ARCHIVE - AN EXTENDED READ: BLOOD IN THE WATER - DISCUSSION THREAD - NON SPOILER THREAD - Start Date September 1st

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

This is the discussion thread for the book Blood in the the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and its Legacy by Heather Ann Thompson

by Heather Ann Thompson

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

This is a rather long book but we will do a leisurely read. This is the table of contents. We will read three chapters a week. If you want to go ahead then you need to simply use the spoiler html. Otherwise you can simply read along with us and discuss it with us.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CONTENTS

Introduction: State Secrets xiii

PART I THE TINDERBOX
Frank “Big Black” Smith 3
1 Not So Greener Pastures 5
2 Responding to Resistance 18
3 Voices from Auburn 22
4 Knowledge Is Power 28
5 Playing by the Rules 31
6 Back and Forth 35
7 End of the Line 38

PART II POWER AND POLITICS UNLEASHED
Michael Smith 43
8 Talking Back 45
9 Burning Down the House 50
10 Reeling and Reacting 60
11 Order Out of Chaos 64
12 What’s Going On 71
13 Into the Night 83
14 A New Day Dawns 89

PART III THE SOUND BEFORE THE FURY
Tom Wicker 101
15 Getting Down to Business 103
16 Dreams and Nightmares 116
17 On the Precipice 139
18 Deciding Disaster 153

PART IV RETRIBUTION AND REPRISALS UNIMAGINED
Tony Strollo 161
19 Chomping at the Bit 163
20 Standing Firm 169
21 No Mercy 178
22 Spinning Disaster 193
23 And the Beat Goes On 204

PART V RECKONINGS AND REACTIONS
Robert Douglass 223
24 Speaking Up 225
25 Stepping Back 232
26 Funerals and Fallout 242
27 Prodding and Probing 251
28 Which Side Are You On? 256
29 Ducks in a Row 266

PART VI INQUIRIES AND DIVERSIONS
Anthony Simonetti 271
30 Digging More Deeply 273
31 Foxes in the Hen House 287
32 Stick and Carrot 294
33 Seeking Help 299
34 Indictments All Around 304

PART VII JUSTICE ON TRIAL
Ernest Goodman 311
35 Mobilizing and Maneuvering 313
36 A House Divided 321
37 Laying the Groundwork 327
38 Testing the Waters 334
39 Going for Broke 340
40 Evening the Score 363
41 A Long Journey Ahead 388

PART VIII BLOWING THE WHISTLE
Malcolm Bell 401
42 Joining the Team 403
43 Protecting the Police 418
44 Smoking Guns 425
45 Going Public 434
46 Investigating the Investigation 442
47 Closing the Book 452

PART IX DAVID AND GOLIATH
Elizabeth Fink 457
48 It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over 459
49 Shining the Light on Evil 466
50 Delay Tactics 479
51 The Price of Blood 485
52 Deal with the Devil 498

PART X A FINAL FIGHT
Deanne Quinn Miller 507
53 Family Fury 509
54 Manipulated and Outmaneuvered 517
55 Biting the Hand 528
56 Getting Heard 533
57 Waiting Game 542
58 A Hollow Victory 550
Epilogue: Prisons and Power 558

Acknowledgments 573
Notes 579
Index 685

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Here is the link to the event notification for the discussion:

https://www.goodreads.com/event/show/...

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

WINNER OF THE 2017 PULITZER PRIZE IN HISTORY
WINNER OF THE 2017 BANCROFT PRIZE

NATIONAL BOOK AWARD FINALIST * LOS ANGELES TIMES BOOK PRIZE FINALIST * NEW YORK TIMES NOTABLE BOOK FOR 2016 * NAMED A BEST BOOK OF THE YEAR BY THE BOSTON GLOBE, NEWSWEEK, KIRKUS, AND PUBLISHERS WEEKLY

THE FIRST DEFINITIVE HISTORY OF THE INFAMOUS 1971 ATTICA PRISON UPRISING, THE STATE’S VIOLENT RESPONSE, AND THE VICTIMS’ DECADES-LONG QUEST FOR JUSTICE

On September 9, 1971, nearly 1,300 prisoners took over the Attica Correctional Facility in upstate New York to protest years of mistreatment. Holding guards and civilian employees hostage, the prisoners negotiated with officials for improved conditions during the four long days and nights that followed.

On September 13, the state abruptly sent hundreds of heavily armed troopers and correction officers to retake the prison by force. Their gunfire killed thirty-nine men—hostages as well as prisoners—and severely wounded more than one hundred others. In the ensuing hours, weeks, and months, troopers and officers brutally retaliated against the prisoners. And, ultimately, New York State authorities prosecuted only the prisoners, never once bringing charges against the officials involved in the retaking and its aftermath and neglecting to provide support to the survivors and the families of the men who had been killed.

Drawing from more than a decade of extensive research, historian Heather Ann Thompson sheds new light on every aspect of the uprising and its legacy, giving voice to all those who took part in this forty-five-year fight for justice: prisoners, former hostages, families of the victims, lawyers and judges, and state officials and members of law enforcement. Blood in the Water is the searing and indelible account of one of the most important civil rights stories of the last century.

(With black-and-white photos throughout)

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Reviews:

Praise for Heather Ann Thompson’s Blood in the Water

“Gripping . . . Not all works of history have something to say so directly to the present, but Heather Ann Thompson’s Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy, which deals with racial conflict, mass incarceration, police brutality and dissembling politicians, reads like it was special-ordered for the sweltering summer of 2016. But there’s nothing partisan or argumentative about Blood in the Water. The power of this superb work of history comes from its methodical mastery of interviews, transcripts, police reports and other documents, covering 35 years, many released only reluctantly by government agencies . . . It’s Ms. Thompson’s achievement, in this remarkable book, to make us understand why this one group of prisoners [rebelled], and how many others shared the cost.” —Mark Oppenheimer, The New York Times

“Chilling, and in places downright shocking . . . [Thompson] tells the story of the riot and its aftermath with precision and momentum.” —Bryan Burrough, The Wall Street Journal

“A masterly account . . . Essential . . . Blood in the Water restores [the prisoners’] struggle to its rightful place in our collective memory.” —James Forman Jr., The New York Times Book Review

“A long, memorable chronicle . . . dense with new information . . . Thompson’s capacity for close observation and her honesty [are] impressive.” —Adam Gopnik, The New Yorker

“Masterful.” —Lewis M. Steel, The Nation

“Thompson’s book is a masterpiece of historical research; it is thoroughly researched, extensively documented and reads like a novel . . . Magnificent.” —Terry Hartle, The Christian Science Monitor

“Heather Ann Thompson tracked down long-hidden files related to the tragedy at Attica—some of which have since disappeared—to tell the saga in its full horror.” —Larry Getlen, New York Post

“Writing with cinematic clarity from meticulously sourced material, [Thompson] brilliantly exposes the realities of the Attica prison uprising . . . Thompson’s superb and thorough study serves as a powerful tale of the search for justice in the face of the abuses of institutional power.” —Publishers Weekly Review of the Day (starred review)

“[A] real eye-opener for readers whose interest in Attica and knowledge of what happened ended when the headlines receded . . . Compelling . . . Sensitive . . . Impressively authoritative and thoughtfully composed.” —Kirkus Reviews (starred review)

“Blood in the Water is extraordinary—a true gift to the written history of civil rights and racial justice struggles in America.” —Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness

