Sean Jacobs's Blog, page 408

Whining white people*

Can all the whining white people all over Twitter and Facebook please shut up? Just shut up. Stop talking about how stupid ANC voters are. Stop talking about how you’re convinced the EFF are going to kill you in your sleep. Stop calling people baboons. Stop behaving like Helen Zille is the true saviour of South Africa. For the love of Woolworths, stop pretending like you and only you know what Nelson Mandela would have wanted. Stop saying that anyone who voted for the ANC deserves poverty and AIDS and crime. Take a deep breath, and stop.

I’m not, for a second, going to stand here and say the ANC are saints. They’re not. Zuma is not a man I’m proud to call my president. But we’ve just had an election. And whether or not a few boxes of ballots went astray, the vast and overwhelming majority of this country voted for the ANC. And your snide, patronising belief that you know better than them, that’s the slippery slope, right there.

Smugness will eat you alive. But maybe, just maybe, the ANC still have an overwhelming majority because the alternative that voters are being offered just doesn’t cut it. Maybe this is demonstrating the failure of the opposition to really, truly address the issues that voters care about. Human beings are not pure beacons of logic, floating in space. We are emotional beings. That doesn’t make us stupid, it makes us human, not robots. The ANC means so much to so many people. And like it or not, the DA represents so much to so many people.

The ANC brought us democracy. The ANC ushered in our constitution. The ANC have brought a huge amount of change to this country. The ANC have good policies. Why are we consistently creating things to be afraid of? We don’t have enough real problems in this country, we want to have endless paranoid debates about what might happen in your imaginary futures? People are not voting ANC “to support corruption” or “because they don’t care about this country”. So kindly remove your privileged head from your arse.

And while I’m losing my shit, no, I didn’t vote for the ANC, I voted for the EFF. And I wish they’d got more seats. I do think it’s time for change in this country. But not your kind.

* This piece, originally a rant on social media, is republished here with the kind permission of Karen Jeynes.

Africa is a Country Radio: Episode 2

Just in time for the weekend, episode 2 of Africa is a Country Radio is here! (It went live first on Groovalizacion last week.)

This month’s episode opens with a dedication to Suriname, and ends with an audio accompaniment to Sarah Ladipo Manyika’s blog post: “News from Nigeria.” There’s lot’s of fun stuff in between as well, check it all out below:

Africa is a Country Radio: Episode #2 by Africasacountry on Mixcloud

Admit it, you didn’t expect the Economic Freedom Fighters to do so well

At first sight, the results for national and provincial elections in South Africa may suggest that little has changed. The ANC still got more than 60% of the national vote (despite its poor leadership); the largest parliamentary opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, did not significantly increase its share of the national vote (it is still very much a regional party governing the Western Cape province, though it made significant gains in Johannesburg); and most smaller centrist black parties (AGANG of former World Bank deputy governor Mamphela Ramphele or the Congress of the People) will fade away. But one new entrant, the Economic Freedom Front of Julius Malema (a former ANC youth leader who once was a close ally of President Jacob Zuma) surprised everyone:

It’s 5 odd percent (at last count) of the vote gives it at least 23 seats in the National Assembly.  Everyone wants to buy their election memorabilia and, more importantly, they will now be the “official opposition” in the provincial legislatures of the North West and Limpopo provinces.  They also scored FOUR votes in the white separatist private town of Orania (Google it).  We’ve written about the EFF and Julius Malema before. There’s a whole archive here. Of that batch, we can especially recommend Benjamin Fogel’s piece from November last year: “Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters and the South African Left.” Then there’s the work of Kwanele Sosibo, who also writes for the Mail & Guardian. It’s especially his pieces in the The Con: one, on the launch of the EFF and, two, his interview with Andile Mngxitama, who acts as a sort of political commissar of the EFF.

Most recently, there’s Imran Garda’s excellent documentary (in two parts), filmed the week Mandela died, which gets to the heart of EFF’s appeal as well as its current limitations as a political and ideological force. We’ve linked to the full videos below, but Imran (an honorary citizen of Africa is a Country who’s made mischief on the blog before) cut a shorter version on election day that highlights his interviews and interactions (at times humorous, but illuminating) with EFF activists and with Malema himself. It’s well worth watching:

It’s well worth checking out the longer version of the reports here: Part 1 and Part 2.

Nigeria’s baby boom

Yesterday, a statement was credited to Bob Diamond, former CEO of Barclays, who is attending the World Economic Jamboree in Abuja. Mr. Diamond is credited with saying that, “Nigeria is the place to be if you want manufacture diapers.”

