Return to Zion Quotes

“This is the “tradition” that Tevye the Milkman so lovingly sings of in Fiddler on the Roof.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Israel has learnt the hard way that accidentally killing civilians carries a damaging political cost. . . .”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Rabin was shot to death by an ultra-Orthodox religious student.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“The ‘Greater Israel’ movement, whose aim is to incorporate the West Bank and Gaza into the nation’s borders, had led Zionism and Israel astray, diverting them from their proper path and deflecting them from the achievement of their fundamental goals. We must now ask ourselves some painful questions. Is Israel still a Jewish state? Is Israel still a democratic state? Are Israel’s economy and society still productive? Is Israel a state—or society—of tolerance? And is Israel approaching peace?”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“The intifada dragged on for years, leading to one of the most divisive and tortured periods in the Jewish state’s turbulent history. The dilemma was grave; continued rule over the Palestinians eroded morale within the state and sapped Israel’s credibility abroad, but withdrawal from the territories could also lead to increased attacks by those who wanted to return all of Israel to the Palestinians. There were other important issues as well: ruling over disenfranchised Arabs countered the democratic nature of the state, but extending citizenship to them would defeat the purpose of a Jewish state.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“the PLO was not dead. Most of all, the Palestinian issue remained unresolved: the Palestinians still had no state, Israel still ruled over hostile populations in Gaza and the West Bank, and huge numbers of their people remained in refugee camps. Israel may have won the battle in Lebanon, but it only delayed another day of reckoning with the Palestinians. The only question was when and where it would come.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“During the past nine weeks, we have, in effect, destroyed the combat potential of 20,000 terrorists. We hold 9,000 in prison camp. Between 2,000 and 3,000 were killed and between 7,000 and 9,000 have been captured and cut off in Beirut. They have decided to leave there only because they have no possibility of remaining there. The problem will be solved.”9”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“The daily television transmission of Israeli artillery bombarding Beirut, the columns of smoke, dust and fire rising in the air, and the close-up pictures of the destruction, including serious damage to a hospital, caused immense harm to Israel’s international image and much anguished discussion within Israel itself.”7 Arafat would regularly appear in front of the cameras with civilians injured during the attacks. The West, once solidly behind the Jewish state, began to shift toward the PLO. In Tel Aviv tens of thousands of Israelis protested the war, the first such protests in the Jewish state’s history.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“The PLO fighters’ last stand at Ein Hilweh took place in a mosque. Although they were completely surrounded and grenades were exploding all around them, the remnant refused to surrender. The bombing continued until the mosque collapsed on the defenders, suddenly ending the ferocious battle of Ein Hilweh.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Sharon had been nicknamed “the Bulldozer” for his single-mindedness and dogged determination to complete whatever objective he set out to achieve, no matter how far-fetched and regardless if he had been given permission. These tendencies had landed him in hot water in the 1956 war; history would now repeat itself on a larger scale. With Begin’s consent, he put into a motion a series of events that would change the face of the Middle East. How much he succeeded remains debatable.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“the Camp David Accords had made no progress on the Palestinian issue, and the Palestinians under Israeli control in the West Bank and Gaza remained hostile to their occupiers and loyal to the PLO.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Iraqi president Saddam Hussein reached a deal with the French to construct a nuclear reactor at Osirak, near Baghdad. Israeli intelligence reported that Saddam intended to use the nuclear material to build a bomb. It also estimated that an attack on Tel Aviv with such a weapon could lead to three hundred thousand casualties. Prime Minister Begin therefore authorized an air strike on the Iraqi reactor. It”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Begin called it one of the happiest days of his life. Israel completed its withdrawal from the Sinai in 1981—exactly one hundred years after the pogroms in Russia had spurred the first wave of Zionists to return to the Land of Israel. Masada had not fallen.