Lily Salter's Blog, page 1020

August 14, 2015

Being Blunt: When the News Becomes the News: A Playbook for Recovering

Journalists aren’t the people they used to be. With greater frequency they are the focus of reporting as much as they are doing the reporting. “It’s a disturbing trend,” says John Goodman, a former publicist for ABC’s World News Tonight and current owner of John Goodman Public Relations based in New York. “News reporters and anchors are supposed to present the news, not become it.” In February, NBC suspended anchor Brian Williams for claiming falsely that he had been in a helicopter that had been fired on during a 2003 Iraq assignment. CBS’ 60 Minutes correspondent Lara Logan took a leave of absence for filing an erroneous report on the attack on an American diplomatic mission in Benghazi, Libya. ESPN and Colin Cowherd parted ways after the blowhard radio personality made disparaging remarks about Dominican baseball players. The Starz Network comedy Blunt Talk amps up the theme of famed journalist as flawed individuals – albeit more for off-screen than on-camera misjudgments. Patrick Stewart plays Walter Blunt, an opinionated news show host who snorts cocaine and gets caught drunk driving when he’s not driving ratings. Blunt’s loyal team, including network producers and his trusty manservant Harry, rally around him with an absurdist sense of mission, defending, readying and even spooning the human wrecking ball. Blunt’s antics may make audiences alternatively laugh or cringe, but as is the case with all skillful humor, the show touches a broad nerve – in this case about celebrity-driven culture. What is an organization willing to do to keep a star, ahem, high in the media sky? Clearly, a fair amount. Williams and Logan have returned. Cowherd was just hired by ESPN rival Fox Sports to weigh in on stories much as he’d done before. The media celebrities’ ranks are filled with other comeback stories. But what does this entail? Experts say redemption requires an acknowledgement of past sins but ability to move beyond them. It means employing the right resources and patience, both by company and star. Perhaps most of all it means the ability to smile at a situation, to smile at oneself. Consider Goodman’s steps below as a healing remedy from all manner of misbehavior. Look Into It If you’re star makes headlines for the wrong reason, don’t be passive. Create your own Investigation. NBC examined how and why Williams made the false statements. That should be policy in every crisis situation, Goodman says. But such investigations have to exhibit a willingness to address uncomfortable truths. Williams showed a tendency to paint the truth. “There isn’t a boilerplate way to handle a crisis,” he says. “You have to understand the full breadth of the problem before you can address a solution.” Be Honest, Say You’re Sorry If there was wrongdoing, admit it, and don’t be shy about offering it publicly,Goodman says. “The worst thing you can do is sit quietly,” he says. “You have to be upfront about the problem.” However, ensure your mea culpas are genuine. When Williams apologized, he seemed less than contrite. Statements like, “I made a mistake in recalling the events 12 years ago,” made it seem as though he was making light of the situation. Explain What You’ll Do How will you keep this mistake from repeating? When crisis hits, you have to reassure the public that this kind of issue won’t happen again. Explain what changes you plan to make, including punishment. Williams was suspended and then demoted to MSNBC breaking news anchor, a supporting role. He is no longer the face of the NBC evening news program. Prepare For Fallout From lost ratings to public backlash, be ready to address unpleasant consequences for months – or more. NBC has remained a centerpiece of discussion about deteriorating standards in network journalism. The once widely respected Williams continues to be a late night comedy show punch-line. Rebuild Your Reputation With the scandal in the rear view mirror, it’s time to look ahead. “Williams will need to get up every morning and make a commitment to be honest in every detail of every story he tells from this point forward,” Goodman says. If a scandal-stricken celebrity can “keep their nose clean” they may earn forgiveness and rebuild their reputation, Goodman says. Learn From The Scandal Use the scandal to become a better person. Some media experts that Williams could could become involved in a veterans’ cause. However, you don’t want to turn a kind gesture into a media circus, Goodman says. Parading news crews out to cover Williams helping an injured solider would probably be considered tone deaf. Giving back is about finding forgiveness, not reclaiming ratings. Be Patient Handling a public relations nightmare requires patience. Work through the problem on a daily basis, stay calm, and the situation is likely to improve, Goodman says. The new STARZ Original Series “Blunt Talk,” created by Jonathan Ames and Executive Produced by Seth McFarlane, stars Patrick Stewart as a British import intent on conquering the world of American cable news. Don’t miss the premiere of the half-hour scripted comedy, Saturday, August 22 at 9P only on STARZJournalists aren’t the people they used to be. With greater frequency they are the focus of reporting as much as they are doing the reporting. “It’s a disturbing trend,” says John Goodman, a former publicist for ABC’s World News Tonight and current owner of John Goodman Public Relations based in New York. “News reporters and anchors are supposed to present the news, not become it.” In February, NBC suspended anchor Brian Williams for claiming falsely that he had been in a helicopter that had been fired on during a 2003 Iraq assignment. CBS’ 60 Minutes correspondent Lara Logan took a leave of absence for filing an erroneous report on the attack on an American diplomatic mission in Benghazi, Libya. ESPN and Colin Cowherd parted ways after the blowhard radio personality made disparaging remarks about Dominican baseball players. The Starz Network comedy Blunt Talk amps up the theme of famed journalist as flawed individuals – albeit more for off-screen than on-camera misjudgments. Patrick Stewart plays Walter Blunt, an opinionated news show host who snorts cocaine and gets caught drunk driving when he’s not driving ratings. Blunt’s loyal team, including network producers and his trusty manservant Harry, rally around him with an absurdist sense of mission, defending, readying and even spooning the human wrecking ball. Blunt’s antics may make audiences alternatively laugh or cringe, but as is the case with all skillful humor, the show touches a broad nerve – in this case about celebrity-driven culture. What is an organization willing to do to keep a star, ahem, high in the media sky? Clearly, a fair amount. Williams and Logan have returned. Cowherd was just hired by ESPN rival Fox Sports to weigh in on stories much as he’d done before. The media celebrities’ ranks are filled with other comeback stories. But what does this entail? Experts say redemption requires an acknowledgement of past sins but ability to move beyond them. It means employing the right resources and patience, both by company and star. Perhaps most of all it means the ability to smile at a situation, to smile at oneself. Consider Goodman’s steps below as a healing remedy from all manner of misbehavior. Look Into It If you’re star makes headlines for the wrong reason, don’t be passive. Create your own Investigation. NBC examined how and why Williams made the false statements. That should be policy in every crisis situation, Goodman says. But such investigations have to exhibit a willingness to address uncomfortable truths. Williams showed a tendency to paint the truth. “There isn’t a boilerplate way to handle a crisis,” he says. “You have to understand the full breadth of the problem before you can address a solution.” Be Honest, Say You’re Sorry If there was wrongdoing, admit it, and don’t be shy about offering it publicly,Goodman says. “The worst thing you can do is sit quietly,” he says. “You have to be upfront about the problem.” However, ensure your mea culpas are genuine. When Williams apologized, he seemed less than contrite. Statements like, “I made a mistake in recalling the events 12 years ago,” made it seem as though he was making light of the situation. Explain What You’ll Do How will you keep this mistake from repeating? When crisis hits, you have to reassure the public that this kind of issue won’t happen again. Explain what changes you plan to make, including punishment. Williams was suspended and then demoted to MSNBC breaking news anchor, a supporting role. He is no longer the face of the NBC evening news program. Prepare For Fallout From lost ratings to public backlash, be ready to address unpleasant consequences for months – or more. NBC has remained a centerpiece of discussion about deteriorating standards in network journalism. The once widely respected Williams continues to be a late night comedy show punch-line. Rebuild Your Reputation With the scandal in the rear view mirror, it’s time to look ahead. “Williams will need to get up every morning and make a commitment to be honest in every detail of every story he tells from this point forward,” Goodman says. If a scandal-stricken celebrity can “keep their nose clean” they may earn forgiveness and rebuild their reputation, Goodman says. Learn From The Scandal Use the scandal to become a better person. Some media experts that Williams could could become involved in a veterans’ cause. However, you don’t want to turn a kind gesture into a media circus, Goodman says. Parading news crews out to cover Williams helping an injured solider would probably be considered tone deaf. Giving back is about finding forgiveness, not reclaiming ratings. Be Patient Handling a public relations nightmare requires patience. Work through the problem on a daily basis, stay calm, and the situation is likely to improve, Goodman says. The new STARZ Original Series “Blunt Talk,” created by Jonathan Ames and Executive Produced by Seth McFarlane, stars Patrick Stewart as a British import intent on conquering the world of American cable news. Don’t miss the premiere of the half-hour scripted comedy, Saturday, August 22 at 9P only on STARZJournalists aren’t the people they used to be. With greater frequency they are the focus of reporting as much as they are doing the reporting. “It’s a disturbing trend,” says John Goodman, a former publicist for ABC’s World News Tonight and current owner of John Goodman Public Relations based in New York. “News reporters and anchors are supposed to present the news, not become it.” In February, NBC suspended anchor Brian Williams for claiming falsely that he had been in a helicopter that had been fired on during a 2003 Iraq assignment. CBS’ 60 Minutes correspondent Lara Logan took a leave of absence for filing an erroneous report on the attack on an American diplomatic mission in Benghazi, Libya. ESPN and Colin Cowherd parted ways after the blowhard radio personality made disparaging remarks about Dominican baseball players. The Starz Network comedy Blunt Talk amps up the theme of famed journalist as flawed individuals – albeit more for off-screen than on-camera misjudgments. Patrick Stewart plays Walter Blunt, an opinionated news show host who snorts cocaine and gets caught drunk driving when he’s not driving ratings. Blunt’s loyal team, including network producers and his trusty manservant Harry, rally around him with an absurdist sense of mission, defending, readying and even spooning the human wrecking ball. Blunt’s antics may make audiences alternatively laugh or cringe, but as is the case with all skillful humor, the show touches a broad nerve – in this case about celebrity-driven culture. What is an organization willing to do to keep a star, ahem, high in the media sky? Clearly, a fair amount. Williams and Logan have returned. Cowherd was just hired by ESPN rival Fox Sports to weigh in on stories much as he’d done before. The media celebrities’ ranks are filled with other comeback stories. But what does this entail? Experts say redemption requires an acknowledgement of past sins but ability to move beyond them. It means employing the right resources and patience, both by company and star. Perhaps most of all it means the ability to smile at a situation, to smile at oneself. Consider Goodman’s steps below as a healing remedy from all manner of misbehavior. Look Into It If you’re star makes headlines for the wrong reason, don’t be passive. Create your own Investigation. NBC examined how and why Williams made the false statements. That should be policy in every crisis situation, Goodman says. But such investigations have to exhibit a willingness to address uncomfortable truths. Williams showed a tendency to paint the truth. “There isn’t a boilerplate way to handle a crisis,” he says. “You have to understand the full breadth of the problem before you can address a solution.” Be Honest, Say You’re Sorry If there was wrongdoing, admit it, and don’t be shy about offering it publicly,Goodman says. “The worst thing you can do is sit quietly,” he says. “You have to be upfront about the problem.” However, ensure your mea culpas are genuine. When Williams apologized, he seemed less than contrite. Statements like, “I made a mistake in recalling the events 12 years ago,” made it seem as though he was making light of the situation. Explain What You’ll Do How will you keep this mistake from repeating? When crisis hits, you have to reassure the public that this kind of issue won’t happen again. Explain what changes you plan to make, including punishment. Williams was suspended and then demoted to MSNBC breaking news anchor, a supporting role. He is no longer the face of the NBC evening news program. Prepare For Fallout From lost ratings to public backlash, be ready to address unpleasant consequences for months – or more. NBC has remained a centerpiece of discussion about deteriorating standards in network journalism. The once widely respected Williams continues to be a late night comedy show punch-line. Rebuild Your Reputation With the scandal in the rear view mirror, it’s time to look ahead. “Williams will need to get up every morning and make a commitment to be honest in every detail of every story he tells from this point forward,” Goodman says. If a scandal-stricken celebrity can “keep their nose clean” they may earn forgiveness and rebuild their reputation, Goodman says. Learn From The Scandal Use the scandal to become a better person. Some media experts that Williams could could become involved in a veterans’ cause. However, you don’t want to turn a kind gesture into a media circus, Goodman says. Parading news crews out to cover Williams helping an injured solider would probably be considered tone deaf. Giving back is about finding forgiveness, not reclaiming ratings. Be Patient Handling a public relations nightmare requires patience. Work through the problem on a daily basis, stay calm, and the situation is likely to improve, Goodman says. The new STARZ Original Series “Blunt Talk,” created by Jonathan Ames and Executive Produced by Seth McFarlane, stars Patrick Stewart as a British import intent on conquering the world of American cable news. Don’t miss the premiere of the half-hour scripted comedy, Saturday, August 22 at 9P only on STARZ