“Remarkable. Blood in the Water is a historical tour de force. It sheds new light on these most important historical events, events that in part triggered the wave of exponential prison growth today. For those of us who have been tracing the rise of mass incarceration in this country, Heather Ann Thompson’s book is a must read.” —Bernard E. Harcourt, Professor of Law and Political Science at Columbia University

“Heather Ann Thompson wields the powers of the historian with mesmerizing force. Forty-five years after the Attica uprising, Blood in the Water offers the most complete history to date on that tragic episode and does so with unflinching purpose: a clearer view of the consequences for human life, both past and present.” —Glenn E. Martin, Founder and President of JustLeadershipUSA

“Blood in the Water tells of warning signs in 1971 that still exist more than forty years later. Heather Ann Thompson’s prophetic analysis is a sobering reminder that we must all care about what is happening to human beings behind prison walls.” —Soffiyah Elijah, Executive Director of the Correctional Association of New York

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

About the Author:

HEATHER ANN THOMPSON is an award-winning historian at the University of Michigan. Her most recent book, Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy, won the Pulitzer Prize in History, the Bancroft Prize, the Ridenhour Book Prize, and the J. Willard Hurst Prize, and was a finalist for the National Book Award and the Los Angeles Times Book Prize, among other accolades. She is also the author of Whose Detroit?: Politics, Labor, and Race in a Modern American City and the editor of Speaking Out: Activism and Protest in the 1960s and 1970s. She served on a National Academy of Sciences blue-ribbon panel that studied the causes and consequences of mass incarceration in the United States and has given congressional staff briefings on the subject. She has written on the history of mass incarceration and its current impact for The New York Times, Time, The Atlantic, Salon, Newsweek, NBC, Dissent, New Labor Forum, and The Huffington Post, as well as for various top scholarly publications.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Blood in the Water by Heather Ann Thompson

https://youtu.be/5WlRQLG0jsA

The first definitive account of the 1971 Attica Prison Uprising. Covering the conditions before the rebellion, the state's violent response, and the victims' decades-long quest for justice--including information never released to the public. For more info: http://bit.ly/2bbGtcX

“Gripping . . . Not all works of history have something to say so directly to the present, but Heather Ann Thompson’s Blood in the Water, which deals with racial conflict, mass incarceration, police brutality and dissembling politicians, reads like it was special-ordered for the sweltering summer of 2016. It’s Ms. Thompson’s achievement, in this remarkable book, to make us understand why this one group of prisoners [rebelled], and how many others shared the cost.” —Mark Oppenheimer, The New York Times

"Blood in the Water is extraordinary—a true gift to the written history of civil rights and racial justice struggles in America.”
—Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

This is the Syllabus and what we are reading per week. If you keep up with the syllabus and do not go ahead - you can post without using spoiler html. If you go ahead - then you must use spoiler html or post on the glossary thread which is a spoiler thread and where no spoiler html is necessary. This is a non spoiler thread so you have a choice.

This is a rather long book but we will do a leisurely read. This is the table of contents. We will read three chapters a week. If you want to go ahead then you need to simply use the spoiler html. Otherwise you can simply read along with us and discuss it with us.

SYLLABUS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CONTENTS

Week One - September 1st - September 8th, 2019 (p. xii - 27)
Introduction: State Secrets xiii

PART I THE TINDERBOX
Frank “Big Black” Smith 3
1 Not So Greener Pastures 5
2 Responding to Resistance 18
3 Voices from Auburn 22

Week Two - September 9th - September 15, 2019 (p. 28 - 42)
4 Knowledge Is Power 28
5 Playing by the Rules 31
6 Back and Forth 35
7 End of the Line 38

Week Three - September 16th - September 22, 2019 (p. 43 - 70)
PART II POWER AND POLITICS UNLEASHED
Michael Smith 43
8 Talking Back 45
9 Burning Down the House 50
10 Reeling and Reacting 60
11 Order Out of Chaos 64

Week Four - September 23rd - September 29th, 2019 (p. 71 - 100)
12 What’s Going On 71
13 Into the Night 83
14 A New Day Dawns 89

Week Five - September 30th - October 6th, 2019 (p. 101 - 152)
PART III THE SOUND BEFORE THE FURY
Tom Wicker 101
15 Getting Down to Business 103
16 Dreams and Nightmares 116
17 On the Precipice 139

Week Six - October 7th - October 13th, 2019 (p. 153 - 177)
18 Deciding Disaster 153

PART IV RETRIBUTION AND REPRISALS UNIMAGINED
Tony Strollo 161
19 Chomping at the Bit 163
20 Standing Firm 169

Week Seven - October 14th - October 20th, 2019 (p. 178 - 222)
21 No Mercy 178
22 Spinning Disaster 193
23 And the Beat Goes On 204

Week Eight - October 21st - October 27th, 2019 (p. 223 - 250)
PART V RECKONINGS AND REACTIONS
Robert Douglass 223
24 Speaking Up 225
25 Stepping Back 232
26 Funerals and Fallout 242

Week Nine - October 28th - November 3rd, 2019 (p. 251 - 270)
27 Prodding and Probing 251
28 Which Side Are You On? 256
29 Ducks in a Row 266

Week 10 - November 4th - November 10th, 2019 (p. 271 - 298)
PART VI INQUIRIES AND DIVERSIONS
Anthony Simonetti 271
30 Digging More Deeply 273
31 Foxes in the Hen House 287
32 Stick and Carrot 294

Week 11 - November 11th - November 17th, 2019 (p. 299 - 320)
33 Seeking Help 299
34 Indictments All Around 304

PART VII JUSTICE ON TRIAL
Ernest Goodman 311
35 Mobilizing and Maneuvering 313

Week 12 - November 18th - November 24th, 2019 (p. 321 - 339)
36 A House Divided 321
37 Laying the Groundwork 327
38 Testing the Waters 334

Week 13 - November 25th - December 1st, 2019 (p. 340 - 402)
39 Going for Broke 340
40 Evening the Score 363
41 A Long Journey Ahead 388

PART VIII BLOWING THE WHISTLE
Malcolm Bell 401

Week 14 - December 2nd - December 8th, 2019 (p. 402 - 433)
42 Joining the Team 403
43 Protecting the Police 418
44 Smoking Guns 425

Week 15 - December 9th - December 15th, 2019 (p. 433 - 458)
45 Going Public 434
46 Investigating the Investigation 442
47 Closing the Book 452

PART IX DAVID AND GOLIATH
Elizabeth Fink 457

Week 16 - December 16th - December 22nd, 2019 (p. 459 - 497)
48 It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over 459
49 Shining the Light on Evil 466
50 Delay Tactics 479
51 The Price of Blood 485

Week 17 - December 30th - January 5, 2020 (p. 498 - 532)
52 Deal with the Devil 498

PART X A FINAL FIGHT
Deanne Quinn Miller 507
53 Family Fury 509
54 Manipulated and Outmaneuvered 517
55 Biting the Hand 528

Week 18 - January 6th - January 12th, 2019 - and Book as a Whole and Final Thoughts (p. 533 - End of Book)
56 Getting Heard 533
57 Waiting Game 542
58 A Hollow Victory 550
Epilogue: Prisons and Power 558

Acknowledgments 573
Notes 579
Index 685

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Chapter Overviews and Summaries

Introduction

Thompson writes: "One might well wonder why it has taken forty-five years for a comprehensive history of the Attica prison uprising of 1971 to be written. The answer is simple: the most important details of this story have been deliberately kept from the public. Literally thousands of boxes of documents relating to these events are sealed or next to impossible to access". In fact, the author goes on to explain how the ones that she did see have now since mysteriously disappeared!