Mr. Diamond is right on that count. But, that statement is not just about diapers, neither is it just about attracting the likes of Procter and Gamble, who just opened a huge manufacturing plant in Agbara, Ogun state. There is a more hidden meaning to that, one I think Mr. Diamond may have come across before, so let’s look at that statement a bit more.

Nigeria is experiencing a baby boom.

Between 2008 and 2011, 5.4 million babies were born in Europe. I mean Europe, not the European Union. In 2008 alone, 6 million babies were born in Nigeria. In 2009, it was 5.9 million babies, in 2010, 5.8 million. By 2011, the number had swung back up to just over 6 million, and in 2012, 6.7 million babies were pushed out by Nigerian women. In each year in a four year period, Nigeria produced more babies per year than Europe in the entire four years under review.

In just under two decades, each of these kids will be ready to go into the work force. We have to ask critical questions.

Is Nigeria capable of giving each one of the 30.4 million new additions in the time period under review an education? With the way things stand, when less than 95,000 people write the common entrance, I think not.

Nigeria lacks infrastructure, so we will need polytechnics more than we will need universities for these young ones. Our polytechnics have been shut for ten months now, so a backlog is already growing that will take years to clear.

Asides that, we will need to create jobs for them to go into when done with education. Our policies don’t encourage SMEs. SMEs are the backbone of any economy, not civil service, definitely not multinationals or foreign investors. Where are our SMEs? They cannot get credit from banks, so the vast majority of them fold up before their first birthday.

Let’s face it folks, we are sitting on a demographic time bomb, and at this rate, even if we beat Boko Haram, someone else will take their place

The Naija Podcast, Episode 2: Featuring Dr Jibrin Ibrahim

On Friday 2nd, Elnathan John and I met with Dr Jibrin Ibrahim for the second episode of our Naija Podcast series (here’s the first episode). In 45 minutes, we discussed three hot topics: the question of Fulani pastoralism and conflict in the North and Middle Belt; Boko Haram and finally the ongoing National Conference. For those who don’t know his work, Dr Ibrahim is one of Nigeria’s foremost political scientists. His views on Boko Haram (17.50 – 32.30) are especially interesting and relevant. His take is that we must see Boko Haram as part of a pan-Sahelian attack on secular national boundaries and a robust effort to restore the region back to the Islamic empires of centuries past. For those who are new to thinking about Boko Haram or are keen to deepen their understanding, this podcast is required listening.

Why Blogging is a Threat to the Ethiopian Government

As I write this, I am eerily reminded that in Ethiopia, expressing your views can get you a first class ticket to prison.

From April 25 to 26, 2014, nine Ethiopian bloggers and journalists were arrested. As we celebrated World Press Freedom Day on Saturday, they were being detained in Addis Ababa’s notorious central investigation office. Though charges have not officially been filed, the group is accused of “working with foreign human rights activists” and “using social media to destabilize the country”. If prosecuted under Ethiopia’s controversial Anti-Terrorism Law, they could face the death penalty.

The arrests are part of a disturbing trend in Ethiopia, which has frequently ranked as one of the most repressive places for press freedom in recent years. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, in the past decade, more journalists have fled Ethiopia than any other country in the world. For those who remain in Ethiopia the possibility of being charged with terrorism for criticizing the government is a real risk. In 2009 when an expansive and ambiguous Anti-Terrorism Proclamation was being debated, Human Rights Watch warned that:

“If implemented as currently drafted, this law could provide the Ethiopian government with a potent instrument to crack down on political dissent, including peaceful political demonstrations and public criticisms of government policy that are deemed supportive of armed opposition activity.”

Since the laws’ passing, what has precipitated is exactly as rights groups had predicted. In less than four years, over 200 people had been arrested under the anti-terrorism law and more than 35 journalists and opposition leaders had been convicted of terrorism.

The latest victims of this law seem to be six young professionals that are part of a group of bloggers called Zone 9 and three journalists. The timing of the arrests, ironically, coincided with a visit from U.S. Secretary of State, John Kerry, who expressed concern for the group in a press conference. Outrage against the arrests is also quickly spreading on social media; from facebook and twitter to a tumbler site. On the Zone 9ers’ website, their defiant motto still reads: “We blog because we care”.

Amongst the journalist arrested last week is Tesfalem Waldeys, a seasoned reporter and once editor of the widely popular Addis Neger newspaper, which became one of the first independent newspapers to shut down after the passing of the Anti-Terrorism Law. While several of his colleagues from Addis Neger fled the country, Tesfalem remained and gained a reputation as a professional and respected freelance journalist.