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Published on August 14, 2015 11:45

Chicago conservative “envious” of Hurricane Katrina in the most appalling op-ed of the year

The Chicago Tribune's Kristen McQueary wrote an op-ed in which she claimed that the operative emotion one should feel as we approach the tenth anniversary of Katrina isn't despair over the thousands of easily preventable deaths, nor anguish at the lives and communities torn about, but envy because one of the greatest natural disasters in American history allowed the city to bust the teachers' unions and overhaul city hall. "Hurricane Katrina gave a great American city a rebirth," she wrote, conveniently ignoring the fact that 1,833 -- most of whom were poor and people of color -- paid for this civic rebirth with their lives. The toxic logic of white privilege on display here is staggering, as she characterizes the very real destruction of historical communities, as well as entire cultures, as "what it took to hit the reset button." Or, as she tweeted: [embedtweet id="631938344314798086"] McQueary provided a laundry list of conservative goals that the city met after it had been battered so badly it barely function as a city anymore: "[a] new mayor slashed the city budget, forced unpaid furloughs, cut positions, detonated labor contracts[,]" making "New Orleans' City Hall leaner and more efficient." It never occurred to her that if your ideology requires thousands dead and hundreds of thousands displaced in order to be enacted, the problem likely isn't the city -- it's your ideology. Putting aside that McQueary's vision of Chicago as a mansion on the hill requires the eradication of many of its African-American residents, the most disturbing aspect of her editorial is that she imagines herself to be one of those residents, stranded on a rooftop waving this very op-ed like a bed-sheet in the hopes of being rescued. "I can relate, metaphorically, to the residents of New Orleans climbing onto their rooftops and begging for help and waving their arms and lurching toward rescue helicopters." She did, literally, write that. But she went one step further, arguing that her plight is more desperate than those in New Orleans because "here, no one responds to the SOS messages painted boldly in the sky." Besides the fact that that final line makes absolutely no sense -- New Orleans residents weren't hiring biplanes to alert authorities as to their whereabouts via skywriting -- the problem with McQueary's editorial is that it exists, which points to a failure of judgment on her part, as well as that of every member of the editorial board who read and signed off on her egregious "hot take." McQueary has since tried to walk back that heat: [embedtweet id="631947498358112256"] But she's unlikely to find any sympathetic ears for her vile thoughts. Before setting them to paper, she apparently made lovely caprese salad, and suffice it to say, the world would be a demonstrably better place if she'd just eaten it and called it day instead of insulting the memory of a defiantly undrowned and its dead.The Chicago Tribune's Kristen McQueary wrote an op-ed in which she claimed that the operative emotion one should feel as we approach the tenth anniversary of Katrina isn't despair over the thousands of easily preventable deaths, nor anguish at the lives and communities torn about, but envy because one of the greatest natural disasters in American history allowed the city to bust the teachers' unions and overhaul city hall. "Hurricane Katrina gave a great American city a rebirth," she wrote, conveniently ignoring the fact that 1,833 -- most of whom were poor and people of color -- paid for this civic rebirth with their lives. The toxic logic of white privilege on display here is staggering, as she characterizes the very real destruction of historical communities, as well as entire cultures, as "what it took to hit the reset button." Or, as she tweeted: [embedtweet id="631938344314798086"] McQueary provided a laundry list of conservative goals that the city met after it had been battered so badly it barely function as a city anymore: "[a] new mayor slashed the city budget, forced unpaid furloughs, cut positions, detonated labor contracts[,]" making "New Orleans' City Hall leaner and more efficient." It never occurred to her that if your ideology requires thousands dead and hundreds of thousands displaced in order to be enacted, the problem likely isn't the city -- it's your ideology. Putting aside that McQueary's vision of Chicago as a mansion on the hill requires the eradication of many of its African-American residents, the most disturbing aspect of her editorial is that she imagines herself to be one of those residents, stranded on a rooftop waving this very op-ed like a bed-sheet in the hopes of being rescued. "I can relate, metaphorically, to the residents of New Orleans climbing onto their rooftops and begging for help and waving their arms and lurching toward rescue helicopters." She did, literally, write that. But she went one step further, arguing that her plight is more desperate than those in New Orleans because "here, no one responds to the SOS messages painted boldly in the sky." Besides the fact that that final line makes absolutely no sense -- New Orleans residents weren't hiring biplanes to alert authorities as to their whereabouts via skywriting -- the problem with McQueary's editorial is that it exists, which points to a failure of judgment on her part, as well as that of every member of the editorial board who read and signed off on her egregious "hot take." McQueary has since tried to walk back that heat: [embedtweet id="631947498358112256"] But she's unlikely to find any sympathetic ears for her vile thoughts. Before setting them to paper, she apparently made lovely caprese salad, and suffice it to say, the world would be a demonstrably better place if she'd just eaten it and called it day instead of insulting the memory of a defiantly undrowned and its dead.The Chicago Tribune's Kristen McQueary wrote an op-ed in which she claimed that the operative emotion one should feel as we approach the tenth anniversary of Katrina isn't despair over the thousands of easily preventable deaths, nor anguish at the lives and communities torn about, but envy because one of the greatest natural disasters in American history allowed the city to bust the teachers' unions and overhaul city hall. "Hurricane Katrina gave a great American city a rebirth," she wrote, conveniently ignoring the fact that 1,833 -- most of whom were poor and people of color -- paid for this civic rebirth with their lives. The toxic logic of white privilege on display here is staggering, as she characterizes the very real destruction of historical communities, as well as entire cultures, as "what it took to hit the reset button." Or, as she tweeted: [embedtweet id="631938344314798086"] McQueary provided a laundry list of conservative goals that the city met after it had been battered so badly it barely function as a city anymore: "[a] new mayor slashed the city budget, forced unpaid furloughs, cut positions, detonated labor contracts[,]" making "New Orleans' City Hall leaner and more efficient." It never occurred to her that if your ideology requires thousands dead and hundreds of thousands displaced in order to be enacted, the problem likely isn't the city -- it's your ideology. Putting aside that McQueary's vision of Chicago as a mansion on the hill requires the eradication of many of its African-American residents, the most disturbing aspect of her editorial is that she imagines herself to be one of those residents, stranded on a rooftop waving this very op-ed like a bed-sheet in the hopes of being rescued. "I can relate, metaphorically, to the residents of New Orleans climbing onto their rooftops and begging for help and waving their arms and lurching toward rescue helicopters." She did, literally, write that. But she went one step further, arguing that her plight is more desperate than those in New Orleans because "here, no one responds to the SOS messages painted boldly in the sky." Besides the fact that that final line makes absolutely no sense -- New Orleans residents weren't hiring biplanes to alert authorities as to their whereabouts via skywriting -- the problem with McQueary's editorial is that it exists, which points to a failure of judgment on her part, as well as that of every member of the editorial board who read and signed off on her egregious "hot take." McQueary has since tried to walk back that heat: [embedtweet id="631947498358112256"] But she's unlikely to find any sympathetic ears for her vile thoughts. Before setting them to paper, she apparently made lovely caprese salad, and suffice it to say, the world would be a demonstrably better place if she'd just eaten it and called it day instead of insulting the memory of a defiantly undrowned and its dead.The Chicago Tribune's Kristen McQueary wrote an op-ed in which she claimed that the operative emotion one should feel as we approach the tenth anniversary of Katrina isn't despair over the thousands of easily preventable deaths, nor anguish at the lives and communities torn about, but envy because one of the greatest natural disasters in American history allowed the city to bust the teachers' unions and overhaul city hall. "Hurricane Katrina gave a great American city a rebirth," she wrote, conveniently ignoring the fact that 1,833 -- most of whom were poor and people of color -- paid for this civic rebirth with their lives. The toxic logic of white privilege on display here is staggering, as she characterizes the very real destruction of historical communities, as well as entire cultures, as "what it took to hit the reset button." Or, as she tweeted: [embedtweet id="631938344314798086"] McQueary provided a laundry list of conservative goals that the city met after it had been battered so badly it barely function as a city anymore: "[a] new mayor slashed the city budget, forced unpaid furloughs, cut positions, detonated labor contracts[,]" making "New Orleans' City Hall leaner and more efficient." It never occurred to her that if your ideology requires thousands dead and hundreds of thousands displaced in order to be enacted, the problem likely isn't the city -- it's your ideology. Putting aside that McQueary's vision of Chicago as a mansion on the hill requires the eradication of many of its African-American residents, the most disturbing aspect of her editorial is that she imagines herself to be one of those residents, stranded on a rooftop waving this very op-ed like a bed-sheet in the hopes of being rescued. "I can relate, metaphorically, to the residents of New Orleans climbing onto their rooftops and begging for help and waving their arms and lurching toward rescue helicopters." She did, literally, write that. But she went one step further, arguing that her plight is more desperate than those in New Orleans because "here, no one responds to the SOS messages painted boldly in the sky." Besides the fact that that final line makes absolutely no sense -- New Orleans residents weren't hiring biplanes to alert authorities as to their whereabouts via skywriting -- the problem with McQueary's editorial is that it exists, which points to a failure of judgment on her part, as well as that of every member of the editorial board who read and signed off on her egregious "hot take." McQueary has since tried to walk back that heat: [embedtweet id="631947498358112256"] But she's unlikely to find any sympathetic ears for her vile thoughts. Before setting them to paper, she apparently made lovely caprese salad, and suffice it to say, the world would be a demonstrably better place if she'd just eaten it and called it day instead of insulting the memory of a defiantly undrowned and its dead.