PART I THE TINDERBOX
Frank “Big Black” Smith 3

This introduction tells the reader about an inmate at Attica who ended up there for running numbers and pulling a gun on folks who owed him money.

1 Not So Greener Pastures

Thompson writes: "Attica’s 2,243 prisoners were overwhelmingly young, urban, under-educated, and African American or Puerto Rican. More than two thirds of the men at Attica had been incarcerated at least once before arriving there". The author describes the bucolic environment outside of the facility and the dire conditions and prisoner inequities inside the prison.

2 Responding to Resistance

Thompson writes: "By 1965, politicians from both North and South, and from both major political parties, were routinely equating urban disorder with urban criminality. All agreed not only that crime was fast becoming the nation’s most serious problem, but also that it was well past time to wage a major new war against it." The so called War on Crime resulted in prisons like Attica to become overflowing with increasingly stark and inhumane conditions within these prisons. Thompson writes: "This profound shift in public policy—a watershed moment that would eventually lead to the United States imprisoning more people than any other country on the globe—had depended upon a serious misperception regarding just how just dire America’s “crime problem” really was. These misperceptions have led us to the mass incarceration crisis our country faces today!

3 Voices from Auburn

In this chapter, the author describes a situation and transfer
from Auburn to Attica that precipitated and exacerbated what occurred in Attica.

Thompson wrote: "Auburn’s historical claim to fame was that it had hosted the country’s first execution by electrocution, and in 1970 it was known for being one of New York’s most overcrowded facilities." There was a protest at Auburn which was very peaceful and the prisoners were promised that there would be no repercussions and then they were betrayed!

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

We are opening this book up early - reading and discussion begins September 1st but I would love to find out why folks are interested in the book and could you introduce yourself.

I am Bentley - founder/moderator of The History Book - from New England, Metro NYC area primarily but have traveled and worked world wide. What interested me about this book was that I knew so little about the uprising, and I have become deeply concerned with the mass incarceration issues that appear to be plaguing America. What is there about our country that we have the largest numbers of incarcerated people world wide? Is it the access to guns? Is it our social and educational programs? Is it our politics? I think I would like to understand the root causes of this situation so that as a country we can fix it - if that is possible. I have heard so much about this book that I felt it was time to read it. So here we are and here I am.

Please introduce yourself and tell us why you are reading this book.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

This is Week One's assignment:

Week One - September 1st - September 8th, 2019 (p. xii - 27)
Introduction: State Secrets xiii

PART I THE TINDERBOX
Frank “Big Black” Smith 3
1 Not So Greener Pastures 5
2 Responding to Resistance 18
3 Voices from Auburn 22

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

So this means that from now through September 8th - you can discuss anything in the Introduction and/or Chapters 1, 2 and 3 from pages xII through page 27 without using any spoiler html.

If you want to go ahead - you can but we hope that you will stay with the schedule in order to stimulate a great discussion of the book. However if you do go ahead - you must use the spoiler html on this thread since this is a non spoiler thread. If you do not want to use the spoiler html then your only option if you go ahead is to simply post on the glossary spoiler thread. We will always respond to you whether you are posting on the discussion thread or the glossary thread but keep in mind that the discussion thread is always a non spoiler thread.

Here is the link to the glossary thread for this books which is a spoiler thread: https://www.goodreads.com/topic/show/...

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Hello Ani,

Welcome first of all from beautiful Canada - we are delighted to have you join us - the official discussion does not begin until September 1st and I am still setting up all three discussion threads but I am opening them up for introductions etc.

I will be adding a post on how to do the spoiler html if you are not familiar with it so do not worry. We are here to help.

There is always the glossary thread for the book which is a spoiler thread if all else fails.

Here are some facts that will shock you - they shocked me when I was thinking about discussing this book:

This is from CNN:

"Year after year, the United States beats out much larger countries -- India, China -- and more totalitarian ones --Russia and the Philippines -- for the distinction of having the highest incarceration rate in the world.

According to a 2018 report from the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), nearly 2.2 million adults were held in America's prisons and jails at the end of 2016. That means for every 100,000 people residing in the United States, approximately 655 of them were behind bars.

If the US prison population were a city, it would be among the country's 10 largest. More people are behind bars in America than there are living in major cities such as Philadelphia or Dallas."

Link to article; https://www.cnn.com/2018/06/28/us/mas...

I agree Ani - I think all of us should know. I just hope given the last couple of years in the US that we have not become desensitized because of the chaos and confusion surrounding the political arena.

[Tanya]

I'm Tanya and I'm from Sacramento, CA. I'm interested in the topic because I had watched a reality show about correctional officers in Santa Fe. They had talked about the riot there and the casualties. I found it interested that when inmates take over they tend to take out their violence on other inmates, settling old scores. What interests me about Attica was discovering that the casualties were more on the staff side than on the inmates. It wasn't due to the inmates but the federal marshalls. Just wondered what went wrong?

[Jeff]

I'm Jeff. I read this last year but will revisit the book and join the discussion. I am interested because this is about an important event that took place just weeks after I was born, and its effects and causes still linger today.

[Michele]

I will catch up reading after I get back from San Fran. I don't know much about the Attica Penitentiary riots, I am more familiar with the New Mexico State Penitentiary Riots that happened in 1980.

[Tawallah]

Hi, I’m June and I’m planning to listen to this one. This book came highly recommended from friends I follow on Instagram. I do know this is about incarceration and racial inequality. And apparently it is a heartbreaker. So I’m quite happy to join in a relatively relaxed read on this book. And I’ve been MIA in this group for the year.

[Powder River Rose]

Rose here and I too am listening to the story. I'm working on participating in the discussion groups here in the History Book Club instead of just following along silently. I've always been interested in history in general and thought the next few months of books might be a new opportunity to learn.

[Brent]

Hi, I’m Brent. I work in public education and am curious how the lack of education in some areas of the US affect the probability of incarceration. I do know the ability to read by the end of the third grade affects the student’s behavior in school after third grade. It also affects their ability to progress in the curriculum in high school. Truly interested in reading this book.

[Rosemary]

Hello. I am Rosemary. I was interested in this book when it first came out but was too busy to read it at the time. So, I am delighted to read it with you all now. Learning more about prisons in our country and this specific circumstance may enlighten my overall knowledge of the problems and possible solutions and ultimately help me make better voting decisions.

[Jeff]

Ani wrote: "..I felt the fear, and the pain of powerlessness in the introductory chapters. ."

I feel like its all about the prison staff and administrators constantly applying pressure, and reinforcing their power. A simple strike for a higher wage is seen as "troublemaking" and is addressed quickly, but not by negotiation at first, but by overreaction and discipline.

The scent of revolt is in the air from page 1, or page xiii, as even decades later the author had to fight for what little information she could get. Why still all the secrecy?

[Dave]

Hi, I'm Dave. I used to be an attorney not far from Attica, and although none of my clients spent time there, I had several that were sentenced to the NYS prison system. The stories I got from all of them described prison life as being 'warehoused,' with little more than lip service given to rehabilitation and drug treatment. This was 10-15 years ago, but I hear from friends nothing has changed.

[Patti]

I've begun listening to the book. The most I've known about Attica is a vague knowledge that a riot took place and that Al Pacino's character used it as a rallying cry in a scene in Dog Day Afternoon. What strikes me most thus far in this story, and in other stories I've read about "prison life" is that the human compassion of some corrections officers diminishes over time. I'm just at the section where the riots have broken out, and it's telling, I think, that some of the prisoners actually tried to protect those corrections officers that treated them with some degree of humanity and respect.

