European Identity Quotes

“(Is) Euroepan Identity: The Death of National Era?”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“Eurobarometer 38 [1992, 45] reported that 23% of Europeans believed at the time that national identities would disappear and would be replaced by European identity, whereas 63% believed that the two identities are compatible and can co-exist.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“According to the study of Euroakademia [2012] “Europe cores the highest in the level of cosmopolitan identity… That is why it is so important to consider cosmopolitanism in the study of European supranational identities”.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“European Identity is a western European continental sense of belonging to a European community. It is post-national identity combined with national elements whose evolution requires a constitution to serve as a social contract which will make Europeans loyal to the constitution.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“By way of generalization of this book, it can be maintained that other regional organizations like the Arab League and the African Union can create collective identities similar to the EU, depending on their political unity and economic interdependence and on the existing common culture of the region able to define it as a civilization or part of it. This, however, requires specific research in the future.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“Eurobarometer 38 survey indicates [1992, 45], in 1992 23% of Europeans believed that the European identity will replace the existing national identities of EU member-states. To date, though, this has not happened, but why not, perhaps a stronger European identity in the near future may partially replace national identities.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“There is a civic European demos in political/legal terms, which, like European identity, is complementary to national demos and co-exists without conflicting national-demos.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“The implication of the “No Demos Thesis” is that, as Weiler [1995, 1] maintains, in the absence of “a demos, there cannot, by definition, be a democracy or democratization at the European level”. Eurobarometer 62 [2005, 16-20] reports on the way democracy works at European and national levels. It states that in 2005, 57% of the Europeans were satisfied with the way democracy worked in their own country [Eurobarometer 62, 2005, 16], while 48% were satisfied with the way democracy worked in EU level [2005, 19]. These data show that the implication derived by the No Demos Thesis – that without a European demos there cannot be a democracy at European level – does not appear to be valid.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“Civic demos is created through civic rights and duties, which make citizens equal and thus create a sense of solidarity in an alternative way to common culture and ethnic ties.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“European identity has developed alongside national identities in the form of multiple identities without replacing national identities or conflicting them, a view which maintains that European identity and national identities are compatible, as 63% of Europeans believed in 1992.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“Eurobarometer 62 [2004, 1004] reports that, at the time of Constitutional Treaty, 88% of Europeans felt attached to their region. Eurobarometer 71 [2009, 37], held in the time of Lisbon Treaty, reports that the percentage of European citizens who felt attached to their region increased from 88% to 91%. Special Eurobarometer [2010, 70] reports that this percentage goes back to 88%, but with an increase by 2% of respondents who felt very attached to their region. This new regional identity, though similar with national identities even in their emotional configuration, influences in the erosion of national identities as the only or the dominant mean of identification.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“European identity and the ratification of a European constitution are intercommunicating containers, where the degree of consolidation of the European identity affects the success of the constitutional ratification and, on the other hand, the constitution affects the further consolidation of the European identity as a collective identity.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“The case of Switzerland promises to provide a unique example of how ‘constitutional patriotism’ leads to the establishment of an identity with post-national elements for a multicultural society; by way of analogical reasoning, the Swiss paradigm can arguably be inferred to the EU case.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“Six months after the failure of the constitution, Eurobarometer 64 [23-25] reports another shift in loyalty of Europeans: “In the Netherlands, the percentage of people who support the idea of a constitution has increased by 9 points from 53% to 62%. The percentage that opposes this idea has gone down from 38% to 34%. In France, favorable responses toward the constitution have increased by 7 points to 67%. This is accompanied by an equally large drop in unfavorable responses so that the percentage of people in France who disagree that the European Union should have a Constitution now stands at 21%” [Eurobarometer 64, 23-25; cf. Table 3].