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Published on August 14, 2015 05:52

Donald Trump, mad king of the extremists: What his surging popularity reveals about the GOP’s most dangerous strategy

On Tuesday, heavily armed members of the right-wing organization “Oath Keepers,” which reportedly has about 30,000 members and is made up of former military personnel, police officers and first responders, showed up to the uneasy streets of Ferguson. They claimed to be protecting a reporter from Alex Jones’ InfoWars.com (although InfoWars denies involvement with the group), while seemingly trying to educate black residents about their constitutional rights, as seen in these strangely cordial conversations. Whether the intentions of these armed white men were sincere, as Andrew O’Hehir concludes in his excellent piece on the subject, is up to debate -- but they were clearly delusional if they expected a warm greeting walking into a black neighborhood -- and one where systemic racism is rampant -- with semi-automatic rifles. With all of their knowledge of the Constitution, it is hard to believe these men would be ignorant of America's long and dark history of vigilante violence, which has been routinely perpetrated by white men against people of color and left wing radicals fighting oppression over the past two centuries. Indeed, the most famous of all vigilante groups in the United States was the Ku Klux Klan, which was dedicated to using violence and fear (i.e. terrorism) to keep African Americans oppressed and impoverished in the South. This particular group of militia men, dedicated to defending the “Constitution (their rigid interpretation, I assume) against all enemies, foreign and domestic,” previously came to the defense of infamous Nevada rancher, Cliven Bundy, who got into a standoff with the federal government over unpaid cattle grazing fees on federally owned land. After being praised by the right wing media, Bundy ended up showing just how much of a bigoted anachronism he was in an interview with the New York Times:
“[African Americans are] basically on government subsidy, so now what do they do? They abort their young children, they put their young men in jail, because they never learned how to pick cotton. And I’ve often wondered, are they better off as slaves, picking cotton and having a family life and doing things, or are they better off under government subsidy? They didn’t get no more freedom. They got less freedom.”
This disgustingly racist view is particularly ironic when it is taken into account that Bundy has been receiving subsidy from the government for two decades as a welfare rancher who hasn’t paid what he owes -- a measly $1.35 per month for each cow, to maintain the public land he grazes on. “Oath Keepers” is just one organization among many other right wing extremist groups and movements currently growing, and alarming the government. Take, for example, the “sovereign citizen” movement, which has been estimated to have up to 300,000 believers (although there is no central organization). Sovereign citizens are more or less conservative extremists who have taken their ideology one step further than the most dogmatic of libertarians. They do not recognize federal or state governments, and only abide by their own interpretation of common laws -- which is convenient for anyone who doesn’t want to pay any taxes. Over the years, self-described sovereign citizens have gotten into gunfights with police officers, and are considered a major threat by the FBI. According to a survey that New York Times conducted with the Police Executive Research Forum, out of 382 law enforcement agencies, 74 percent list anti-government extremism as a top terrorist threats in their jurisdiction, compared to just 39 percent for Islamic extremism. Right wing extremist groups range from white supremacy, nationalism, nativism, and anti-government extremism like the Sovereign Citizen movement. This increase of rightwing extremism in America poses the question of whether these aggressively reactionary movements are actually gaining traction in the political mainstream. Longtime war reporter and columnist Chris Hedges believes that a popular and radical movement is coming in the United States, but whether it will be based on progressive values, as we see with the Sanders’ campaign, or reactionary dogmatism, as we see with organizations like Oath Keepers or individuals like Donald Trump and Ted Cruz, is a question that remains unanswered. In his new book, “Wages of Rebellion,” Hedges writes of the reactionary passions we currently see in the United States, and what they could lead to if unchecked:
“Left unchecked, the hatred for radical Islam will transform itself into a hatred for Muslims. The hatred for undocumented workers will become a hatred for Mexicans and Central Americans. The hatred for those not defined by this largely white movement as American patriots will become a hatred for African Americans. The hatred for liberals will  morph into a hatred for all democratic institutions, from universities to government agencies to the press. Beleaguered whites, battered by a stagnant and flagging economy, are retreating, especially in the South, into a mythical self-glorification built around the Confederacy. This retreat resembles the absurdist national and ethnic myths that characterized the former Yugoslavia when it unraveled.”
The form of populism that we have seen Donald Trump embrace, a kind of nationalist nativism, promising to “make America great again” by keeping the brown people out and bringing jobs back to white America, has obviously gained traction. Trump is the antithesis of a career politician. He is openly sexist and xenophobic, but does not have to worry about losing campaign donations from his inflammatory comments. He does not talk like an anti-government rhetorician, but instead embraces the passions of the rightwing base -- whether it be xenophobia, nationalism, or anti-intellectualism -- while also promising to use his strength as president to crack down on all of society's perceived ills. And here lies a major contradiction with this man, who talks endlessly about the concerns of conservatives, yet promises to address them with the strength of the federal government and executive office -- something which conservatives are supposed to oppose. When given a choice, it seems that followers of the extreme right are willing to use the strength of the federal government, as long as it is addressing their concerns (e.g. national security, illegal immigration, abortion, gay marriage). Of course, not all conservatives have embraced Trump, and many see through his demagoguery -- but the people (at least a current plurality of GOP voters) have been enamored by his strongman shtick. Trump is just one person, and may very well fade away in the months to come -- but it is becoming clear that the right wing has increasingly retreated into a “mythical self-glorification,” as Hedges put it. Trump and his followers want to “make America great again.” But what does this mean? No doubt, Trump would say cutting our debt and bringing back jobs from China and Mexico, which is something most Americans would agree on. But the overwhelming rhetoric against immigration, foreign nations, and diplomacy (and diplomats) does point to a kind of retreat from reality into a hyper-nationalist mythology of American exceptionalism. Conservatives seem to be craving a strong personality like Trump, who can come into office and restore traditional values and America’s global supremacy with his superhuman business know-how. This similarly happened in the early 20th century, when strongmen like Mussolini and Hitler rose to power with a promise to restore national supremacy, while creating scapegoats for their problems. Trump wants to restore America’s greatness, and is going after immigrants and foreign nations to provoke much of white America. Again, there’s a good, perhaps even overwhelming, chance that Trump will eventually fade, but what about this growing reactionary energy? The surge of rightwing terrorism and extremist groups doesn’t seem to be fading, while the Republican party has become increasingly extremist over the past decade. When adding up the percentages of GOP primary candidates with 5 percent or more in the polls, it is found that 70 percent of GOP voters favor rightwing extremists who are anti-abortion, anti-government, anti-immigration, and even authoritarian (as seen with Trump). While progressivism has risen from its shallow grave over the past decade, so has reactionary populism of the right. It would be naive to think that society cannot turn back on the progress that has been fought for over time, which it has in the case of unionism and worker rights since the ‘80s. This is what the increasingly extremist right wing wants: to turn back time; and without a strong progressive movement standing in its way, this could all too easily happen.

