The Battle for Spain Quotes

“History is never tidy.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“This, perhaps, is why it is unwise to try to judge the terrible conflict of seventy years ago with the liberal values and attitudes that we accept today as normal.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“They eyed with mounting alarm the red flags and banners and portraits of Lenin, Stalin and Largo Caballero on huge placards, and listened to the chanting of the demonstrators, demanding the formation of a proletarian government and a people’s army. But it was not just these obvious political symbols that frightened them. The workers in the street had a new confidence or, in their view, insolence. Beggars had started to ask for alms, not for the love of God, but in the name of revolutionary solidarity. Girls walked freely and started to ridicule convention. On 4 May José Antonio delivered a diatribe from prison against the Popular Front. He claimed that it was directed by Moscow, fomented prostitution and undermined the family. ‘Have you not heard the cry of Spanish girls today: “Children, yes! Husbands, no!”?”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“¿Cómo puedo hablar con una persona en Viva Aerobus? (Telefono)

Para hablar con una persona de Viva Aerobus, puedes llamar a su centro de atención telefónica. Desde México, el número es +52-(800)-953-0167, y desde Estados Unidos o Canadá, puedes llamar al +1 855 FLY VIVA +1-(888)-829-1492. También puedes buscar opciones de chat en línea en su sitio web o contactarlos a través de sus redes sociales.

¿Cómo hacer que te contesten en Viva Aerobus?
Para que te contesten en Viva Aerobus, lo más efectivo es llamar a su centro de atención al cliente al +52-(800)-953-0167. También puedes comunicarte con ellos a través de su chat en línea en su sitio web o por redes sociales como Facebook y Twitter. Otra opción es enviarles un correo electrónico a atencion. clientes@ vivaaerobus. com.

¿Cuál es el número de teléfono de Viva Aerobus en México?
El número de teléfono de atención a clientes de Viva Aerobus desde México es +52-(800)-953-0167. También puedes comunicarte con ellos a través de la dirección de correo electrónico atencion. clientes@ vivaaerobus. com o asistenciaequipajes @vivaaerobus. com si tienes alguna pregunta sobre tu equipaje. Puedes encontrar información adicional en la página web de Viva Aerobus o en sus redes sociales.