We suggest that the build-up in the European citizens’ awareness of the importance of an EU constitution is a result of European public spheres regenerated in the course of voting for the Constitutional Treaty, a process which turned some of the people who identified themselves only on national terms (37%) in favor of the constitution. As Risse and Grabowsky [2008, 1] argue, a: “public sphere plays an important role for the emergence of a common identity”, which, in our case, seems to have influenced in the consolidation of the European identity and the subsequent support to the EU Constitution. Debating the constitution in the European public spheres emphasizes its importance. Such debates closely connect the people with their governments, thereby creating political communities. Risse and Grabowsky [2008, 7] argue that “The more we debate issues, the more we engage each other in our public discourse – and the more we actually create political communities”.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“In 2004, 4% of Europeans identified themselves only as Europeans, -- 7% identified themselves first as Europeans first and then on national bases, -- 48% identified themselves firstly on national bases, – while 37% identified themselves only on national grounds. The two groups of 7% and 48% who identified themselves as Europeans and on national bases pertain to European citizens with multiple identities [Table 2]. As argued in Chapter 1 [14-18], the loyalty of these groups can shift along with their identification from the European Union to their national state and vice versa, depending on their interest. Hence, the citizens of these two groups can sometimes behave as supporters of the Constitution, whereas, if the EU Constitution was viewed as conflicting national interest, the voting behavior can differ.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“Vassallo [2007, 4] attributes the failure of the constitution in France to the long time between the announcement of the referendum and the voting, which gave time to the Opposition party to organize itself, presenting the European Constitution as conflicting national interests thereby turning it to a matter of high domestic politics. [Vassallo, F. 2007, 4]. The “No” camp (the opposition party) managed to shift the loyalty of the people who identified themselves first on national bases and then as Europeans. Their shift in loyalty, which affected their voting behavior, happened for reasons of national interest. “About one third of the voters cast their vote because of their general opinion on the social and economic situation in France” [Vassallo, F. 2007, 5].”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“A Europe united by a Constitution is not merely a vision but a process through which the EU has to pass. This, however, is a long way, where debates about the distribution of power between EU and its member states are prominent and passes, as we shall demonstrate in this chapter, through the consolidation of the European identity, which, in its turn, shall leverage public support for the European constitution. Hence, a consolidated European identity means no spill-back for EU.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“The founding fathers of the European Union did not hesitate to speak about their aim, i.e. a European Federation. In 1950, in the establishment of the “Steel and Coal Community”, they suggested that economic interdependence associated with the establishment of a High Authority would lead to a European Federation. Robert Schuman (1886-1963), a Frenchman born in Luxemburg, deeply influenced by his background in the French-German border and a first-hand witness of the calamities of ethnic divisions effected by World War II, through his internationally renowned Schuman Plan (May 09, 1950) deservedly considered amongst the founding fathers of the EU, seemed to be precisely aware of where this endeavour would eventually lead to: “The pooling of coal and steel production will immediately assure the establishment of common bases for economic development as a first step for the European Federation… By pooling basic industrial production and setting-up a new High Authority whose decisions will be binding on France, Germany and other member countries, these proposals will bring to reality the first solid groundwork for a European Federation vital to the preservation of world peace” [Schuman, R. 1950, 1]. In the establishment of the ‘Coal and Steel Community’, Schuman appreciated that the High Authority would function “as a first (mean) for the European Federation” [1950, 1].”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“Scholarly views on European identity differ. “While some scholars believe that European identity is a form of cosmopolitanism (hence a post-national identity), others consider it as a form of nationalism on a new level” [Euroakademia, 2012].”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“Constitutional patriotism’ theory was first projected by Sternberger in 1990 as a theory for European identity [Stojanovic 2003, 79]. After him, Habermas redeveloped this theory. The impact of this theory in the European integration has been huge because it argues for the creation of a demos detached from ethnic ties, as it is the case of EU. Breda [2011, 1] writes that “since its first appearance just over a decade ago, Habermas' constitutional patriotism has inspired a rich and articulate series of theoretical analyses and has indirectly encouraged constitutional projects such as the Constitution for Europe”.