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Published on August 14, 2015 04:59

Welcome to internment nation: The hideous truth that rightwing xenophobes & cowardly Dems won’t admit

Currently, the Obama administration is asking a federal judge to reconsider her ruling calling for the release thousands of immigrant mothers and their children caught crossing the Southern border. These women and children are now being held without charges in immigration detention centers in Texas. The Justice Department lawyers filed a 60-page response to Judge Dolly Gee of the U.S. District Court for the Central District of California, to argue that family detention facilities run by the Department of Homeland Security are necessary to deter illegal immigration. In her recent ruling, Judge Gee found that the practice of detaining immigrant mothers and families violated a court settlement from 1997 involving children in the United States illegally, which requires that they be held in the “least restrictive” conditions possible. Last week, nearly every member of House Democratic Caucus signed a letter urging the administration to comply with Judge Gee’s ruling. Spearheaded by Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.), a former immigration attorney who is the ranking member on a House subcommittee overseeing the policy, the letter includes a statement from Dr. Luis Zayas, Dean of the School of Social Work at the University of Texas. Based on his 39 years of experience, Dr. Zayas found that the children at Karnes Detention Center in Texas are “facing some of the most adverse childhood conditions of any children I have ever interviewed or evaluated.” House Democrats called for the administration to end this horror, stating “It is long past time to end family detention. In light of this recent federal court ruling, we urge you take all necessary and appropriate steps to bring the Department’s practices in line with the settlement agreement and the recent court ruling.” Representative Judy Chu (D-Calif.) visited the Karnes and Dilley detention centers and reported back what she saw, saying,
“I was one of the eight who visited the Karnes and Dilley detention center. And when I saw the Dilley detention center, I was so shocked at how isolated and barren it was. The first thing I thought was that they looked so much like the Japanese-American internment camps of World War II. I saw the sterile barracks, the muddy dirt pathways, the mass institutionalized cafeteria, and the guards everywhere. And I was shocked and so very moved by the desperate pleas of hundreds of mothers who came out to say, 'Release me, I am not a criminal,' and who scratched out picket signs that were written on their pillowcases and bedsheets.”
It’s the women who are telling us what’s happening inside. Two of the largest centers that are detaining immigrant mothers and children are located in Texas — in Dilley and in Karnes County. The Dilley facility holds 2,400 people and the Karnes County center can hold up to 532 people. This Monday, five immigrant women held in facilities with their children filed court papers seeking damages from the U.S. government for what they are arguing is psychological and physical harm as a result of being detained. One woman reported that the experience of detention was so intense, that her 8-year-old daughter attempted to breast-feed again. Another young mother, having passed the “credible fear” interview required of all asylum-seekers, was held for an additional 28 days. When she sought attention for a broken finger she was allegedly told to "drink more water.” According to the court papers, her son was later rushed to the hospital after "a virus apparently had gone untreated for a dangerously long time.” We have a long -- and ongoing -- history in this country of rounding up people we consider to be a threat, and holding them without due process. Representative Chu rightly invoked the interment of 120,000 Japanese Americans, as there are important lessons we might learn from that terrible moment in American History. These stories are not so different, after all, from the stories of Japanese Americans interned during WWII. Mary Tsukamoto, survivor of a Japanese American internment camp, recalled the sight she saw upon arriving,
“We saw all these people behind the fence, looking out, hanging onto the wire, and looking out because they were anxious to know who was coming in. But I will never forget the shocking feeling that human beings were behind this fence like animals [crying]. And we were going to also lose our freedom and walk inside of that gate and find ourselves…cooped up there…when the gates were shut, we knew that we had lost something that was very precious; that we were no longer free."
In 1943 when the interment of Japanese Americans (many of whom were U.S. Citizens and Permanent Residents) began, similar arguments were made. The federal government argued then, as it is arguing now, that these people were being held without due process because of the threat they potentially posed. Many of the immigrants being held in detention centers today are from countries in Central America, fleeing horrific violence and seeking asylum here in the U.S. Many politicians and officials find it just to detain these women and children without due process, including those who have passed the tests required to prove that they would be in life threatening danger if sent back to their home countries. They claim that their ability to keep these women and children incarcerated is important to deterring others who might also seek asylum here. Republicans,meanwhile, are pushing the Obama administration to keep their family detention practices as they are. Last week, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Bob Goodlatte of Virginia argued that detaining immigrant mothers and children who cross the border illegally was an effective way to ensure they show up for their immigration court hearings. Now, when a federal court has determined their actions unjust, they are fighting to preserve the right to keep these women and children incarcerated indefinitely, and in deplorable conditions. Which American value is at play in detaining women and children fleeing violence and trauma, without due process or adequate medical care? We have a long legacy of incarcerating people who are not criminals. And an ongoing practice of incarcerating millions people whose only crime is poverty. The President himself as admitted as much. The women and children in these detention centers are not criminals. In this case they are women and children seeking asylum in a nation that falsely advertised itself as a safe haven. These are the folks that Donald Trump, currently leading the GOP presidential primary, along with many in his party, wants us to fear. That ratcheting of that fear is a longtime tactic to stoke anxiety and fear about our borders and security. As if the threat to our freedom hasn’t been inside the gates all along. Eesha Pandit is a writer and activist based in Houston, TX. You can follow her on twitter at @EeshaP, and find out more about her work at eeshapandit.com.

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Published on August 14, 2015 04:58

The laughable hypocrisy of the GOP’s Trump backlash

AlterNet

Donald Trump is a misogynist. This has been indisputable for decades, but many Republican leaders are finally starting to agree there might be something, you know, bigoted about Trump’s eagerness to use every sexist trope in the book to attack women he takes issue with.

