æ

“L'autre fait notable, c'est qu'un médiatique a désormais le droit de plaisanter avec son outil professionnel, en certains cas. Un général, par exemple, n'avait pas le droit de plaisanter à la tête de ses troupes, ou un juge en prononçant ses sentences, et je ne sais même pas s'il est encore tout à fait permis au respon-sable d'une centrale où l'on produit l'énergie nucléaire de plaisanter, au sens propre du mot, à l'instant où il fait connaître ses directives. Mais il est littéralement hors de doute qu'un médiatique ne peut être privé de ce droit. C'est un salarié remarquablement spécial, qui ne reçoit d'ordre de personne, et qui sait tout sur tous les sujets dont il veut parler. Il porte donc, suivant sa déontologie, qu'il ne saurait trahir sans hideuse concussion, littéralement toute la conscience de l'époque. S'il n'avait pas le droit de plaisanter, où serait donc la liberté de la presse et, partant, la démocratie elle-même?”
― Guy Debord, Cette mauvaise réputation...

“Посвящ. Тютчеву

Люблю я деревенские клозеты
Где остального мира мне не жаль
Где я читал помятые газеты
О нежное воспоминанье, жаль!

Окно являет подметённый двор
А далее пригорки и лощинки.
Ползут от напряжения морщинки
Я этот миг у Вас украл как вор

О мягкий кал на выступе не медли
Там мокрый мрак и тихий белый глист
Но на него упал пахучий лист
И я последние застёгиваю петли.

Париж 1923”
― Борис Поплавский, Небытие: Неизвестные стихотворения 1922-1935 годов

“Living through the Blitz, edited by MO’s Tom Harrisson, makes clear just how much the ‘1945’ we now consume is a construct, a convenient fairy tale built up piece by piece several generations later. Most interesting for our purposes is its plentiful evidence that the imperative (in rhetoric, if not in the specific form of the unprinted poster) to ‘Keep Calm and Carry On’ actually had much the opposite effect. The patronising message infuriated most of the scores of mostly working-class diarists and interviewees whose materials make up the book. And rather than an alliance between the ‘decent’ people and their ‘decent’, benevolent public servants, Living through the Blitz finds a total divorce between the interests of each, with the civil service and local government desperately scared of the workers they were supposed to be sheltering from bombs.

For example, while the Labour left and radical architects were advocating communal shelters, central government had a firm preference for the privatisation of bomb protection. ‘Whitehall’, Harrisson writes, ‘had long declared that there must be no “shelter mentality”. If big, safe, deep shelters were established, people would simply lie in them and do no work. Worse, such concentrations of proletarians could be breeding grounds for mass hysteria, even subversion. The answer was the Anderson shelter.’2 That is, private shelters in back gardens, not necessarily safer, but less likely to encourage sedition.”
― Owen Hatherley, The Ministry of Nostalgia

“It is important to record that the ‘Keep Calm and Carry On’ poster was never mass-produced until 2008. It is a historical object of a very peculiar sort. By 2009, when it had first become hugely popular, it seemed to respond to a particularly English malaise, one connected directly with the way Britain reacted to the credit crunch and the banking crash. From this moment of crisis, it tapped into an already established narrative about Britain’s ‘finest hour’ – the aerial Battle of Britain in 1940–41 – when it was the only country left fighting the Third Reich. This was a moment of entirely indisputable – and apparently uncomplicated – national heroism, one which Britain has clung to through thick and thin. Even during the height of the boom, as the critical theorist Paul Gilroy spotted in his 2004 book After Empire, the Blitz and the Victory were frequently invoked, made necessary by ‘the need to get back to the place or moment before the country lost its moral and cultural bearings’. ‘1940’ and ‘1945’ were ‘obsessive repetitions’, ‘anxious and melancholic’, morbid fetishes, clung to as a means of not thinking about other aspects of recent British history – most obviously, its Empire. This has only intensified since the financial crisis began.

The ‘Blitz spirit’ has been exploited by politicians largely since 1979. When Thatcherites and Blairites spoke of ‘hard choices’ and ‘muddling through’, they often evoked the memories of 1941. It served to legitimate regimes which constantly argued that, despite appearances to the contrary, resources were scarce and there wasn’t enough money to go around; the most persuasive way of explaining why someone (else) was inevitably going to suffer. Ironically, however, this rhetoric of sacrifice was often combined with a demand that the consumers enrich themselves – buy their house, get a new car, make something of themselves, ‘aspire’.”
― Owen Hatherley, The Ministry of Nostalgia