In 2012 Tesfalem wrote an article entitled, “When Reporting Becomes Terrorism”. Here he describes the crippling effect of the Anti-Terrorism Law on journalism in Ethiopia:

“Fear and self-censorship is rife among Ethiopian journalists. Many journalist friends of mine are frustrated. They don’t see any future on their profession. Some contemplated to live in exile. The few that I spoke to expected to be arrested at anytime soon. No one is sure who will be next on the list.”

Perhaps Tesfalem was so meticulous in his reporting and dedicated to his profession to think that one-day he would be next on the list. If working within the system to change the system is the tempered approach to progress, in Ethiopia—where laws are used for political expediency—there is no reason to believe that one’s integrity will protect you from arbitrary arrest. In the long run, such actions will radicalize even the most committed pacifists and moderates. The Anti-Terrorism Law, in effect, is fueling opposition.

Given the seriousness of the crimes, it puzzles me that a government backed by the largest and most sophisticated security apparatus in sub-Saharan Africa would see a group of bloggers and journalists as a real threat. If social media usage in Ethiopia were as high as in Arab Spring countries or access to independent newspapers common outside of urban areas, perhaps there would be reason for concern. But in a country where only 1.5% of the population uses the Internet and 61% of the adult population cannot read, it is hard to imagine how these writers could, in reality, destabilize the country.

Yet, the recent crackdown demonstrates that governments still fear new ideas, because new ideas challenge the status quo, are infections and cannot be contained in prisons.

In recent years the common narrative of Ethiopia has been about growth and development. Although we should give credit where credit is due, why is it unacceptable to demand more? What is wrong with also expecting the rule of law? And human rights? And free and fair elections? When one speaks about the need for democracy in Ethiopia—or any developing country—people will look askance at you and tell you to worry about democracy after dealing with poverty, famine and HIV/AIDS. They will be quick to label you an idealist or point out that you have been brainwashed by “western ideals”. But, the very notion that poor people, people in developing countries, only aspire for food and basic services is utterly paternalistic and borders on racist.

The threat embodied in Ethiopia’s bloggers, journalists and free thinkers is that they are introducing a radical new idea—the idea of a freer, more democratic country. They represent a generation of young Africans that is daring to demand more from governments whose source of legitimacy is based in the unfortunate poverty of their countries’ populations. This idea, made even more infectious by the imprisonment of the bloggers and journalists, continues to spread in their absence.

The Politics of the Belly

Jean Francois Bayart uses the Cameroonian term “politics of the belly” to describe patron-client relations in West African politics. Politicians distribute goods – filling the bellies of clients – in return for political loyalty, obviating the need for democracy and instituting alternative and sometimes moral forms of accountability. “It’s our time to chop” likewise captures the dynamic of exchanging votes for chop. When we hit the streets of Melville yesterday to snap photos of campaign posters for the South African elections today, this menu, above, caught our eyes:

Political scientists and pundits often refer to “politics of the belly” and “cabritismo” (a goat will eat where he is tethered), another metaphor to describe what politicians do. This restaurant took that literally and served up a menu of fare fit for party supporters or political observers bent on riffing on the metaphors available.

We don’t know why Poppy’s chef choose which meal for what party but here’s how we parsed their menu (give us your interpretations in the comments):

African National Congress–pizza: living off the dream of equitable distribution of the pie but when are the pieces ever cut perfectly evenly? And some have more cheese and toppings than others…then there’s the question of access.

Democratic Alliance-chicken or beef burger: well, it’s clear, they don’t know who they are. They are mostly white but they keep trying to recruit black members. Poppy’s lets you choose.

Economic Freedom Fighters–fiery half baby chicken: they are fiery upstart, Malema’s (former ANC youth party leader) new party with nationalization and land redistribution at the center of the agenda.

Freedom Front–Boer Wors roll: defending the old National Party and extreme right ways. This is a farmer’s sausage, folks. Do I need to explain?

One Poppy’s server said that people ate in line with their political beliefs but another said that people ordered more E.F.F. fiery half baby chickens because that’s the most popular dish.

We are not the only ones thinking about food and politics. Next week at Johannesburg’s Market Theatre Zakes Mda’s play “The Mother of All Eating,” directed by Makhaola Siyanda Ndebele opens. This plays looks at the culture of corruption popularly known as ‘eating.’