Specifically, Republicans are "offended" that Donald Trump made a gross crack about Fox News host Megyn Kelly after Kelly dared ask him some tough questions during Thursday night’s Republican primary debate.

Conservative posturing about the evils of misogyny is sheer opportunism; that is hardly in dispute. Trump has been a pig as long as he’s been in the public eye, calling Rosie O’Donnell a “fat pig,” saying women from Gail Collins to Arianna Huffington are ugly because they disagree with him, and suggesting Anne Hathaway is a golddigger. That his hateful attitude toward women suddenly offends Republicans has little to do with sincere objections to misogyny and everything to do with the fact that Republican leadership wants Trump to end his stunt race now, before his antics do any further damage to the Republican brand.

But while Republican leaders have started to express disgust about Trump’s misogyny, Trump denies the charge, claiming, “I cherish women. I want to help women."

That Trump pulls this card is hardly a surprise. You’ll have more luck finding a talking dog than a misogynist who openly cops to hating women. The dictionary may define misogyny as “hatred, dislike, or mistrust of women” but it’s usually a little more complex than that.

Your average misogynist, like Trump, often claims -- may even believe -- that he loves women. But that supposed love comes with a caveat, which is that he expects a woman to be subservient and know her place. If a woman steps out of line by disagreeing with the misogynist, rejecting his instructions on how to live her life, or behaving or dressing in a way he doesn’t like, that’s when the anger and hatred come pouring out.

Misogyny is more about male entitlement than anything else. It’s a direct result of men feeling entitled to women’s obedience, submission, silence, fawning adoration, or some combination of all of these. When the misogynist claims he loves women, he means women who are deferential to him and his desires. Incidentally, this also explains why there are so many female misogynists — women who have absorbed the message that women should be deferential to men and attack any women who disagree.

This is why it’s such an eye-rolling moment when sexist politicians or public figures push back against criticism by citing their love for their wives or daughters. No one is surprised that a sexist man thinks well of his doting wife. The question is how he feels about women who defy his instructions on what to believe and how to live and how to talk to men.

When a conservative like Erick Erickson defends Megyn Kelly while lobbing sexist vitriol at feminists, he’s not actually doing anything different than what Trump is doing. Like Trump, Erickson either puts women on pedestals or believes they are disgusting tramps to be spat upon. Like Trump, Erickson believes that the way to tell which woman is good or bad depends on whether she’s deferential to him. The only point of contention here is how to categorize Megyn Kelly. Since Erickson agrees with her, he wants to give her pedestal status. Since Trump disagrees with her, he wants to give her gutter status. But both men firmly agree that actually respecting women as equals, instead of objectifying them as either trophies or trash, is completely out of the question.

All of which is why none of this appears to be hurting Trump in the polls. Trump’s conservative critics aren’t really denouncing the practice of trying to put disobedient women in their place by telling them they are fat, ugly, slutty or should be ashamed of themselves for having female body functions. The only real point of contention is whether or not Megyn Kelly should be subject to the same treatment that any other woman who crosses an angry, sexist man will get. Since there’s no broader principle at stake, it all just looks like a pissing match between Trump and people who want someone else to get the Republican nomination. And it looks that way because that’s all it is.

Trump supporters aren't stupid. They grasp the incoherence of the Republican mainstream opinion. If sexism is an acceptable weapon to use against liberal women who speak out against you, then why is it suddenly not okay when the disobedient woman is a conservative? Most of Trump’s supporters don’t like it when feminists and liberals tell them not to call women bitches and sluts when they feel like it, so it’s not surprising that they’re not going to listen to conservatives to cut it out just because this particular woman works for Fox News.

This feud may end up hurting Trump in the polls, but it won’t be because he’s a misogynist. It’s clear that neither his supporters nor his conservative detractors give a fig about that, and as soon as this is all over, most will join back together to keep lobbing the same nasty insults at feminists and women in Democratic leadership. So this really comes down to a popularity contest between Trump and Kelly. Will Kelly's not inconsequential fan base in the conservative movement outgun the loud and proud Trump constituency? The answer is still unknown, but even if the Trump machine collapses, genuine conservative outrage over sexism will have played no part in it. AlterNet

Donald Trump is a misogynist. This has been indisputable for decades, but many Republican leaders are finally starting to agree there might be something, you know, bigoted about Trump’s eagerness to use every sexist trope in the book to attack women he takes issue with.

Specifically, Republicans are "offended" that Donald Trump made a gross crack about Fox News host Megyn Kelly after Kelly dared ask him some tough questions during Thursday night’s Republican primary debate.

Conservative posturing about the evils of misogyny is sheer opportunism; that is hardly in dispute. Trump has been a pig as long as he’s been in the public eye, calling Rosie O’Donnell a “fat pig,” saying women from Gail Collins to Arianna Huffington are ugly because they disagree with him, and suggesting Anne Hathaway is a golddigger. That his hateful attitude toward women suddenly offends Republicans has little to do with sincere objections to misogyny and everything to do with the fact that Republican leadership wants Trump to end his stunt race now, before his antics do any further damage to the Republican brand.

But while Republican leaders have started to express disgust about Trump’s misogyny, Trump denies the charge, claiming, “I cherish women. I want to help women."

That Trump pulls this card is hardly a surprise. You’ll have more luck finding a talking dog than a misogynist who openly cops to hating women. The dictionary may define misogyny as “hatred, dislike, or mistrust of women” but it’s usually a little more complex than that.

Your average misogynist, like Trump, often claims -- may even believe -- that he loves women. But that supposed love comes with a caveat, which is that he expects a woman to be subservient and know her place. If a woman steps out of line by disagreeing with the misogynist, rejecting his instructions on how to live her life, or behaving or dressing in a way he doesn’t like, that’s when the anger and hatred come pouring out.

Misogyny is more about male entitlement than anything else. It’s a direct result of men feeling entitled to women’s obedience, submission, silence, fawning adoration, or some combination of all of these. When the misogynist claims he loves women, he means women who are deferential to him and his desires. Incidentally, this also explains why there are so many female misogynists — women who have absorbed the message that women should be deferential to men and attack any women who disagree.

This is why it’s such an eye-rolling moment when sexist politicians or public figures push back against criticism by citing their love for their wives or daughters. No one is surprised that a sexist man thinks well of his doting wife. The question is how he feels about women who defy his instructions on what to believe and how to live and how to talk to men.

When a conservative like Erick Erickson defends Megyn Kelly while lobbing sexist vitriol at feminists, he’s not actually doing anything different than what Trump is doing. Like Trump, Erickson either puts women on pedestals or believes they are disgusting tramps to be spat upon. Like Trump, Erickson believes that the way to tell which woman is good or bad depends on whether she’s deferential to him. The only point of contention here is how to categorize Megyn Kelly. Since Erickson agrees with her, he wants to give her pedestal status. Since Trump disagrees with her, he wants to give her gutter status. But both men firmly agree that actually respecting women as equals, instead of objectifying them as either trophies or trash, is completely out of the question.

All of which is why none of this appears to be hurting Trump in the polls. Trump’s conservative critics aren’t really denouncing the practice of trying to put disobedient women in their place by telling them they are fat, ugly, slutty or should be ashamed of themselves for having female body functions. The only real point of contention is whether or not Megyn Kelly should be subject to the same treatment that any other woman who crosses an angry, sexist man will get. Since there’s no broader principle at stake, it all just looks like a pissing match between Trump and people who want someone else to get the Republican nomination. And it looks that way because that’s all it is.

Trump supporters aren't stupid. They grasp the incoherence of the Republican mainstream opinion. If sexism is an acceptable weapon to use against liberal women who speak out against you, then why is it suddenly not okay when the disobedient woman is a conservative? Most of Trump’s supporters don’t like it when feminists and liberals tell them not to call women bitches and sluts when they feel like it, so it’s not surprising that they’re not going to listen to conservatives to cut it out just because this particular woman works for Fox News.

This feud may end up hurting Trump in the polls, but it won’t be because he’s a misogynist. It’s clear that neither his supporters nor his conservative detractors give a fig about that, and as soon as this is all over, most will join back together to keep lobbing the same nasty insults at feminists and women in Democratic leadership. So this really comes down to a popularity contest between Trump and Kelly. Will Kelly's not inconsequential fan base in the conservative movement outgun the loud and proud Trump constituency? The answer is still unknown, but even if the Trump machine collapses, genuine conservative outrage over sexism will have played no part in it.