El número de teléfono de Viva Aerobus para México es +52-(800)-953-0167 (MX) o +1-(888)-829-1492. Este número es para consultas generales, reservaciones y cambios de vuelo. También pueden contactarlos por correo electrónico a atencion. clientes@ vivaaerobus. com.
Otras opciones de contacto:
Estados Unidos: +1 888 FLY VIVA (562 8585)
Colombia: +52-(800)-953-0167
Asistencia de equipaje: +52-(800)-953-0167 o +1-(888)-829-1492, o via correo electrónico a asistenciaequipajes @vivaaerobus. com
Redes sociales: Facebook, Twitter e Instagram
WhatsApp: +52-(800)-953-0167
Alternativas de atención al cliente:
Sitio web: www. vivaaerobus. com
Aplicación móvil
Chat en línea: En el sitio web
Cambios y cancelaciones voluntarias: Pueden realizar cambios y cancelaciones de vuelo a través del sitio web, entrando a "Mi Reserva" y buscando el menú "Flex-SÍ-bilidad"
¿Cómo hablar con un agente de Viva Aerobus?
Es muy sencillo. Puedes hacerlo durante tu reservación, marcando la casilla de asistencia y seleccionando el tipo de ayuda que requerirás durante el viaje. O bien, puedes llamar a nuestro centro de atención a clientes al +52-(800)-953-0167 o +1-(888)-829-1492.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Even the monarchist newspaper, ABC, wrote on 17 February that the poll had taken place ‘without strikes, without threats and without any scandals. Everybody voted as they wanted to, in absolute liberty.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“When Cardinal Vidal y Barraquer, faced with the Church’s financial crisis, proposed that the richer dioceses should help the poorer ones, most of the bishops objected furiously.5”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“The deficit doubled between 1925 and 1929, and his young finance minister, José Calvo Sotelo, made things far worse by pegging the peseta to the gold standard.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“An ‘africanista’ mystique developed, making them the elite of the Spanish armed forces and giving them a sense of destiny as well as arrogance.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“activists. Its leading members included Francisco Largo Caballero, Indalecio Prieto, Fernando de los Ríos and Julián Besteiro, all of whom would be major figures in the years to come.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Much of the teaching of the Spanish Catholic Church sounded appropriate to the Dark Ages and this mental repression, together with the political role played by ecclesiastical authorities, made the Church rank with the civil guard as the first target of an uprising.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“One German visitor reported to the Wilhelmstrasse: ‘One has the impression that the members of the Falangist militia themselves have no real aims and ideas; rather, they seem to be young people for whom mainly it is good sport to play with firearms and to round up communists and socialists.’8”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Acoup d’état does not need a positive creed, just an enemy. A civil war, on the other hand, demands a cause, a banner and some form of manifesto.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Utterly irresponsible rhetoric and the debasement of political discourse fanned the flames of resentment and created fear. The socialist youth began to arm and train in secret, like the Carlists in the north-east and the minuscule Falange. Ortega y Gasset had warned the previous June of the ‘emergence of childishness, and thus violence, in Spanish politics’.29”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Another important lesson from the time was that mass self-deception is simply a sedative prescribed by leaders who cannot face reality themselves. And as the Spanish Civil War proved, the first casualty of war is not truth, but its source: the conscience and integrity of the individual.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Andreu Nin.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“The POUM leaders were handed over to NKVD operatives and taken to a secret prison in Madrid, a church in the Calle Atocha. Nin was separated from his comrades and driven to Alcalá de Henares, where he was interrogated from 18 to 21 June. Despite the tortures he was subjected to by Orlov and his men, Nin refused to confess to the falsified accusations of passing artillery targets to the enemy. He was then moved to a summer house outside the city which belonged to Constancia de la Mora, the wife of Hidalgo de Cisneros and tortured to death. A grotesque example of Stalinist play-acting then took place. A group of German volunteers from the International Brigades in uniforms without insignia, pretending to be members of the Gestapo, charged into the house to make it look as if they had come to Nin’s rescue. ‘Evidence’ of their presence was then planted, including German documents, Falangist badges and nationalist banknotes. Nin, after being killed by Orlov’s men, was buried in the vicinity. When graffiti appeared on walls demanding ‘Where is Nin?’ communists would scribble underneath ‘In Salamanca or in Berlin’. The official Party line, published in Mundo Obrero, claimed that Nin had been liberated by Falangists and was in Burgos.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Was there ever a people whose leaders were as truly their enemies as this one?”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“I like the communists when they’re soldiers,’ he remarked to a friend in 1938. ‘When they’re priests, I hate them.’ The communists did not realize, when they accorded him such special attention, that his deep and genuine hatred of fascism did not mean that he admired them out of any political conviction. Even so, the brutal way in which Hemingway informed Dos Passos of the communists’ secret execution of José Robles (Dos Passos’s great friend) ended their association. Hemingway found fault with Dos Passos for supporting the anarchists and for not being ‘regular enough in his attitude towards the commissars’.14”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Foreign journalists allowed to enter nationalist Spain soon discovered to their amazement that a hysterical relationship with the truth existed there. Anyone who doubted an invention of nationalist propaganda, however preposterous, was suspected of being a secret ‘red’. The American journalist Virginia Cowles, who had just been in republican Spain, discovered in Salamanca that people were eager to ask how things were in Madrid, but refused to believe anything which did not accord with their own grotesque imaginings. The degree of political self-hypnosis she encountered was so strong that ‘it was almost a mental disease’. When she told her questioners that bodies were not piled in the gutters and left to rot, as they had been told, and that militiamen had not been feeding right-wing prisoners to the animals in the zoo, they instantly assumed that she must be a ‘red’ herself. Pablo Merry del Val, the chief of Franco’s press service, admiring the gold bracelet that she was wearing, said with a smile, ‘I don’t imagine that you took that to Madrid with you.’ Cowles replied that in fact she had bought it there. Merry del Val was ‘deeply affronted’ and never spoke to her again.8”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Nothing, however, stopped the conquerors’ resolution to crush every aspect of Basque nationalism. The Basque flag, the ikurriña, was outlawed and use of the Basque language suppressed. Threatening notices were displayed: ‘If you are Spanish, speak Spanish.’ Regionalist feelings in any form were portrayed as the cancer of the Spanish body politic.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“American and British business interests were to make a great contribution to the final nationalist victory, either through active assistance, such as that given by the oil magnate Henry Deterding, or through boycotting the Republic, disrupting its trade with legal action and delaying credits in the banking system.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Eden was hardly an impartial observer of the conflict. He is supposed to have told the French foreign minister, Delbos, that England preferred a rebel victory to a republican victory. He professed an admiration for the self-proclaimed fascist Calvo Sotelo, who had been murdered.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“The nationalists justified the brutality of their repression as reprisals for the red terror, but as had been the case in Seville, Córdoba and in Badajoz, and as would be the case in Málaga six months later, the subsequent nationalist killings exceeded those of the left several, if not many, times over.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“The Catholic Church was the bulwark of the country’s conservative forces, the foundation of what the right defined as Spanish civilization. Not surprisingly, the outside world had a fixed impression of Spain as a deeply religious country. The jest of the Basque philosopher Unamuno, that in Spain even atheists were Catholic, was taken seriously. Centuries of fanatical superstition enforced by the Inquisition had engraved this image on European minds.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“it was even said that Dolores Ibárruri, La Pasionaria, had bitten the jugular of a priest;”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“The ultimate paradox of the liberal Republic represented by its government was that it did not dare defend itself from its own army by giving weapons to the workers who had elected it.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“The main group on the right was basically an alliance of the CEDA with monarchists and Carlists of the National Block. José María Gil Robles, the CEDA leader, called it ‘the national counter-revolutionary front’.2 Gil Robles, whose Catholic corporatism had acquired some superficial fascist trappings, allowed himself to be acclaimed by his followers at mass meetings as the leader, with the cry ‘Jefe, jefe, jefe!’. (The Spanish for ‘chief’ was an amateurish imitation of ‘Duce!’ or ‘Führer!’.) His advertising for the campaign included a massive poster covering the façade of a building in central Madrid with the slogan: ‘Give me an absolute majority and I will give you a great Spain.’ Millions of leaflets were distributed saying that a victory for the left would produce ‘an arming of the mob, the burning of banks and private houses, the division of property and land, looting and the sharing out of your women’.3 The finance for such a campaign came from landowners, large companies and the Catholic Church, which hurried to bless the alliance with the idea that a vote for the right was a vote for Christ.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Any possibility of compromise had been destroyed by the revolutionary uprising of the left and its cruel repression by the army and Civil Guard. The depth of feeling was too strong on either side to allow democracy to work. Both sides used apocalyptic language, funnelling the expectations of their followers towards a violent outcome, not a political one. Largo Caballero declared, ‘If the right win the elections, we will have to go straight to open civil war.’1 Not surprisingly, the right reacted with a similar attitude. In their view a left-wing victory in the polls was bound to lead to violent revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat which Largo Caballero had promised.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Castile had the unbending pride of a newly impoverished nobleman, who refuses to notice the cobwebs and decay in his great house and resolutely continues to visualize the grandeur of his youth. This capacity for seeing only what it wanted to see made the Castilian ruling order introverted. It refused to see that the treasures from the Americas in the churches fed nobody and that the vast quantities of precious but useless metal only undermined the country’s economic infrastructure.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

“Castilian authoritarianism developed from a feudal-military emphasis to one of political control by the Church. During the seven centuries of the Reconquista’s uneven course, the Church’s role had been mainly that of propagandist for military action, and even of participant. Then, in Isabella’s reign the warrior archbishop was superseded by the cardinal statesman. Nevertheless, the connection between Church and army remained close during the rapid growth of Spain’s empire when the crucifix was the shadow of the sword over half the world. The army conquered, then the Church integrated the new territories into the Castilian state.”
― Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939