And here’s the bottom line of politics in electoral democracies in 21st century capitalism, whether it’s South Africa or the south side of Chicago. Whatever patronage politicians dispense, there’s no free lunch.

The Dangers of a Single Book Cover: The Acacia Tree Meme and “African literature”

“Like so many (wildly varying) writers on Africa, Chimamanda Adichie gets the acacia tree sunset treatment. Whether Wilbur Smith or Wole Soyinka, Rider Haggard or Bessie Head, apparently you get the same cover imagery.”

We’re obliged to Simon Stevens, a reader who put together the picture above and pointed out that whoever you are, wherever you’re from, whatever kind of writing you do, if you write a novel “about Africa,” chances are you’re going to get the acacia tree treatment. And the orange sky.

As Jeremy Weate tweeted icily: “Funny that. Nigeria is not known for its acacia trees.”

Edna Mohamed wrote on our Facebook page: “I hope one day we can finally upgrade to baobab trees or something.”

In short, the covers of most novels “about Africa” seem to have been designed by someone whose principle idea of the continent comes from The Lion King. All together now (h/t @meowmusiq):

Another reader, Alice Kewellhampton, added that when it comes to Chimamanda Adichie, she also gets a special meme for her UK editions, the “soulful-black-woman-with-colourful-smudges” look.

Three years ago, Tom Devriendt pointed out a similar issue. Here’s what he wrote back then:

I received my copy of this year’s Commonwealth Prize winner Aminatta Forna’s The Memory of Love in the mail the other day.

Not that I don’t like its cover (or the book), but this is just silly.

And here’s why:

Some of us (in Canada, Great Britain, South Africa and India) also know 2008 Commonwealth Prize winner Lawrence Hill’s novel as The Book of Negroes and sure, this is the Australian edition’s cover, but still…

And finally:

Fiction “about Africa” is not alone in getting this treatment. M. Lynx Qualey over at ArabLit pointed out the obsession with veils in a great post “Translating for Bigots.” She quotes Adam Talib, and we’ll give him the last word too:

“Publishers can sometimes package books for bigots.”

20 Years of Freedom in South Africa: What do hip hop heads in Cape Town make of tomorrow’s elections

Having been hosted by the likes of DJ Ready D, Big Dre, Shameen, and Wanda, just to mention a few, Headwarmaz is now in the hands of the new generation of Cape Town hip hop in the form of Andiswa Mkosi and myself (Sabelo Mkhabela). I am a rapper in my own right but more than a rapper, I am a student of hip hop. I am a hip hop journalist, and I had my first shot at hip hop activism when I joined the University of Cape Town Hip Hop Club which I went on to be chairperson of in 2012. Andiswa Mkosi is an emcee and a photographer from Langa Township in Cape Town. She is also a co-founder of Jam That Session – an arts movement that holds themed events every month.

The show airs every Friday night (10pm – 1am) on the oldest community radio station in Africa, Bush Radio and has been a platform for South African (mostly Capetonian) hip hop artists for over 10 years. Headwarmaz has changed hands a lot, and these periods of transition have caused friction due to each set of presenters bring thier own direction to the show. Hip hop heads are some of the most outspoken groups of people around. When we joined, comments ranged from “We need (insert name of previous host here) back” to “we want the old Headwarmaz back”. There was the odd “give the new presenters a chance to execute their own ideas” thrown in for balance.

Our Facebook group boasts 3, 700 members and counting. It was created for the artists and listeners of the show to interact with the presenters and with each other. Unfortunately, it has become a hub of controversy; topics such as who the best rapper is in Cape Town to its cousin ‘who’s the wackest rapper in Cape Town?’ oftentimes take precedence.  A few individuals have attempted to broach pertinent topics but to no avail. Such posts receive little to no attention.

Today (May 2nd, 2014) is a different evening. The group is alive during the show. The topic being discussed is the upcoming national elections which will take place next Wednesday. We wanted to know who listeners were voting for, and why. If not, what were their reasons? A majority of the members veered between not voting and voting keeping the ruling party incumbent.

“I’m not voting, I don’t see any good reason to, an I don’t think it will make any difference I’ll just let those who were voting before I reached the right age to vote to continue doing their good work, I trust their choice,” Viwe Bawokazi Ntlanjeni comments.