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Published on August 14, 2015 04:46

Big Oil takes a spill: Russia, Venezuela and the dawn of a new energy epoch

The plunge of global oil prices began in June 2014, when benchmark Brent crude was selling at $114 per barrel. It hit bottom at $46 this January, a near-collapse widely viewed as a major but temporary calamity for the energy industry.  Such low prices were expected to force many high-cost operators, especially American shale oil producers, out of the market, while stoking fresh demand and so pushing those numbers back up again.  When Brent rose to $66 per barrel this May, many oil industry executives breathed a sigh of relief.  The worst was over.  The price had “reached a bottom” and it “doesn’t look like it is going back,” a senior Saudi official observed at the time. Skip ahead three months and that springtime of optimism has evaporated.  Major producers continue to pump out record levels of crude and world demand remains essentially flat. The result: a global oil glut that is again driving prices toward the energy subbasement.  In the first week of August, Brent fell to $49, and West Texas Intermediate, the benchmark for U.S. crude, sank to $45. On top of last winter’s rout, this second round of price declines has played havoc with the profits of the major oil companies, put tens of thousands of people out of work, and obliterated billions of dollars of investments in future projects. While most oil-company executives continue to insist that a turnaround is sure to occur in the near future, some analysts are beginning to wonder if what’s underway doesn’t actually signal a fundamental transformation of the industry. Recently, as if to underscore the magnitude of the current rout, ExxonMobil and Chevron, the top two U.S. oil producers, announced their worst quarterly returns in many years.  Exxon, America’s largest oil company and normally one of its most profitable, reported a 52% drop in earnings for the second quarter of 2015.  Chevron suffered an even deeper plunge, with net income falling 90% from the second quarter of 2014.  In response, both companies have cut spending on exploration and production (“upstream” operations, in oil industry lingo).  Chevron also announced plans to eliminate 1,500 jobs. Painful as the short-term consequences of the current price rout may be, the long-term ones are likely to prove far more significant.  To conserve funds and ensure continuing profitability, the major companies are cancelling or postponing investments in new production ventures, especially complex, costly projects like the exploitation of Canadian tar sands and deep-offshore fields that only turn a profit when oil is selling at $80 to $100 or more per barrel. According to Wood Mackenzie, an oil-industry consultancy, the top firms have already shelved $200 billion worth of spending on new projects, including 46 major oil and natural gas ventures containing an estimated 20 billion barrels of oil or its equivalent.  Most of these are in Canada’s Athabasca tar sands (also called oil sands) or in deep waters off the west coast of Africa.  Royal Dutch Shell has postponed its Bonga South West project, a proposed $12 billion development in the Atlantic Ocean off the coast of Nigeria, while the French company Total has delayed a final investment decision on Zinia 2, a field it had planned to exploit off the coast of Angola.  “The upstream industry is winding back its investment in big pre-final investment decision developments as fast as it can,” Wood Mackenzie reported in July. As the price of oil continues on its downward course, the cancellation or postponement of such mega-projects has been sending powerful shock waves through the energy industry, and also ancillary industries, communities, and countries that depend on oil extraction for the bulk of their revenues. Consider it a straw in the wind that, in February, Halliburton, a major oil-services provider, announced layoffs of 7% of its work force, or about 6,000 people.  Other firms have announced equivalent reductions. Such layoffs are, of course, impacting whole communities.  For instance, Fort McMurray in Alberta, Canada, the epicenter of the tar sands industry and not so long ago a boom town, has seen its unemployment rate double over the past year and public spending slashed.  Families that once enjoyed six-digit annual incomes are now turning to community food banks for essential supplies.  “In a very short time our world has changed, and changed dramatically,” observes Rich Kruger, chief executive of Imperial Oil, an Exxon subsidiary and major investor in Alberta’s tar sands. A similar effect can be seen on a far larger scale when it comes to oil-centric countries like Russia, Nigeria, and Venezuela.  All three are highly dependent on oil exports for government operations.  Russia’s government relies on its oil and gas industry for 50% of its budget revenues, Nigeria for 75%, and Venezuela for 45%.  All three have experienced sharp drops in oil income.  The resulting diminished government spending has meant economic hardship, especially for the poor and marginalized, and prompted increased civil unrest.  In Russia, President Vladimir Putin has clearly sought to deflect attention from the social impact of reduced oil revenue by ­whipping up patriotic fervor about the country’s military involvement in Ukraine.  Russia's actions have, however, provoked Western economic sanctions, only adding to its economic and social woes. No Relief in Sight What are we to make of this unexpected second fall in oil prices?  Could we, in fact, be witnessing a fundamental shift in the energy industry?  To answer either of these questions, consider why prices first fell in 2014 and why, at the time, analysts believed they would rebound by the middle of this year. The initial collapse was widely attributed to three critical factors: an extraordinary surge in production from shale formations in the United States, continued high output by members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) led by Saudi Arabia, and a slackening of demand from major consuming nations, especially China. According to the Energy Information Administration of the Department of Energy, crude oil production in the United States took aleap from 5.6 million barrels per day in June 2011 to 8.7 million barrels in June 2014, a mind-boggling increase of 55% in just three years.  The addition of so much new oil to global markets -- thanks in large part to the introduction of fracking technology in America’s western energy fields -- occurred just as China’s economy (and so its demand for oil) was slowing, undoubtedly provoking the initial price slide.  Brent crude went from $114 to $84 per barrel, a drop of 36% between June and October 2014. Historically, OPEC has responded to such declines by scaling back production by its member states, and so effectively shoring up prices.  This time, however, the organization, which met in Vienna last November, elected to maintain production at current levels, ensuring a global oil glut.  Not surprisingly, in the weeks after the meeting, Brent prices went into free fall, ending up at $55 per barrel on the last day of 2014. Most industry analysts assumed that the Persian Gulf states, led by Saudi Arabia, were simply willing to absorb a temporary loss of income to force the collapse of U.S. shale operators and other emerging competitors, including tar sands operations in Canada and deep-offshore ventures in Africa and Brazil.  A senior Saudi official seemed to confirm this in May, telling the Financial Times, “There is no doubt about it, the price fall of the last several months has deterred investors away from expensive oil including U.S. shale, deep offshore, and heavy oils.” Believing that the Saudi strategy had succeeded and noting signs of increasing energy demand in China, Europe, and the United States, many analysts concluded that prices would soon begin to rise again, as indeed they briefly did.  It now appears, however, that these assumptions were off the mark.  While numerous high-cost projects in Canada and Africa were delayed or cancelled, the U.S. shale industry has found ways to weather the downturn in prices.  Some less-productive wells have indeed been abandoned, but drillers also developed techniques to extract more oil less expensively from their remaining wells and kept right on pumping.  “We can’t control commodity prices, but we can control the efficiency of our wells,” said one operator in the Eagle Ford region of Texas.  “The industry has taken this as a wake-up call to get more efficient or get out.” Responding to the challenge, the Saudis ramped up production, achieving a record 10.3 million barrels per day in May 2014.  Other OPEC members similarly increased their output and, to the surprise of many, the Iraqi oil industry achieved unexpected production highs, despite the country’s growing internal disorder.  Meanwhile, with economic sanctions on Iran expected to ease in the wake of its nuclear deal with the U.S., China, France, Russia, England, and Germany, that country’s energy industry is soon likely to begin gearing up to add to global supply in a significant way. With ever more oil entering the market and a future seeded with yet more of the same, only an unlikely major boost in demand could halt a further price drop.  Although American consumers are driving more and buying bigger vehicles in response to lower gas prices, Europe shows few signs of recovery from its present austerity moment, and China, following a catastrophic stock market contraction in June, is in no position to take up the slack.  Put it all together and the prognosis seems inescapable: low oil prices for the foreseeable future. A Whole New Ballgame? Big Energy is doing its best to remain optimistic about the situation, believing a turnaround is inevitable. “Globally in the industry $130 billion of projects have been delayed, deferred, or cancelled,” Bod Dudley, chief executive of BP, commented in June.  “That’s going to have an impact down the road.” But what if we’ve entered a new period in which supply just keeps expanding while demand fails to take off?  For one thing, there’s no evidence that the shale and fracking revolution that has turned the U.S. into “Saudi America” will collapse any time soon.  Although some smaller operators may be driven out of business, those capable of embracing the newest cost-cutting technologies are likely to keep pumping out shale oil even in a low-price environment. Meanwhile, there’s Iran and Iraq to take into account.  Those two countries are desperate for infusions of new income and possess some of the planet’s largest reserves of untapped petroleum.  Over the decades, both have been ravaged by war and sanctions, but their energy industries are now poised for significant growth.  To the surprise of analysts, Iraqi production rose from 2.4 million barrels per day in 2010 to 4 million barrels this summer.  Some experts are convinced that by 2020 total output, including from the country’s semiautonomous Kurdistan region, could more than double to 9 million barrels.  Of course, continued fighting in Iraq, which has already lost major cities in the north to the Islamic State and its new “caliphate,” could quickly undermine such expectations.  Still, through years of chaos, civil war, and insurgency, the Iraqi energy industry has proven remarkably resilient and adept first at sustaining and then boosting its output. Iran’s once mighty oil industry, crippled by fierce economic sanctions, has suffered from a lack of access to advanced Western drilling technology.  At about 2.8 million barrels per day in 2014, its crude oil production remains far below levels experts believe would be easily attainable if modern technology were brought to bear.  Once the Iran nuclear deal is approved -- by the Europeans, Russians, and Chinese, even if the U.S. Congress shoots it down -- and most sanctions lifted, Western companies are likely to flock back into the country, providing the necessary new oil technology and knowhow in return for access to its massive energy reserves.  While this wouldn’t happen overnight -- it takes time to restore a dilapidated energy infrastructure -- output could rise by one million barrels per day within a year, and considerably more after that. All in all, then, global oil production remains on an upward trajectory.  What, then, of demand?  On this score, the situation in China will prove critical.   That country has, after all, been the main source of new oil demand since the start of this century.  According to BP, oil consumption in China rose from 6.7 million barrels per day in 2004 to 11.1 million barrels in 2014.  As domestic production only amounts to about 4 million barrels per day, all of those additional barrels represented imported energy.  If you want a major explanation for the pre-2014 rise in the price of oil, rapid Chinese growth -- and expectations that its spurt in consumption would continue into the indefinite future -- is it. Woe, then, to the $100 barrel of oil, since that country’s economy has been cooling off since 2014 and its growth is projected to fall below 7% this year, the lowest rate in decades.  This means, in turn, less demand for extra oil.  China’s consumption rose only 300,000 barrels per day in 2014 and is expected to remain sluggish for years to come.  “[T]he likelihood now is that import growth will be minimal for the next two or three years,” energy expert Nick Butler of the Financial Times observed.  “That in turn will compound and extend the existing surplus of supply over demand.” Finally, don’t forget the Paris climate summit this December.  Although no one yet knows what, if anything, it will accomplish, dozens of countries have already submitted preliminary plans for the steps they will pledge to take to reduce their carbon emissions.  These include, for example, tax breaks and other incentives for those acquiring hybrid and electric-powered cars, along with increased taxes on oil and other forms of carbon consumption.  Should such measures begin to kick in, demand for oil will take another hit and conceivably its use will actually drop years before supplies become scarce. Winners and Losers The initial near collapse of oil prices caused considerable pain and disarray in the oil industry.  If this second rout continues for any length of time, it will undoubtedly produce even more severe and unpredictable consequences. Some outcomes already appear likely: energy companies that cannot lower their costs will be driven out of business or absorbed by other firms, while investment in costly, “unconventional” projects like Canadian tar sands, ultra-deep Atlantic fields, and Arctic oil will largely disappear.  Most of the giant oil companies will undoubtedly survive, but possibly in downsized form or as part of merged enterprises. All of this is bad news for Big Energy, but unexpectedly good news for the planet. As a start, those “unconventional” projects like tar sands require more energy to extract oil than conventional fields, which means a greater release of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. Heavier oils like tar sands and Venezuelan extra-heavy crude also contain more carbon than do lighter fuels and so emit more carbon dioxide when consumed. If, in addition, global oil consumption slows or begins to contract, that, too, would obviously reduce carbon dioxide emissions, slowing the present daunting pace of climate change. Most of us are used to following the ups and downs of the Dow Jones Industrial Average as a shorthand gauge for the state of the world economy.  However, following the ups and downs of the price of Brent crude may, in the end, tell us far more about world affairs on our endangered planet.