[Michele]

Just got a hold of the book. I have two weeks to catch up on. Starting reading now.

[Michele]

Finally got caught up. The tension in the air, you can tell something is going to happen.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Welcome everyone - I wanted to let folks get a bit of head start on introducing themselves etc.

This is Week One's assignment:

Week One - September 1st - September 8th, 2019 (p. xii - 27)
Introduction: State Secrets xiii

PART I THE TINDERBOX
Frank “Big Black” Smith 3
1 Not So Greener Pastures 5
2 Responding to Resistance 18
3 Voices from Auburn 22

[Deb]

I recently moved to Rochester NY after living in Atlanta for over 30 years. Worked in Albion NY about an hour north of Attica and the mother of one of my co-workers worked at Attica prison during the riots. Never thought much of it at the time. Never liked history in school but have been making up for that ignorance by reading tirelessly history books to learn all I can about the DIVERSE history of America. Need to understand the why and how. The true why and how we all got to where we are today. Attica was referred to in a podcast recently that was a part of a series about the Constitution. Learned about Parchman Farm, an even more infamous prison farm in Mississippi. A landmark Supreme Court case about the 8th Amendment originated from this prison around the same time of the Attica prisons. Great book so far but sad. Sad to know that a situation like this existed in my lifetime.

[Jeff]

Deb wrote: "Learned about Parchman Farm..."

I had never heard of that. I will have to look it up.

If anyone hasn't already seen it, a good supplement to Blood in the Water is the Netflix Doc "13th" -- which emphasizes the inequalities of many of the laws passed in America, that are among the reasons for racial disparity in our prisons.

https://www.netflix.com/title/80091741

[Jeff]

I love the short bio of Frank Smith to start this off and like that there will be more at the start of each part of the book. Starting with Smith is fitting: Here is a black man, of ominous size, who wound up in Attica not for the most heinous of crimes, but essentially because of a game of dice. This sets the stage for the reader to decide how much punishment is too much punishment for petty crimes, and how much we tend to punish people for their appearance.

[Dave]

Deb wrote: "I recently moved to Rochester NY after living in Atlanta for over 30 years. Worked in Albion NY about an hour north of Attica and the mother of one of my co-workers worked at Attica prison during t..."

I lived in around Albion for almost 20 years, and knew a lot of guards at the prisons. There's a mindset that goes along with the job for many of them, that necessitated dehumanizing the prisoners. For some, I think it's a coping device. Either way, in this current climate it wouldn't surprise me to see more riots, especially in private prisons.

[Tom]

I started this this afternoon. What a powerful description of conditions inside the prison! It makes me wonder what cruel and unusual punishment is if this ain't it.

[Jeff]

Ani wrote: "I’m reading Ibram X Kendi’s How to be..."

I am reading about Winston Churchill's escape from a Boer war prison in 1899, for another History Book Club discussion. The conditions were luxurious compared to Attica. But then, everyone was caucasian.

by Candice Millard

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Week One - September 1st - September 8th, 2019 (p. xii - 27)
Introduction: State Secrets xiii

PART I THE TINDERBOX
Frank “Big Black” Smith 3
1 Not So Greener Pastures 5
2 Responding to Resistance 18
3 Voices from Auburn 22

Week Two - September 9th - September 15, 2019 (p. 28 - 42)
4 Knowledge Is Power 28
5 Playing by the Rules 31
6 Back and Forth 35
7 End of the Line 38

CHAPTER OVERVIEWS AND SUMMARIES::
In 1971, the small town of Attica, New York was home to quaint villages, a population of less than three thousand, and scenery “straight out of a Norman Rockwell painting,” against the backdrop of “one of New York’s most notorious maximum security prisons,” Attica Correctional Facility (5). Much like other New York penitentiaries, Attica was archaic, overcrowded, predominantly filled with black and Hispanic urban youth, and predominantly run by white guards. Attica’s inmates were placed into one of five housing blocks, which also designated where they would work. While some inmates were fortunate enough to make $2.90 per day for their labor, most earned a mere 6 cents per day or less. Prisoners relied on this wage to purchase commissary items to counter the institution’s skimpy provisions, which included clothes for work, one bar of soap and one roll of toilet paper per month, and meals worth 63 cents per day per inmate. Medical care provided by the institution mirrored the quality of supplies given to inmates; two doctors tended to the prison of over two-thousand for a half-hour each day, mostly sending inmates back to work with an aspirin. Racial discrimination heightened the tensions stemming from the already depraved conditions, as African American and Puerto Rican inmates were consciously given worse jobs, denied almost all of their requests for reading materials, and had their letters to family confiscated and thrown away. A steaming concoction of racial tension and overcrowding was felt by everyone in the prison, even the correction offers, who appealed to their union representatives for more hires to enhance officer safety to no avail. In July 1970, a precursor to the infamous 1971 riot manifested itself in the form of a strike in the metal shop, when almost all of the 450 workers peacefully refused to work until they spoke with the commissioner about their so-called slave wages. The strike proved successful in terms of wages; the average wage was raised from 6 cents per day to 25 cents per day. However, superintendent Vincent Mancusi, who viewed protesters as “militant troublemakers who needed to be watched with particular care and shut up the instant they spoke out,” placed many of the protesters in segregation – a prophetic ending for the events to come at Attica (17).

As a result of the liberalizing effects of the past decade, like the civil rights movement and the influence of writers like Malcom X, Che Guevara, and Mao, “urban rebellions” were rampant throughout the United States in the 1960s and 1970s (18). This increase in political activism permeated prison walls as well, as inmates began to more actively speak out against oppressive conditions. In response to the overall societal trend of minorities and poorer people demanding their rights, the federal government launched an offensive against reformers, most memorably though President Richard Nixon’s “War on Crime” (19). In light of this shift in public policy, New York governor Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller took a firm stance against crime, yet hired “outspoken reformer” Russell Oswald to run the New York Department of Correctional Services (DOCS) (19). Oswald promised genuine reform efforts at the outset of his tenure as commissioner that even Rockefeller, clinging to his right-wing, tough-on-crime base, could support. These optimistic promises were soon overshadowed by a prisoner uprising at Auburn Correctional Facility, however, where fifty COs and civilian personnel were taken hostage until a list of demands was addressed by prison officials. The uprising ended peacefully, and the prisoners were promised amnesty for their actions during the event and the chance to talk with administrators about improving conditions inside the facility. Neither of these promises were respected, however; not only did nothing change in the everyday living conditions, but inmates involved in the uprising were beaten mercilessly before being held for months in solitary confinement with no notion of when they were to be released. Eventually, the six inmates found the most responsible for the uprising, nicknamed “the Auburn 6,” were transferred to the already overcrowded Attica (27).

Though conditions at Attica remained dismal, inmates were successful at securing educational programs, including history, economics, math, and sociology courses, which provided a platform to articulate “potent critiques” of their treatment and of the institution overall (28). A mix of experienced activists and nonpolitical observers joined in the classroom discussions, only serving to exacerbate feelings of oppression and mistreatment throughout the entire facility. Capitalizing on this sense of unity and increasingly disappointed with the administration’s lack of concern for inmate well-being, inmates drafted a letter to commissioner Russell Oswald, in which they democratically and reasonably laid out their concerns. The concerns were relatively moderate and ranged from improved health care to securing religious freedom. Oswald met these concerns with a timid mixture of optimism and suspicion; a dialogue between he and the prisoners had opened, but to the dismay of the prisoners, Oswald repeatedly enforced the idea that prisoners must be “realistic” about the timeline of institutional changes (34). As the prisoners grew more frustrated over their deteriorating conditions, Oswald simultaneously grew more frustrated over lack of attention his reforms were garnishing; as the prisoners did not hesitate to point out, however, their suggested reforms were simple, such as allowing the men to shower more than once per week.