“I’ll jst put ma X there 4 da late Madiba (ANC) the man who brought ths freedom to us. Othrwise if it was not 4 Mandela i’ll be like fuck Zuma n his crew.” – Massive Dollar Mbikwana

“Akhonto ifuna uxoxwa asivoti qha.” (There’s nothing to discuss, we are just not voting) – Thabiso Tylor KaMbuyelwa

“Voting or not, in politics they already know the president.” – Nenzo Steez Jonathan

“Mna andizuvota” (I won’t vote),

“AM NT GOING TO FUCKEN VOTE. NT ANC. NOT DA. NOT EFF. NOT UDM. NOT COPE. NOT PAC. NOT FOR ANY-FUCKING-ONE! ANDIVOTI QHA” – Letlala Tipa

“So you’re withholding your vote.  So IEC and the whole voting system is corrupt. Ok. Then please tell me what’s your solution to this problem you’ve identified? What’s your plan?” was the question posed by Hip Hop Kaslam’s Lady-p Sa’eeda Mkuzo.

The playlist tonight is skewed towards politically-charged songs. Rattex’s Ben Sharpa-assisted “The Government” has been excavated and put on the playlist. Six years later, it’s funny how fitting the song still is.

“Kuyode kube nini sihleli sinivotela nipromise ngokus’khkohela? kwanina niyas’jikela. Sibek’ingxaki zethu nenze ngathi n’yas’mamela, ningangen’epalamente ingxaki zethu niyaz’khahlela,” rhymes Rattex on the hook. This, he reiterates, at a time where politicians are the best friends of the people – Helen Zille’s trying her best to prove she’s on their side when she visits a black neighborhood to campaign for votes, while  the ANC’s pageantry of exorbitant automobiles snakes between ramshackle shacks and beat-up RDP houses that many a township resident call home.

The people, most of them, are fooled. They feel important again. They are getting special visits from their President, their City Premier and all those they only see on papers and the television. Leader of the most promising newly-formed party, the Economic Freedom Front Julius Malema was quoted saying: “Clothes and material will not define us and we don’t need to live in shacks to fight for you. Doing so will just patronize you. We feel your pain internally.” at a Cape Flats stop of his elections campaign. This he said in defence of his red CLA 200 Mercedes Benz and the expensive designer suits he’s become synonymous with.

After the 7th of May, the people will never smell the sweet scent of the French cologne of a Hellen Zille or a Jacob Zuma or a Julius Malema. Only when the parliament term is approaching its conclusion will politicians remember who they really represent. We are all fully aware of this and it is the most prevalent “excuse” we give for not voting. It’s not because Ronald Kasrils said so.

A previous non-voter, half of Delft hip hop duo Jargon Music, Ncedisa Mpemnyama, is the villain in today’s discussion as he is, unlike the majority,  for voting. He defends his new state of mind: “But at that time, was there a party that said it wants to have all working people having a basic salary across yonke imisebenzi eyi R4000? Yayikhona a party ethi ‘free education ‘til the first degree?’ Yayikhona a party that says ‘take the mines and put them under government ownership and share the profits with the workers (15 %) community where the mining happens (15)’, and a BEE-like consortium (15 %) etc etc.? That’s why I have changed.”

Ncedisa is an avid supporter and member of the EFF. He asks, “No, guys please let’s be serious here. Okay, [say] we all don’t vote, is that going to give us jobs? Is that gonna decrease crime? Will that assist in moving us out of the ghetto? Will we be iFani too and win a SAMA award? I wanna know – will it make us more educated? ‘Cause I know why it’s useless to vote in the US [but] here eMzantsi, I don’t, I wanna be schooled.”

The responses to that question seem aimed at mocking rather than engaging in an intellectual conversation.

“Focus on uplifting yourself, dude, you won’t save nobody with this,” MC Leo Dube, who has just finished a telephone interview with us, responds.

“I say let Zuma and the ANC homies ball the fuck out. Either way we [are] just sheep who have to decide if we [are] voting for the lions or wolves. Either way we [are] fucked. We [are] a young democracy, we [are] still tryna find our feet and these dudes in power is jus tryna eat,” Leo stated in another comment thread discussing the same topic.

 

***

“It’s very interesting how Cape Town hip hop stays socially conscious. Is it because of the issues such as gangster culture that Cape Town faces?” quizzed Native Rhythms Records founder – Sipho Sithole at The State of Cape Town Hip Hop talk held in March at the Cape Town Central Library. Cape Town hip hop has a rich history of social consciousness. The earliest reference would be, alongside Black Noise, Prophets of The City’s successful attempts at vexing the apartheid government with their overtly anti-apartheid lyrics. The likes of Goddesa, Ill Skillz, Rattex, Ben Sharpa, Kanyi, Driemanskap, Jitsvinger, Ndlulamthi, Jargon Music, Youngsta, and many more have carried on the tradition. Though not the most lucrative, the Cape Town scene remains coveted for its rawness and authenticity – from the potency of the lyrics to the originality of the beats.