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“On March 26, 1979, the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty was formalized in a signing ceremony at the White House. In the interim, the Knesset had overwhelmingly approved of the treaty, including the dismantling of the Sinai settlements. Hundreds of journalists were at the scene, capturing every moment of what was truly a historic event, as Begin, Sadat, and Carter shook hands and congratulated each other.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Begin was unwavering. “My right eye will fall out, my right hand will fall off, before I ever agree to the dismantling of a Jewish settlement,” Begin declared.17 For the heir of Vladimir Jabotinsky’s Revisionist Party, settlements were the very meaning of the Jewish enterprise in the Holy Land. In Zionism’s early years the settlements had marked the borders of the future state, while the settlers had built up a new breed of Jew, one that farmed the land and fought to keep it, rather than the landless city dwellers of Europe, who had always been at the mercy of others. During the War of Independence they had enabled the state to withstand the Arab invasion. The battles at the settlements of Degania and Yad Mordechai had become part of Israeli lore. Where a Jew had put down a settlement, Begin would not and could not order him to withdraw.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“For ten days, the talks went nowhere. Sadat was adamant about removing the Sinai settlements. “Neither I nor my people can accept them” he told Begin. “We will not agree to the dismantling of the settlements,” Begin retorted. “We give you peace and you want land. You do not want peace!” Sadat shouted, pounding the table. “The land is not negotiable!”15 But Begin would not budge. The Egyptian delegation began to pack its bags. Only Carter’s personal intervention prevented them from leaving. Carter warned Sadat that leaving would endanger the U.S.-Egypt relationship. Sadat agreed to stay, provided his next concession would be his last. That concession was backing down from his demand on Israeli withdrawal from the Palestinian territories, instead accepting a formula calling for recognition of the Palestinians’ “legitimate rights.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“The Egyptians also demanded a withdrawal from the Palestinian territories, a demand Begin would not consider, viewing the West Bank as an integral part of the Land of Israel. Deadlock ensued for months on end. After the dramatic visit to Jerusalem, Sadat’s gambit seemed to have failed. He had paid a high price in the Arab world. Demonstrations had broken out against him, and the PLO had severed its relations. Egypt would eventually be expelled from the Arab League.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Despite the gaps between the two sides’ positions, Sadat’s trip was nonetheless of monumental importance. For the first time, Israelis saw an Arab leader who was charming, well dressed, soft-spoken, clearly wanted peace, and was willing to risk life and limb for it. Perceptions in Egypt changed as well. The people had been impressed by the welcome extended their leader by the Israelis. The Arab press refrained from traditional demonizations of the Zionist enemy and began analyzing the situation with a cooler head.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Sadat and Begin then met privately, but the talks went nowhere. Sadat wanted a full withdrawal from the Sinai and West Bank in return for full peace. These terms were unacceptable to Begin. Realizing that Begin was intransigent on these points, Sadat decided to try talking to other cabinet members, including Defense Minister Weizman.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Sadat told them, “I have not come here for a separate peace treaty. A peace agreement should be based on the following points: ending the occupation of the Arab territories occupied in 1967; achievement of the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people; and their right to self-determination, including the right to establish their own state.” The chamber began to sink into disappointment. These terms were not acceptable to the majority of the members.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“But only ten days after his announcement at the National Assembly, Sadat was scheduled to land at Ben-Gurion International Airport. As the hour approached, many residents of the Jewish state doubted if he would actually show up. Israelis around the nation watched incredulously on their televisions as the plane landed. The door opened and out came Sadat himself, elegantly dressed in a blue suit, beaming with a wide grin.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Begin had been elected prime minister a few months earlier, ending Labor’s thirty years at the head of the government. The hawkish leader had always taken a hard line toward the Arabs, favoring the establishment of a “Greater Israel,” encompassing the Golan Heights, West Bank, and Gaza Strip. He had only recently renounced claims on the east bank of the Jordan River.