Despite the inmates’ attempt to maintain an open channel of communication with the commissioner, “a sense of futility and frustration hung in the stale air” over Attica, as no concrete improvements could be seen (35). The suspicious death of San Quentin inmate and outspoken activist George Jackson added to the tense atmosphere in prisons around the nation, Attica included. Responding to said tensions, commissioner Oswald planned a two-day visit to Attica, where he was to talk to staff, negotiate practical reforms with the authors of the list of demanded reforms, and address the entire inmate population over the prison’s radio system. To the inmates’ discontent, however, Oswald addressed them with a recorded message with little substance, allegedly feigning an excuse to leave Attica earlier than anticipated. Oswald maintained his position that he was, in fact, achieving real reform, yet the inmates lamented that their simplest suggestions, like more than one shower every two weeks and more than one bar of soap per month, were ignored. Because their peaceful and democratic attempts at reform were to no avail, tensions remained high; as one inmate desperately wrote to his lawyer, “For Christ’s sake, do something!” (40).

Source: Bookrags

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Week Three - September 16th - September 22, 2019 (p. 43 - 70)
PART II POWER AND POLITICS UNLEASHED
Michael Smith 43
8 Talking Back 45
9 Burning Down the House 50
10 Reeling and Reacting 60
11 Order Out of Chaos 64

Week Four - September 23rd - September 29th, 2019 (p. 71 - 100)
12 What’s Going On 71
13 Into the Night 83
14 A New Day Dawns 89

CHAPTER OVERVIEWS AND SUMMARIES:

While the atmosphere over Attica was seething with tension from both the inmates and the guards, a relatively small incident in the recreation yard on September 8, 1971 seemed to detonate a ticking time-bomb of dangerous resentments. A playful scuffle between two inmates quickly escalated into an altercation between inmates and guards, in which one guard was hit. A resounding sense of unity from the inmates eventually led to the altercation ending without immediate disciplinary consequences, a presumed win for the inmates. However, administrators chose to remove the two inmates from their cells that night and place them in segregation. While removing the first inmate, a fight ensued, and the inmate was seen being carried out of his cell motionless, with a guard holding each extremity. In retaliation, neighboring inmates began throwing items from their cells at the guards, one inmate managing to strike a guard with a soup can in the head. This inmate, William Ortiz, was to be dealt with the next day by an administrative board, and retained in his cell until then. The next morning, however, Ortiz was sprung from his cell by his fellow inmates to join them in the mess hall for breakfast. Prison officials decided to lock this particular group of inmates in the hallway between their dorm and the yard, as the entire group was not to be allowed recreation time that day after the incident at breakfast. However, the decision was made in haste and not communicated to the guards on the ground, and chaos soon ensued. Guards were struck, their keys taken, and eventually inmates gained access to “Times Square,” the “command center” for the facility’s doors and locks (47).

A combination of shock, ill-prepared staff, an archaic communications system, and the seething discontent among inmates made this event as swift as it was chaotic, as inmates took revenge on certain staff members and fellow inmates, looted the commissary and the pharmacy, rounded up hostages, and barricaded themselves in D yard. Decency persisted, however, and eleven guards, including a badly injured William Quinn, were led to safety shielded by inmates. Amid the chaos, inmates recognized the need to organize. Well-respected inmate Roger Champen, who “had been holding free classes in the yard concerning law and politics since 1968,” demanded order by making an impassioned speech calling for unity among the racial and political boundaries that typically divided the population (66). Not long after, inmates decided to elect two representatives from each company to draft a list of demands to give to prison administrators. Along with the demands was the request for an impartial group of “observers” like lawyers, news outlets, lawmakers, and advocacy groups to witness negotiations between prisoners and administrators (70). Meanwhile, several members of the Black Muslims circled around the hostages to ensure their safety, and a security force of nearly three-hundred inmates was formed under the leadership of a few large, nonpolitical, and well-respected inmates such as Frank “Big Black” Smith (68). A makeshift medical station was also created in the corner of the yard so both injuries could be attended to and daily medications like insulin could be distributed.

Frustration and confusion defined the morning of the riot for prison administrators and state officials alike. Outside of the prison walls waited hundreds of state troopers, national guardsmen, and correction officers armed and ready to storm the yard. Commissioner Russell Oswald oversaw the state’s efforts at the demand of the prisoners, favoring a peaceful, reform-based solution as opposed to a violent solution. Eventually he made his way inside the facility alongside state Assemblyman Arthur Eve and human rights lawyer Herman Schultz. To Oswald’s surprise, his discourse with the prisoners was civil and respectful, but they refused to release the CO and civilian hostages until Oswald “fulfilled a number of their requests” (76). After only an hour, the meeting adjourned and Oswald set out to meet the inmates’ simpler demands, like providing water and checking on the well-being of those inmates not in D yard. An hour later, just before 6:00 on the initial day of the uprising, the trio reentered the yard to continue negotiations, accompanied by news cameras and reporters from both local and national outlets like The New York Times and ABC. The men in the yard made passionate speeches about human rights and the nation-wide oppressive treatment of the incarcerated for the cameras, while Oswald made feeble promises to protect the inmates from reprisals. As Oswald left the yard, the inmates gave him a more definitive list of fifteen demands for improvements in the conditions at Attica, including religious freedom, better training for the guards, more nutritious foods, less censorship, fair access to medical treatment, and several others.

Another visit was made to D yard later that same evening, this time headed by Oswald’s deputy commissioner, Walter Dunbar. The inmates made clear to Dunbar that “they could not release any hostages, let alone surrender… if they were not given some sort of guarantee that there would be no reprisals” (81). Building on this sentiment, self-appointed jailhouse lawyer Jerry Rosenberg produced a legal document that, if signed by a federal judge, would guarantee the inmates’ safety from retaliation. Herman Schwartz suggested judge John T. Curtain, a judge well-known for forcing Attica’s warden’s hand in releasing the transfers from Auburn from solitary confinement. Knowing Curtain was attending a conference in Vermont, Schwartz promised the inmates to deliver the document to him personally that night, to which the inmates greeted with cheers and applause. As Schwartz headed to Vermont, Dunbar managed to get a doctor into the yard, primarily to check on the hostages, who found them “in a state of severe emotional distress,” yet relatively healthy (86). After making a pass around D yard to tend to inmate wounds, Hanson was safely – and graciously – escorted out of the facility. After providing the hostages with mattresses and blankets, the inmates slept on their first night of pseudo-freedom.