***

On today’s show, respected New Cross MC, Ndlulamthi has a new song to premiere. “Andivoti” (I’m not voting) echoes the same sentiments the majority of the youth are expressing – the notion that voting doesn’t make a difference. Played towards the end of tonight’s episode, the song stole the show, generating the longest Facebook comment thread which should be going on at least two days from now. In my opinion, that is what hip hop should do – start conversations (not that there’s anything wrong with the booty-shaking songs)

Wrapping up, Andy and I give our own takes on the issue. I am personally not voting because I have always felt that whoever rules the country, I’ll always have to wake up at 5am, force-feed myself, take the train and go work my ass off to pay back my student loans and pay my taxes. Andy stated earlier that she is spoiling her ballot because no party is promising what she would like to see. She seems a bit indifferent, though, and goes on to state that twenty years is not enough to rectify what the apartheid government messed up, mainly the debt South Africa found itself in when the ANC took over. A bit of patience from the people could do. I also add that a lot has changed since then.

Images: Headwarmaz Facebook Page.

Fumana isazisi sakho. Bhalisa. Vota.*

I always return to this image taken by a press photographer in May 1990, after one of the first meetings to negotiate a new political order between the last white minority government and the liberation movement, led by the ANC. This was the ANC delegation to that meeting in Cape Town. The people in the image are front Cheryl Carolus (UDF leader), Cyril Ramaphosa (National Union of Mineworkers), Rose Sonto (Cape Town civic leader) and Aubrey Mokoena (Soweto activist). Standing at the back are Dali Mpofu (young lawyer and gossip: the man who caused the divorce between Nelson and Winnie Mandela), Bulelani Ngcuka (Western Cape UDF leader), Murphy Morobe (Johannesburg UDF leader), Trevor Manuel (Cape Town UDF leader), Rolihlahla Mandela (!), Nomzamo Winnie Mandela (no introductions needed), Moses Mayekiso (leader of metalworkers and and civic leader), Sister Bernard Ncube (Soweto civic leader), Albertina Sisulu (!), Christmas Tinto (Cape Town UDF leader), Walter Sisulu (!), Bulelwa Tinto and Frank Chikane (Johannesburg cleric and UDF leader). I was an undergraduate student at the University of Cape Town (and a student journalist at the campus paper, “Varsity”) then and the ANC (and its internal allies in the mass democratic movement and the unions) represented the demands of the majority of South Africans. Those negotiations–punctuated by state proxy violence against black people in the townships, assassinations of ANC leaders, etcetera–would eventually culminate in the April 1994 elections. I remember voting for the first time in those elections in the township where I grew up in the Western Cape–for the ANC, both in national and provincial elections. I would do the same in 1999–voted ANC. I couldn’t vote in 2004 (I was in the US when “overseas” votes were not allowed). Neither did I get to vote in 2009. But if I did, I would have voted ANC again. Tomorrow South Africans vote again. Of those people in the image, Nelson Mandela, Albertina and Walter Sisulu, Christmas Tinto and Sister Bernard Ncube have all passed away. It is also telling that of those still alive, only three are playing leading roles in politics: Ramaphosa is deputy president of the ANC; Dali Mpofu is a leading member of Julius Malema’s party, the  Economic Freedom Fighters; and Moses Mayekiso is the presidential candidate of a small leftist party, the Workers and Socialist Party. Of the others, Carolus is not actively involved in politics anymore, Ngcuka fell foul of Zuma, Morobe is a businessman, Manuel is retiring from politics, and Frank Chikane was last Thabo Mbeki’s chief of staff. So, with the exception of Ramaphosa (implicated in Marikana and exhibit of the politically connected oligarchs connected with Zuma’s rule), all of them are critics of the current ANC leadership. Last week, I went to vote at the Consulate here in New York City.  In the end, with the voting booth in sight, I was turned away because I only had one piece of ID (you needed two: passport and national ID card). But if I did, I planned to split my vote between the ANC  at the provincial level (to get the Democratic Alliance out of power–I am from Cape Town) and for the Workers and Socialist Party at a national level (as a protest vote against the current ANC leadership under Jacob Zuma and Blade Nzimande. 

* From an ANC poster for the 1994 elections.