unknown. Most of the press seemed to have forgotten about a 2013 bombshell article by The Smoking Gun that first reported the existence of Clinton's email account. While it’s true that new details have come to light since 2013, such as the existence of the homebrew server, it’s been treated in its entirety as a brand new story, and none of the reporting since March has acknowledged that her private email account was exposed two years ago. This story is, yes, still developing, but it is also two years old. In March of 2013, The Smoking Gun broke the story of the infamous "Guccifer" hacker who acquired personal emails from former Clinton aide Sidney Blumenthal. Inside Blumenthal's inbox were numerous emails received from Clinton using her "hdr22@clintonemail.com" address. Gawker reported at the time:
And why was Clinton apparently receiving emails at a non-governmental email account? The address Blumenthal was writing to was hosted at the domain "clintonemail.com" (we're not going to publish everybody's email address!), which is privately registered via Network Solutions. It is most certainly not a governmental account. Staffers in the Bush White House famously used private email accounts to conduct government business as a way to circumvent the Presidential Records Act, which mandates that all official communications be archived.But the year now is 2015, and the story is amplified by the desire to politically hobble Clinton. And voters know it. Ultimately, however, no one cares because it's an old-school scandal, with hints of partisan right-wing horseshit stirred into the mix. Our 2015 scandals involve fetuses, controversial tweets and Mexican rapists. Things everyone can understand. The Clinton story involves IT jargon and inside-the-beltway bureaucratic argle-bargle. Additionally, the public is at least savvy enough to understand how the press despises the Clintons. Concurrently, the public also understands that the Clintons are a known commodity. We know what we're getting, and in spite of the roster of Clinton scandals, they're proven competent leaders; one of whom presided over significant prosperity in the middle-to-late 1990s. A story about Clinton's email account isn't nearly enough to stir up alarm among average voters, and certainly not enough to crush Hillary's chances in the election, which, by the way, is still 14 months away.Earlier this week the inspector general for the intelligence community announced that Hillary Clinton's private "homebrew" email server allegedly contained at least two emails featuring top secret information, though they weren’t necessarily marked as such. If true, this of course would represent a harrowing gap in the flow of highly classified information -- a gap which could be exploited by any number of bad actors as the documents passed through the digital pipeline between Clinton and several of her top aides whose emails are also being scrutinized by government investigators. That said, since the content of the email is publicly unknown, there's no way of knowing how potentially revealing or damaging the classified information was. Clinton, meanwhile, had previously denied that she used her private email to send or receive classified intelligence. More breaking news: even though it’s an important story, it’s simply not resonating with the same ferocity Clinton-haters are wishing for. Does it matter that Clinton used a personal email server? Of course it does, and she ought to face scrutiny for it -- only insofar as every high ranking official who uses a private email account ought to be scrutinized. So far, it's really only Clinton who's being hectored about using her own server. The fact that she's running for president is a fairly decent excuse for doing so, but if that's the case, why isn't Jeb Bush being just as heavily flogged about it? Back in March, The Washington Post published an article detailing how Bush used his private email account and its accompanying personal email server to send and receive what seems on the surface to be sensitive messages relating to National Guard troop deployments and post-9/11 security concerns. His email was sent and received via a private "homebrew" email server based inside his Tallahassee office. Bush "took it with him when he left office in 2007." Bush's aides said the information was "mostly" public knowledge at the time the emails were sent. Regardless, the article reported that the emails contained discussions of "troop deployments to the Middle East and the protection of nuclear plants." Not unserious issues, to be sure.
In one e-mail sent four days after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the top general for the Florida Air National Guard told Bush that “we are actively planning sequences in preparation for mobilization orders should they come.” [...] In November 2001, Bush and an aide to then-Lt. Gov. Frank Brogan exchanged messages about the deployment of National Guard troops to a nuclear power plant in Crystal River, Fla. The aide wrote Bush that a state lawmaker had called to say she thought “it is imperative that the Crystal River nuclear facility have National Guard security.” Bush wrote back: “Florida power does not want it. We are reducing or getting rid of guard protection in the other plants.”That last line, to me, is the real bombshell -- that within two months of 9/11, Bush ordered the National Guard to pull its troops from protecting nuclear power plants in Florida, simply because the private corporations that operated the plants didn't want the protection. I wonder if the people who lived near the plants wanted the protection. Combine this news with the fact that Colin Powell also used a private email server at a time when the internet was far less secure than it is now, and we can only conclude: 1) For a good long time, it appears mostly commonplace for public officials to use a personal email address, and 2) They probably shouldn't have due to security and transparency concerns. But in the grand scheme of things, it's a D-list level scandal -- water under the bridge. What's crucial now is that everyone running for president is held to the same standard, and that both state and federal governments take action to make sure the system is as transparent as possible. I also think it's curious how the news media treated the Clinton email story, when it broke back in March, as if the existence of her email was previously unknown. Most of the press seemed to have forgotten about a 2013 bombshell article by The Smoking Gun that first reported the existence of Clinton's email account. While it’s true that new details have come to light since 2013, such as the existence of the homebrew server, it’s been treated in its entirety as a brand new story, and none of the reporting since March has acknowledged that her private email account was exposed two years ago. This story is, yes, still developing, but it is also two years old. In March of 2013, The Smoking Gun broke the story of the infamous "Guccifer" hacker who acquired personal emails from former Clinton aide Sidney Blumenthal. Inside Blumenthal's inbox were numerous emails received from Clinton using her "hdr22@clintonemail.com" address. Gawker reported at the time:
And why was Clinton apparently receiving emails at a non-governmental email account? The address Blumenthal was writing to was hosted at the domain "clintonemail.com" (we're not going to publish everybody's email address!), which is privately registered via Network Solutions. It is most certainly not a governmental account. Staffers in the Bush White House famously used private email accounts to conduct government business as a way to circumvent the Presidential Records Act, which mandates that all official communications be archived.But the year now is 2015, and the story is amplified by the desire to politically hobble Clinton. And voters know it. Ultimately, however, no one cares because it's an old-school scandal, with hints of partisan right-wing horseshit stirred into the mix. Our 2015 scandals involve fetuses, controversial tweets and Mexican rapists. Things everyone can understand. The Clinton story involves IT jargon and inside-the-beltway bureaucratic argle-bargle. Additionally, the public is at least savvy enough to understand how the press despises the Clintons. Concurrently, the public also understands that the Clintons are a known commodity. We know what we're getting, and in spite of the roster of Clinton scandals, they're proven competent leaders; one of whom presided over significant prosperity in the middle-to-late 1990s. A story about Clinton's email account isn't nearly enough to stir up alarm among average voters, and certainly not enough to crush Hillary's chances in the election, which, by the way, is still 14 months away.