The following morning, commissioner Oswald was hard at work gathering a committee of observers as requested by the inmates; he also enlisted the help of those more “sympathetic to the state” to join the committee and counter the liberal personalities suggested by the inmates (90). Unbeknownst to him, his efforts to put more eyes on Attica and settle the uprising peacefully were actively thwarting law enforcement officials’ plans to forcibly retake the prison. A diverse group of observers, from family members of inmates and hostages, to pastors, to lawyers, to inmate-activist groups, had gathered outside of the prison walls, making any attempt at retaking a public relations disaster. By the time he had gathered sufficient observers, Oswald made his way into the yard, despite his promise to meet with prisoners almost four hours earlier in the morning. As could be expected, the inmates greeted Oswald with extreme hostility, hurling insults like “racist pig” and “vicious dog” his way (93). Oswald’s frustration that the hostages were not being released paralleled the inmates’ frustration that their demands had not yet been secured, and both sides reached an unsteady impasse. Shouts in favor of taking Oswald hostage rang throughout the yard as the discussions came to a close, though most of the inmates voted against actually harming the commissioner. While many still held hope that negotiations could bring about a peaceful end to the uprising, “the disastrous meeting with Oswald had unnerved everyone,” and all involved nervously anticipated the next meeting (96).

Source: Bookrags

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Week Five - September 30th - October 6th, 2019 (p. 101 - 152)
PART III THE SOUND BEFORE THE FURY Tom Wicker 101
15 Getting Down to Business 103
16 Dreams and Nightmares 116
17 On the Precipice 139

Week Six - October 7th - October 13th, 2019 (p. 153 - 177)
18 Deciding Disaster 153

PART IV RETRIBUTION AND REPRISALS UNIMAGINED
Tony Strollo 161
19 Chomping at the Bit 163
20 Standing Firm 169

CHAPTER OVERVIEWS AND SUMMARIES:

As the observers committee prepared to enter the prison, they were first briefed by commissioner Oswald as to the precise purpose of their discussions with prisoners. Oswald told the group that their task was to “ascertain exactly what it would take to reach a settlement, and then they were to negotiate an agreement that would put an end to the rebellion,” a daunting task for many of the observers (104). Even before entering, many of the observers understood how important the issue of amnesty was to the inmates. When discussing this issue with the commissioner, they learned that the state, no matter what, was not willing to entertain amnesty; many retained the notion, however, that if the worst were to happen and human lives were at risk, that the state would reassess its position on amnesty. Feeling more informed but still ill-prepared, at 7:00 in the evening on the second day of the uprising, the observers committee entered the yard, numbering thirty-three in total. Upon their arrival in D yard, one prisoner shouted excitedly though a megaphone, “the world is hearing us!” (107). The excited clamoring from the inmates made observers like John Dunne realize “just how much these men were counting on him” (107). The first visit into the yard was brief, as the observers were still waiting for several other members of their committee. With all present by 11:30 Friday evening, they entered the yard to officially begin negotiations. The inmates’ excitement intensified over the presence of well-respected and fiercely-dedicated human rights lawyer William Kunstler, who almost immediately began to critique and prioritize the prisoners’ unorganized list of demands. Throughout the night, the prisoners spoke on behalf of their demands as the observers tirelessly took notes. By the meeting’s end at 5:00 AM, the observers convened to compare their notes and draft a formal, and final, list of demands to be submitted to commissioner Oswald. This was no easy task, however, as tensions between observers were mounting; many feared the inmates were being given false hope, while some were angry at Kunstler for agreeing to legally represent the inmates.

Recognizing the importance of amnesty to the prisoners, the observers committee enlisted the help of district attorney Louis James to determine if there was any wiggle room on behalf of the state. James was clear that he was constitutionally bound to prosecute crimes indiscriminately, but he did agree to draft a document detailing which crimes he would prosecute along with a guarantee that there would be no mass reprisals. Tensions mounted further among the observers over James’ letter; some believed it was genuinely the best the state was willing to offer, while some believed it was filled with empty platitudes that offered no concrete legal protection. The observers’ plan was to present the James letter to the prisoners with the commissioner’s response to their demands. As the observers worked closely with Oswald on his response, popular Black Panther co-founder Bobby Seale was en-route to Attica to join the committee. After a lengthy argument with Oswald over his entrance, Seale was finally allowed to meet with the committee and enter the yard. To everyone’s surprise, Seale was reluctant to visit the yard, and once there he made only a brief speech that was met with mild enthusiasm before leaving to consult with other Black Panther leaders. Some observers left with Seale, but nine of them stayed to calm down the anxious prisoners and give them both the James letter and Oswald’s response to their demands. Oswald’s response was read over the microphone for the whole yard to hear; “all hell broke loose” when the inmates heard he had not agreed to the amnesty provision (133). With dramatic flair, one of the inmates stood atop the negotiating table and ripped his copy of Oswald’s response in half, and the remaining observers left disheartened and terrified. Bobby Seale promised to return to Attica the next morning at 7:00 AM after consulting with Black Panther leadership. Meanwhile, however, state officials were losing faith in negotiations. Unless the inmates accepted Oswald’s concessions and released the hostages, the state concluded that “an all-out assault on D yard would likely commence at 6:00 the next morning” (136).

The following morning hundreds of state troopers stood armed and ready to forcibly retake Attica, while the observers donned their “rumpled, smelly shirts” for another attempt at negotiating a peaceful resolution, each side willfully oblivious to the other (137). Having met with Black Panther leadership as promised, Bobby Seale returned to the facility, where Oswald barred him entrance unless he promised to endorse his list of concessions to the prisoners. Infuriated, Seale made a brief statement to the media and left the rest of the observers to try to convince the inmates to accept the twenty-eight concessions Oswald was willing to entertain. There was almost no consensus among the observers, though, as some became more hostile toward Oswald, or more sympathetic to the inmates who were in an increasing amount of danger. Some argued passionately against the possibility of lost lives on their hands, and thus wanted to go inside the yard again to make a final plea to the inmates. Others were terrified to reenter. They could all agree, however, “that time was in short supply” as pressure on Oswald from the state was mounting (141). Having exhausted all options, the observers penned a national press release that urged citizens to put pressure on Governor Rockefeller to visit Attica himself, in hopes that his presence could get the inmates to accept the twenty-eight concessions. The press release was blunt, beginning with acknowledging that the committee was “convinced a massacre of prisoners and guards may take place” if a peaceful resolution cannot be made (143). The observers made sure the inmates approved of the content of the press release, and in response, inmates requested that one black reporter, one Puerto Rican reporter, and five observers to show the nation that the hostages were alive and being taken care of, and that the inmates were committed to accomplishing peaceful yet meaningful change in their institution. As observers tried to meet the inmates’ request, they were stopped by Oswald who informed them that “absolutely no more visits to the yard would take place” (144). The observers then made a direct plea to Governor Rockefeller to visit the prison. They were met with a brisk tone and a “crisp executive style,” as Rockefeller argued there was no value to his presence at Attica (146).

Aware that time was ticking, nine observers convinced Oswald to let them into the yard with the reporters requested by inmates; this time, however, they were asked to sign waivers releasing the state of New York from responsibility if they were harmed inside the prison. Inside, reporters went around to the hostages asking them how their conditions were and what their thoughts were on amnesty and the governor’s refusal to come to Attica. The men unanimously argued against the use of force to end the altercation and made passionate pleas to Rockefeller to intervene on their behalf. Interestingly, the hostages also sided with the prisoners on the issue of amnesty. In an attempt to quell the anxious and tired massed outside of the prison walls, Tom Wicker informed the crowd of what the hostages reported. The crowd, mostly Attica residents and the family members of hostages, hurled insults at Wicker and demanded a forcible retaking. Wicker returned to meet with the observers committee to debrief Oswald. Oswald solemnly muttered “I’ve given everything,” before walking out of the room (152). Late that night, a group of state representatives, law enforcement officials, and prison administrators sat down to draft a plan of how the prison would be retaken. Troopers wielding rifles with “unjacketed bullets, a kind of ammunition that causes such enormous damage to human flesh that it was banned by the Geneva Convention,” were to storm the yard early the following morning (157). Meanwhile, in D yard, prisoners feared for the worst. Herb Blyden, an inmate who was active in an uprising in a New York jail a year prior, made it clear that no matter what happened, “you’re still gonna die” (157). A prison chaplain was sent in to give the hostages Last Rites, an eerily prophetic nod to how the altercation was going to end.