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“According to the study of Euroakademia [2012] “Europe cores the highest in the level of cosmopolitan identity… That is why it is so important to consider cosmopolitanism in the study of European supranational identities”. Eurobarometer 71 [2009, 34] indicates that in 2008, 59% of Europeans felt as citizens of the world whereas in 2009 the cosmopolitan identity in Europe increased to a record rate of 64%.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“European identity, above all, is a post-national identity (65%) which also comprises national elements. We may define it as a Western European continental sense of belonging to a European community comprising primarily post-national, but also national, elements, not least based on Europe’s perceived common history, constructing a pyramid of identities with the sui generis European identity at its top.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“Globalization and Cosmopolitanism, as we shall also demonstrate in chapter 3, erode national identities and nationalism and result in the creation of a global culture and cosmopolitan identity. Thus, a new identity emerges which differs from national identities. This cosmopolitan identity created by cosmopolitan factors is very important in maintaining peace in the world. It creates a shared identity for all nations. As a result, the formation of “we” the citizens of the world reduces the likelihood of war and increases the international cooperation [Rousseau and Veen 2005, 686] Shared identity possessed by democratic countries may even be the third causal mechanism, after similar norms and structures, in the “democratic peace theory” [2005, 688]. It is the shared identity that democratic countries possess which reduces the likelihood of war between them.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“The post-national character of the European identity alongside cosmopolitanism and globalization are gradually eroding national identities of EU member states. Notwithstanding, national identities in the EU are still strong, as the European identity shall not supersede them, since their compatibility enables their symbiosis and parallel development.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“The evolution of European identity is related with the establishment of the constitution. In this book I shall demonstrate the mutual relationship between European identity and the constitution. As it shall be argued, the existences of a Constitution, or similar institutions in the form of treaties, further the degree of consolidation of a European identity and of European integration. This view is hold and by ‘constitutional patriotism’ theory. Said differently, it is the consolidation degree of European identity which affects the success of constitutional ratification and, vice-versa, the failure of the constitution implies a low degree of consolidation of European identity.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“Delanty [2005, 2] maintains that European identity will stand above national identities of Europe as British identity stands beyond Irish, Wales, Scottish and English identities. Smith [1991, 170], on the other hand, maintains that European identity will not even resemble the British models. In spite of their different views, their common conclusion is that European identity will not replace or supersede national identities in the foreseeable future. Quoting Delanty and Smith, Rambour [2005, 3] argues that Delanty does not conceive Europe as a political community because he conceives national identities as strong. He [2005, 3] further calls Smith too as a strong supporter of nationalism who argues that European identity is not able to elicit the loyalty and mobilization that nationalism is able to do.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“As we argued in chapter 3, the European identity can co-exist with national identities in the form of multiple identities without conflicting or replacing them. The European citizenship, too, is additional to and does not aim to replace national citizenships. By way of inference, we can argue that the European demos, represented by European identity, can co-exist with national demos.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“Smith [1991] admits that for Europe - whose nations had a common origin too - this was a new form of nationalism. Napoleon used common origin in the consolidation of the French nation. Nazis further deepened the argument on common origin by manipulating and transforming common origin into the superiority of the Aryan race which should also be kept clean. Doing so, they added a second doze to the consolidation of their national identity. Two forms of nationalism, which independently could arise national feelings and even equate the nation with the religion, would lead to stronger emotional appeal and to what Hayes (2016) calls a substitution of religion by nationalism.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“European Identity is going to create its civil religion, which, alike nationalism, does imply the divinity of the flag, monuments, constitution, national heroes etc., but, rather than the superstition of the religion by nationalism, civil religion implies an equalization between religion and nation, as in the USA. Such equalization between religion and nation will create religious harmony in the same way it did in the USA, which is well known for its religious harmony.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?

“On the other hand, the use of the term “PIGS” in this article demonstrates also the emergence of a new identity which transcends the boundaries of traditional nation-states, resulting in the erosion of national identities as the only or the dominant means of identification.”
― Endri Shqerra, European Identity: The Death of National Era?