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Published on August 14, 2015 04:45

Ben Carson just made life very hard for the GOP: Why his fetal tissue research matters

Well, the simmering scandal over the Planned Parenthood undercover sting videos has finally succeeded in tripping up a 2016 candidate. Retired neurosurgeon and sayer of crazy things Ben Carson has, like most Republicans and conservatives, been harshly critical of Planned Parenthood for its controversial (and perfectly legal) practice of donating tissues from aborted fetuses to medical research groups. But, as Buzzfeed reported yesterday, Carson himself has done research on fetal brain tissue. That in itself is not a controversial development – doctors and scientists have been using fetal tissue for decades to develop treatments and cures for terrible diseases. But with the conservative movement up in arms over the Planned Parenthood videos, it poses something of a political dilemma for Carson, who is stridently in opposition to abortion rights. The Washington Post’s Dave Weigel asked Carson about the fetal tissue research he’s conducted and Carson, to his credit, stood by the work he’s done. But his attempt at distancing himself from the broader issue of fetal tissue donation was technical and confusing:
There was no contradiction between this science and Carson's pro-life views, he said. "My primary responsibility in that research was when I operated on people and obtained the tissue," said Carson, who noted that he has not used fetal tissue samples since then. "This has everything to do with how it’s required. If you’re killing babies and taking the tissue, that’s a very different thing than taking a dead specimen and keeping a record of it."
I’ve read through Carson’s statement several times and I’m still not entirely sure what he is trying to say. Thankfully, I don’t seem to be the only person who is baffled by his attempt at explaining this. The Post’s Amber Phillips writes that Carson seems to be alleging that Planned Parenthood is performing abortions specifically so that fetal tissue will be available for medical research, but that’s an allegation that “Planned Parenthood has flatly rejected and isn't proven by the videos.” At the very least, Carson is trapped in an inconsistency and he’s having a great deal of difficulty explaining it. And while that doesn’t make Carson look particularly good, his involvement with fetal tissue research and his tortured defense of it   also cause problems for the other candidates and conservatives who are trying to demagogue the issue. Carson's fellow presidential hopefuls are all trying to outdo each other by taking increasingly hardline stances on Planned Parenthood. Ted Cruz just released an ad promising he’ll prosecute the organization and put an end to the “harvest” of “organs from unborn children,” which he says is contrary to American “values.” Mike Huckabee is also calling for Planned Parenthood to be prosecuted for “for violating federal law and selling body parts.” It’s tough to make the political case that the donation of fetal tissue for medical research is un-American and potentially criminal when celebrated physician and conservative hero Ben Carson is complicit in the act. To that point, Carson’s defense of his involvement with that research ended up turning into a broader defense of fetal tissue research and the role it has played in advancing medical science. “When we obtain tissue like that, we want to know what the origin of that tissue is developmentally,” he told the Post. “Knowing that helps us determine which patients are likely to develop a problem. It’s one of the reasons why at the turn of the last century, the average age of death was 47. Now, the average age of death is 80. Using the information that you have is a smart thing, not a dumb thing." This is a compelling moral case for fetal tissue research, and it’s coming from a Republican presidential candidate. This is not the conversation Republicans and conservatives want to have when it comes to the Planned Parenthood videos. They’d much rather maintain focus on the gory details of abortion procedures and the unsubstantiated allegation that Planned Parenthood is profiting from all this. When you start talking about the scientific progress made possible by Planned Parenthood’s tissue donations and the amazing medical advancements that have already taken place, you enter into complex moral gray areas that erode the absolutist anti-abortion arguments that increasingly dominate conservative discourse and Republican politics. The politics of the Planned Parenthood fight were already dicey for Republicans, given that hardline anti-abortion conservatives are pushing GOP leaders in Congress to take extreme measures – like shutting down the government – to cut off the organization’s federal funding. They're presenting this as a black-and-white issue with Planned Parenthood playing the role of an intolerable villain. News about Ben Carson’s own involvement with fetal tissue research and his broader defense of its merits add unwanted complexity and nuance to the fight.

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Published on August 14, 2015 02:59

The Hillary Clinton double standard in a nutshell: Why aren’t we talking about Jeb’s email scandal too?