Source: Bookrags

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Week Seven - October 14th - October 20th, 2019 (p. 178 - 222)
21 No Mercy 178
22 Spinning Disaster 193
23 And the Beat Goes On 204

Week Eight - October 21st - October 27th, 2019 (p. 223 - 250)
PART V RECKONINGS AND REACTIONS
Robert Douglass 223
24 Speaking Up 225
25 Stepping Back 232
26 Funerals and Fallout 242

CHAPTER OVERVIEWS AND SUMMARIES:

While the immediate aftermath of the Attica uprising focused on medical needs and restoring order to the facility, state officials were warned by district attorney Louis James that the retaking was “a far bigger mess than his office was equipped to address” (225). For assistance, the governor turned to deputy attorney general Robert E. Fischer and his assistant Anthony Simonetti to investigate the scene from a criminal perspective. Simonetti arrived at Attica shortly after the retaking began, yet Rockefeller did not announce who he chose to investigate the case until four days later. Meanwhile, bodies were arriving at local morgues. Monroe County received the bulk of the bodies – nineteen prisoners and eight hostages – which were to be autopsied by medical examiner Dr. John Edland. State troopers watched and took pictures of each autopsy in an attempt to control as much of the investigation as possible. Dr. Edland was confused as to the involvement of the troopers, but the first X-ray preformed on a hostage enlightened him; eventually Edland concluded that “none of the men had died from knife wounds,” but rather gunshot wounds (229). Upon hearing this news, Rockefeller issued a directive to Edland to not release his findings until a review of his autopsies could be made. Mounting outside pressure made Edland cave, however, and he held a national press conference the day after the retaking in which he stated, “the first eight autopsies were on the cases identified to us as hostages. All eight cases died of gunshot wounds” (231). This release led many to the conclusion that officers and troopers, not prisoners, were responsible for the deaths of the hostages.

The state employed a two-sided approach to combat Edland’s report; first, they issued another medical examiner to reexamine the bodies, and second, they “began a concerted effort to raise public concern about Edland’s political views and, thus, his professional integrity” (233). Meanwhile, the media, who had been fed gruesome reports of how the inmates murdered the hostages, demanded answers from state officials. A New York Post article shamed itself and those who readily believed the state’s information without facts by saying “everyone – prisoners and prison officials, mediators, the Rockefeller people, the press – tended to believe whatever confirmed their own preconceptions, their own fears” (236). Rockefeller waited for the second autopsies to be completed before releasing an official statement on the causes of death of the hostages. This review was completed by Dr. Michael Baden, who confirmed Edland’s findings that all hostages were killed by gunshot wounds. Against the wishes of the state, Baden published his findings, which ultimately forced Rockefeller to make a public statement. In this statement, the governor blamed stray bullets in the crossfire for the deaths of the hostages, and falsely claimed that all parties involved, even the observers committee, “agreed no other move could be made” than to take the prison by force (239). Observers were furious at the governor’s claim, but Attica residents, the White House, and law enforcement families throughout New York stood behind him.

Hostages’ bodies were attended to quickly, but slain inmates’ families were made to wait weeks in some cases for news on their loved ones. Most family members found out about their sons, brothers, and fathers through the radio, while others received a brief telegram from prison officials. In all cases, though, the bodies were not released to the families for funeral services for weeks. Worse yet, bodies of inmates and hostages alike were, in some cases, removed from the church or funeral home in between services and burials to be reexamined by medical personnel. Even after families were able to lay their loved ones to rest, no one was provided any specific information as to how the tragedy unfolded the way it did.

While human rights lawyers and activists worried of the state of Attica inmates in the wake of the retaking, their fear was corroborated by a National Guardsman who witnessed and reported physical abuse and medical neglect inside the facility. To quell public dissent, the governor appointed a judge to assemble an impartial team of visitors to monitor the “transitional period… so that the public may be assured that the constitutional rights of the inmates are being protected” (252). Human rights lawyers Herman Schwartz and William Hellerstein joined this group, called the Goldman Panel, and entered the prison on September 17, four days after the violent retaking. Commissioner Oswald sternly informed the group that their task was to monitor the condition of the inmates, not investigate the uprising, retaking, or aftermath. The Goldman Panel was shocked at the inmates’ health and immediately requested doctors be brought to the prison. Many inmates were still suffering from gunshot wounds, in need of surgery, or, worst of all, donning “fresh” bruises “less than 48 hours old” (253). Despite the doctors’ attempts to report these abuses, the Goldman Panel’s press releases claimed the inmates were being treated “decently, with fairness, and without brutality,” a claim that angered those sympathetic to the inmates’ seemingly inevitable suffering (254).

In the weeks and months following the uprising and retaking, the entire nation took watch. Protests erupted both in support of and against Rockefeller; those in favor embraced the tough stance against organized crime the governor took, while those against him and his decision sought justice for the fallen and penal reform nationwide. Prison administrators also feared riots in other facilities spurred by the hype around Attica, with good reason. From memorial services, to hunger strikes, labor strikes, hoarding weapons, and flat-out riots, inmates across the country stood in solidarity with the men at Attica and demanded penal reform. Union officials representing correction officers argued vehemently for reforms as well, citing workplace safety and basic human decency as their motivators. With complaints coming from inside and around Attica, Rockefeller and his staff acknowledged the need for a thorough investigation of what went wrong at Attica. More importantly, however, they recognized it was “time to get stories straight” (265). To do this, several meetings of prison administrators, law enforcement officials, and the governor’s aides were held at Rockefeller’s house that were aimed at forming a coherent, fluent narrative on which all could agree. Rockefeller attempted to control the investigation by handing it to Fischer, but he was certain other investigations would take place; thus, he preemptively brought those under his command together to ensure their narrative was to his satisfaction.

Source: Bookrags

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Week Nine - October 28th - November 3rd, 2019 (p. 251 - 270)
27 Prodding and Probing 251
28 Which Side Are You On? 256
29 Ducks in a Row 266

Week 10 - November 4th - November 10th, 2019 (p. 271 - 298)
PART VI INQUIRIES AND DIVERSIONS
Anthony Simonetti 271
30 Digging More Deeply 273
31 Foxes in the Hen House 287
32 Stick and Carrot 294

Week 11 - November 11th - November 17th, 2019 (p. 299 - 320)
33 Seeking Help 299
34 Indictments All Around 304
PART VII JUSTICE ON TRIAL
Ernest Goodman 311
35 Mobilizing and Maneuvering 313

CHAPTER OVERVIEWS AND SUMMARIES:

All while inmates were reporting physical abuse, the state was establishing its narrative, and funerals were being held, several investigative bodies were commissioned to determine the causes of the rebellion at Attica and its implications nationwide regarding penal reform. Governor Rockefeller hoped to exercise control over the investigation with his commissioning of the Goldman Panel, but their findings were not what he wanted to hear. Shortly after, he created the Jones Committee, which was charged with “looking into prison conditions at the Attica Correctional Facility and in New York more generally” (274). Interestingly – and to Rockefeller’s discontent – the committee offered a list of proposed improvements to prison facilities that essentially mirrored the demands drafted by the Attica rebels, including better training for guards, more educational programs, better medical care, and access to legal assistance. Also alarming to the governor were the inquires of the Pepper Commission, a group of six congressmen wielding federal authority, who came to the same dismal conclusions as the Jones Committee and Goldman Panel.