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“How much have these wars cost Egypt and the Arab world since 1948? Until the October War, 99% of the economic burden was born by Egypt. Even after the October War—when the entire Arab world made a lot of money out of oil and added to their wealth—Egypt, by contrast, was drained of its resources. We did not even achieve much during the October War. We regained a very small portion of the Sinai, and we managed to reopen the Suez Canal. Against this the cost to Egypt was 14 billion pounds, plus all the losses in men and equipment. The October War also made it clear that we can gain less by war than by peace, since the United States sided with Israel during the war, and we cannot fight the United States. And the Soviet Union will never side with an Arab country as the United States did with Israel.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Begin’s policies immediately raised tensions with the United States. Although Begin signaled a willingness to withdraw from large parts of the Sinai, it did not seem a propitious time for peace with Israel’s Arab neighbors—but that is exactly what happened.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“The Likud championed retention of the West Bank, which it referred to by its biblical names, Judea and Samaria, whereas Labor advocated turning over some of the area to Jordan as part of a peace treaty. By using the names Judea and Samaria, the Likud emphasized the biblical link with the land. In their platform, they stated, “The right of the Jewish people to the land of Israel is eternal and indisputable and linked with the right to security and peace; therefore Judea and Samaria will not be handed over to any foreign administration.” Moreover, the Begin-led government planned not only to retain the territory, but to greatly increase the number of Jewish inhabitants there through the introduction of settlements. It was a major part of their ideology: “Settlement, both urban and rural, in all parts of the Land of Israel is the focal point of the Zionist effort to redeem the country, to maintain vital security areas, and serves as a reservoir of strength and inspiration for the renewal of the pioneering spirit.”1 Likud leaders referred to the building of settlements as “the creation of facts,” which would prevent any withdrawal from the West Bank in the future.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“June 20, 1977, was a watershed in Israel’s political history. On that day Menachem Begin’s right-wing Likud Party assumed power after defeating the Labor Party in the general elections. For the first time the government was not run by the Labor Party, the party of David Ben-Gurion, which had led the state since its inception in 1948.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Israel’s trials continued in 1975. Backed by the Arab nations, the oil-dependent Europeans, and many of the newly independent states of Africa and Asia, the PLO was granted observer status at the UN, and Chairman Yasir Arafat addressed the UN General Assembly. Only days before his address, he had declared, “We shall never stop until we can go back home and Israel is destroyed. The goal of our struggle is the end of Israel, and there can be no compromise or mediations. We don’t want peace—we want victory. Peace for us means Israel’s destruction, and nothing else.”17 Arafat toned down his rhetoric at the UN, but Israelis felt his mere presence there gave legitimacy to calls for the destruction of the Jewish state. Even more disheartening was when later that year the UN passed a resolution equating Zionism as a form of racism. “A great evil has been loosed upon the world,” the U.S. delegate thundered, calling the resolution an “infamous act.”18 The cumulative effect was that the Jewish state was more isolated than at any time in its history before the 1956 war.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“After the war, the Arab states unleashed a new weapon in the form of an oil boycott. The Western world’s need for fuel drove the Europeans away from Israel. Developing nations broke their ties with the Jewish state, seeing it as an imperialist oppressor of the Palestinians. The economy was hamstrung from the call-up of reservists; Israel spent an enormous sum on arms in 1974, fearful of a replay of the previous year’s war. The government was forced to implement austerity measures that citizens chafed at.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“After six weeks of talks, Kissinger brokered an agreement. The IDF would withdraw from the west side of the canal to a position five kilometers east of the canal. The Egyptians would remain on the eastern side of the canal, a tangible achievement for the success in the first days of the war. The agreement did not seem fair to Israelis, who felt the Egyptian should also be compelled to withdraw to their side of the canal. But by allowing Egyptian forces to stay on the east bank, Kissinger let Sadat maintain the appearance that he had won the war, a necessary precondition for a future peace deal.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel

“Moreover, Kissinger was thinking ahead: he knew that if an entire Egyptian division were wiped out, Sadat would never negotiate for a permanent peace with Israel. The Israeli government accepted the deal, and the war was finally over. It had cost the Jewish state 2,800 dead and 8,800 wounded, but a complete disaster had been avoided. The IDF had crawled back from the dead.”
― Eric Gartman, Return to Zion: The History of Modern Israel