Earlier this week the inspector general for the intelligence community announced that Hillary Clinton's private "homebrew" email server allegedly contained at least two emails featuring top secret information, though they weren’t necessarily marked as such. If true, this of course would represent a harrowing gap in the flow of highly classified information -- a gap which could be exploited by any number of bad actors as the documents passed through the digital pipeline between Clinton and several of her top aides whose emails are also being scrutinized by government investigators. That said, since the content of the email is publicly unknown, there's no way of knowing how potentially revealing or damaging the classified information was. Clinton, meanwhile, had previously denied that she used her private email to send or receive classified intelligence. More breaking news: even though it’s an important story, it’s simply not resonating with the same ferocity Clinton-haters are wishing for. Does it matter that Clinton used a personal email server? Of course it does, and she ought to face scrutiny for it -- only insofar as every high ranking official who uses a private email account ought to be scrutinized. So far, it's really only Clinton who's being hectored about using her own server. The fact that she's running for president is a fairly decent excuse for doing so, but if that's the case, why isn't Jeb Bush being just as heavily flogged about it? Back in March, The Washington Post published an article detailing how Bush used his private email account and its accompanying personal email server to send and receive what seems on the surface to be sensitive messages relating to National Guard troop deployments and post-9/11 security concerns. His email was sent and received via a private "homebrew" email server based inside his Tallahassee office. Bush "took it with him when he left office in 2007." Bush's aides said the information was "mostly" public knowledge at the time the emails were sent. Regardless, the article reported that the emails contained discussions of "troop deployments to the Middle East and the protection of nuclear plants." Not unserious issues, to be sure.
In one e-mail sent four days after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the top general for the Florida Air National Guard told Bush that “we are actively planning sequences in preparation for mobilization orders should they come.” [...] In November 2001, Bush and an aide to then-Lt. Gov. Frank Brogan exchanged messages about the deployment of National Guard troops to a nuclear power plant in Crystal River, Fla. The aide wrote Bush that a state lawmaker had called to say she thought “it is imperative that the Crystal River nuclear facility have National Guard security.” Bush wrote back: “Florida power does not want it. We are reducing or getting rid of guard protection in the other plants.”
That last line, to me, is the real bombshell -- that within two months of 9/11, Bush ordered the National Guard to pull its troops from protecting nuclear power plants in Florida, simply because the private corporations that operated the plants didn't want the protection. I wonder if the people who lived near the plants wanted the protection. Combine this news with the fact that Colin Powell also used a private email server at a time when the internet was far less secure than it is now, and we can only conclude: 1) For a good long time, it appears mostly commonplace for public officials to use a personal email address, and 2) They probably shouldn't have due to security and transparency concerns. But in the grand scheme of things, it's a D-list level scandal -- water under the bridge. What's crucial now is that everyone running for president is held to the same standard, and that both state and federal governments take action to make sure the system is as transparent as possible. I also think it's curious how the news media treated the Clinton email story, when it broke back in March, as if the existence of her email was previously unknown. Most of the press seemed to have forgotten about a 2013 bombshell article by The Smoking Gun that first reported the existence of Clinton's email account. While it’s true that new details have come to light since 2013, such as the existence of the homebrew server, it’s been treated in its entirety as a brand new story, and none of the reporting since March has acknowledged that her private email account was exposed two years ago. This story is, yes, still developing, but it is also two years old. In March of 2013, The Smoking Gun broke the story of the infamous "Guccifer" hacker who acquired personal emails from former Clinton aide Sidney Blumenthal. Inside Blumenthal's inbox were numerous emails received from Clinton using her "hdr22@clintonemail.com" address. Gawker reported at the time:
And why was Clinton apparently receiving emails at a non-governmental email account? The address Blumenthal was writing to was hosted at the domain "clintonemail.com" (we're not going to publish everybody's email address!), which is privately registered via Network Solutions. It is most certainly not a governmental account. Staffers in the Bush White House famously used private email accounts to conduct government business as a way to circumvent the Presidential Records Act, which mandates that all official communications be archived.
But the year now is 2015, and the story is amplified by the desire to politically hobble Clinton. And voters know it. Ultimately, however, no one cares because it's an old-school scandal, with hints of partisan right-wing horseshit stirred into the mix. Our 2015 scandals involve fetuses, controversial tweets and Mexican rapists. Things everyone can understand. The Clinton story involves IT jargon and inside-the-beltway bureaucratic argle-bargle. Additionally, the public is at least savvy enough to understand how the press despises the Clintons. Concurrently, the public also understands that the Clintons are a known commodity. We know what we're getting, and in spite of the roster of Clinton scandals, they're proven competent leaders; one of whom presided over significant prosperity in the middle-to-late 1990s. A story about Clinton's email account isn't nearly enough to stir up alarm among average voters, and certainly not enough to crush Hillary's chances in the election, which, by the way, is still 14 months away.Earlier this week the inspector general for the intelligence community announced that Hillary Clinton's private "homebrew" email server allegedly contained at least two emails featuring top secret information, though they weren’t necessarily marked as such. If true, this of course would represent a harrowing gap in the flow of highly classified information -- a gap which could be exploited by any number of bad actors as the documents passed through the digital pipeline between Clinton and several of her top aides whose emails are also being scrutinized by government investigators. That said, since the content of the email is publicly unknown, there's no way of knowing how potentially revealing or damaging the classified information was. Clinton, meanwhile, had previously denied that she used her private email to send or receive classified intelligence. More breaking news: even though it’s an important story, it’s simply not resonating with the same ferocity Clinton-haters are wishing for. Does it matter that Clinton used a personal email server? Of course it does, and she ought to face scrutiny for it -- only insofar as every high ranking official who uses a private email account ought to be scrutinized. So far, it's really only Clinton who's being hectored about using her own server. The fact that she's running for president is a fairly decent excuse for doing so, but if that's the case, why isn't Jeb Bush being just as heavily flogged about it? Back in March, The Washington Post published an article detailing how Bush used his private email account and its accompanying personal email server to send and receive what seems on the surface to be sensitive messages relating to National Guard troop deployments and post-9/11 security concerns. His email was sent and received via a private "homebrew" email server based inside his Tallahassee office. Bush "took it with him when he left office in 2007." Bush's aides said the information was "mostly" public knowledge at the time the emails were sent. Regardless, the article reported that the emails contained discussions of "troop deployments to the Middle East and the protection of nuclear plants." Not unserious issues, to be sure.
In one e-mail sent four days after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the top general for the Florida Air National Guard told Bush that “we are actively planning sequences in preparation for mobilization orders should they come.” [...] In November 2001, Bush and an aide to then-Lt. Gov. Frank Brogan exchanged messages about the deployment of National Guard troops to a nuclear power plant in Crystal River, Fla. The aide wrote Bush that a state lawmaker had called to say she thought “it is imperative that the Crystal River nuclear facility have National Guard security.” Bush wrote back: “Florida power does not want it. We are reducing or getting rid of guard protection in the other plants.”
That last line, to me, is the real bombshell -- that within two months of 9/11, Bush ordered the National Guard to pull its troops from protecting nuclear power plants in Florida, simply because the private corporations that operated the plants didn't want the protection. I wonder if the people who lived near the plants wanted the protection. Combine this news with the fact that Colin Powell also used a private email server at a time when the internet was far less secure than it is now, and we can only conclude: 1) For a good long time, it appears mostly commonplace for public officials to use a personal email address, and 2) They probably shouldn't have due to security and transparency concerns. But in the grand scheme of things, it's a D-list level scandal -- water under the bridge. What's crucial now is that everyone running for president is held to the same standard, and that both state and federal governments take action to make sure the system is as transparent as possible. I also think it's curious how the news media treated the Clinton email story, when it broke back in March, as if the existence of her email was previously unknown. Most of the press seemed to have forgotten about a 2013 bombshell article by The Smoking Gun that first reported the existence of Clinton's email account. While it’s true that new details have come to light since 2013, such as the existence of the homebrew server, it’s been treated in its entirety as a brand new story, and none of the reporting since March has acknowledged that her private email account was exposed two years ago. This story is, yes, still developing, but it is also two years old. In March of 2013, The Smoking Gun broke the story of the infamous "Guccifer" hacker who acquired personal emails from former Clinton aide Sidney Blumenthal. Inside Blumenthal's inbox were numerous emails received from Clinton using her "hdr22@clintonemail.com" address. Gawker reported at the time:
And why was Clinton apparently receiving emails at a non-governmental email account? The address Blumenthal was writing to was hosted at the domain "clintonemail.com" (we're not going to publish everybody's email address!), which is privately registered via Network Solutions. It is most certainly not a governmental account. Staffers in the Bush White House famously used private email accounts to conduct government business as a way to circumvent the Presidential Records Act, which mandates that all official communications be archived.
But the year now is 2015, and the story is amplified by the desire to politically hobble Clinton. And voters know it. Ultimately, however, no one cares because it's an old-school scandal, with hints of partisan right-wing horseshit stirred into the mix. Our 2015 scandals involve fetuses, controversial tweets and Mexican rapists. Things everyone can understand. The Clinton story involves IT jargon and inside-the-beltway bureaucratic argle-bargle. Additionally, the public is at least savvy enough to understand how the press despises the Clintons. Concurrently, the public also understands that the Clintons are a known commodity. We know what we're getting, and in spite of the roster of Clinton scandals, they're proven competent leaders; one of whom presided over significant prosperity in the middle-to-late 1990s. A story about Clinton's email account isn't nearly enough to stir up alarm among average voters, and certainly not enough to crush Hillary's chances in the election, which, by the way, is still 14 months away.

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Published on August 14, 2015 02:58