In Defense of German Colonialism Quotes

Rate this book
Clear rating
In Defense of German Colonialism: And How Its Critics Empowered Nazis, Communists, and the Enemies of the West In Defense of German Colonialism: And How Its Critics Empowered Nazis, Communists, and the Enemies of the West by Bruce Gilley
78 ratings, 3.55 average rating, 17 reviews
In Defense of German Colonialism Quotes Showing 1-4 of 4
“The Spirit of Berlin was embodied in two principles. First, colonial powers, whatever else they did, had a responsibility to improve the lives of native populations. The second principle insisted that any colonial claim needed to be backed up by “the existence of an authority sufficient to cause acquired rights to be respected.”
Bruce Gilley, In Defense of German Colonialism: And How Its Critics Empowered Nazis, Communists, and the Enemies of the West
“The Spirit of Berlin was embodied in two principles. First, colonial powers, whatever else they did, had a responsibility to improve the lives of native populations.”
Bruce Gilley, In Defense of German Colonialism: And How Its Critics Empowered Nazis, Communists, and the Enemies of the West
“The Berlin conference has been subject to a relentless campaign of debunking by modern intellectuals. One claim they make is that the assembled delegates “carved up” Africa like a bunch of gluttons. This is wrong. For one, the carving was already happening when Bismarck acted. The conference was a response to, not a cause of, expanded colonial claims. Critics seem to think that absent the conference Africa would have been left untouched. Quite the opposite. The scramble for Africa created tensions, suspicions, and fears on all sides. Bismarck wanted to set some ground rules.”
Bruce Gilley, In Defense of German Colonialism: And How Its Critics Empowered Nazis, Communists, and the Enemies of the West
“The myth of “artificial boundaries” drawn by ignorant Europeans is one that dies hard. In fact, as the French scholar Camille Lefebvre has shown, colonial administrators went to great lengths to figure out where boundaries should be drawn. In doing so, they made use of extensive local knowledge. Later demands by critics to redraw borders along ethnic lines, she argued, “had the paradoxical effect of erasing the history of African political structures and the role of the local populations in defining colonial boundaries.” This reflected a racist idea “that the essence of Africans is to be found in their ethnicity.”

What is true is that these political boundaries did not always coincide with ethnic boundaries. Many ethnic groups ended up on different sides of borders because carving up “ethnic homelands” would have been both impractical as well as, in Lefebvre’s view, racist. If there is a “high-handed” assumption at play, it is the assumption of later critics that Africans are essentially tribal and need to be organized on tribal lines. Thus borders should be redrawn not based on political, social, and economic logic but on ethnic essentialism. When the apartheid state of South Africa created such ethnic “homelands,” they were roundly derided because they created ethnic ghettos cut off from modern lines of economic and political life. Yet the “artificial boundaries” critique of the borders resulting from the Berlin conference is an appeal for just such apartheid-style “homelands.”
Bruce Gilley, In Defense of German Colonialism: And How Its Critics Empowered Nazis, Communists, and the Enemies of the West