The most independent investigative body and thus the most frightening to Governor Rockefeller was the McKay Commission, which, unlike previous committees, was focused solely on the uprising and retaking of Attica. The commission was made up of chiefly “judges and lawyers, members of the clergy, and leaders of various political and social justice organizations” and a staff of “36 full time attorneys, investigators, researchers, and clerical personnel” (278, 279). The McKay Commission was arguably inmates’ best chance at a fair investigation of the events, but the constant interviewing from the many commissions made them “understandably jaded” as to who was friend and who was foe (281). Inmates feared their testimonies to the McKay Commission would be used by the state and, in turn, their testimonies could be used against them. Despite this distrust, the commission worked tirelessly for a year, interviewing all involved in the events, and concluded that “the men locked in Attica had much to protest in the first place,” and “they had also experienced terrible abuse in the wake of the uprising” (283). The committee published its findings on television and in print- a scathing criticism of the state’s actions, which deemed the entire incident “avoidable and unconscionable” (284).

Despite these public condemnations, Governor Rockefeller had the foresight to enlist deputy attorney general and head of the New York’s Organized Crime Task Force Robert Fischer to launch the state’s investigation into Attica. The investigation was tasked to four areas of inquiry: “crimes related to the rebellion itself,” “deaths that occurred in the prison prior to the retaking,” deaths and injuries that resulted from the retaking,” and “abuses that took place as the prisoners were rehoused” (290). New York’s Organized Crime Task Force, as was standard practice, enlisted the help of the State Police’s Bureau of Criminal Investigation (BCI) to collect evidence and interview prisoners. However, the head of the BCI unit, Troop A Captain Henry Williams, was also an instrumental player in the planning of the retaking, and at least one other BCI investigator fired his own weapon during the retaking. Essentially, “the main investigators of crimes at Attica were those who may well have committed them” (287). Despite Fischer’s order that troopers on the ground report directly to him, state police maintained as much control as possible over the investigation. The investigation focused most heavily on the three prisoners who died prior to the retaking at the hands of fellow prisoners instead of casualties caused by the violent retaking. Rumors of physical and mental abuse as well as infringements on constitutional rights were rampant during the BCI interrogations. Employing “threats, whether overt or subtle, and bribes, whether immediate or promised,” proved highly effective for Fischer’s interrogators (297). Some inmates were promised parole, medical treatment, or commissary deposits in exchange for testimony, while others were threatened with longer sentences or indictments for crimes allegedly committed in the riot.

As aggressively as inmates were being interrogated, assistant attorney general Anthony Simonetti was just as aggressively pursuing criminal indictments. Inmates were not silent about the abuse, however. While some 500 inmates threatened to sue the state, others enlisted the help of lawyers and activists. While this did little to stop the abuse, it put injustice at the forefront of the case as the state moved to indict “more than sixty prisoners” (303). The grand jury convened three months after the events, surprisingly a mere ten miles away from Attica in a predominantly white town which was home to many correction officers. Simonetti expertly picked witnesses to testify before the grand jury who corroborated a single narrative of the events at Attica, taking pains to exclude any contradictory testimony that may confuse the jury. Forty-two felony indictments were returned after a year of testimony and deliberations; ultimately, sixty-three prisoners were charged with 1,298 crimes ranging from murder, attempted murder, kidnapping, unlawful imprisonment, sodomy, possession of a weapon, and others. This return prompted a wave of both confidence and funding on behalf of the state, but inmates were organizing as well. “A massive prisoner defense effort” was far less-funded than the state’s effort, but “it was as determined” (308).

Source: Bookrags

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

This week's assignment and next week's:

Week 12 - November 18th - November 24th, 2019 (p. 321 - 339)
36 A House Divided 321
37 Laying the Groundwork 327
38 Testing the Waters 334

Week 13 - November 25th - December 1st, 2019 (p. 340 - 402)
39 Going for Broke 340
40 Evening the Score 363
41 A Long Journey Ahead 388

CHAPTER OVERVIEWS AND SUMMARIES:

Just This Week: - Up through 334

As the state mounted its offensive, a team of lawyers from around the nation, led by the National Lawyers Guild, created the Attica Brothers Legal Defense (ABLD) to give each of the indicted inmates quality legal representation. Lawyers, law students, community organizations, and volunteers alike flocked to communal houses in upstate New York by the summer of 1973 to begin investigating the state’s indictments against the so-called “Attica Brothers” (313). The ABLD’s largest obstacle, especially when matched against the state, was funding. Fundraising was the group’s first objective, while volunteers dedicated “some 800-odd hours” researching on behalf of the inmates (316). Multiple legal groups, community organizations, and celebrities helped raise funds and perpetuate information by producing informational brochures and holding discussions with some of the Attica Brothers who had already been released. The next steps for the ABLD were to find and interview witnesses, and to file as many motions as possible to delay that start of trial proceedings.

As much as some members of the ABLD wanted to focus on solely providing defense, more radical members refused to separate the legal perspective from the political; they believed the “politically powerful lessons that could be taught and learned from Attica” could not be overlooked (322). Frank “Big Black” Smith, a released inmate active during the uprising as the leader of the security team, created a branch of the ABLD called the Attica Now Collection (ANC) which focused primarily on political activism (323). Despite these differing factions within the ABLD, the group’s strategy hinged loosely on three goals: providing each defendant with representation, completing as much pre-trial groundwork as possible, and locating any and all “exculpatory” evidence that directly contradicted the charges brought against the defendants (327). The ABLD also employed vigorous research and data-collection operations to ensure the least-biased juror pool possible. This effort, coined the “Jury Project,” successfully disqualified 115,000 prospective jurors from the county’s pool (330). The ABLD’s largest weapon, though, was a 1960s New York State Supreme Court ruling that granted the defense “Wade hearings,” which not only forced the state to provide the defense with supporting documents like witness statements and grand jury testimonies, but also made the state “show that the procedures it had used to identify the defendants (i.e. lineups, witness interviews) had been proper and legal” (333).

Source: Bookrags

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

This week discussion can cover anything in the book up through 334.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

All, remember this is a single thread discussion so you must be careful about spoilers. We do not have this problem on a multi thread discussion because there are threads set up for each week's reading.

However for my benefit and for everybody else's I am changing things a bit. If you are posting during the week of the reading schedule and you are only posting information about that week's reading and not going ahead - then you do not have to use the spoiler html. However, if you go ahead of the weekly reading and want to post ahead about some topic or page or quote that we have not been assigned yet and have not read - you are bound to use the spoiler html with the header or your post will be moved to the spoiler glossary thread.

At any time you can post on the spoiler glossary thread but on this discussion thread we are posting and staying with the assignments and not getting ahead if in fact you do not want to be bound to use the spoiler html.

So it is up to you. If you stay with the assignments and do not post about something ahead that is coming up - you do not have to use the spoiler html but if you don't and you get ahead or you want to talk about something expansive then you MUST use the spoiler html or post it on the glossary spoiler thread.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Remember the following:

Everyone is welcome but make sure to use the goodreads spoiler function if you get ahead of the assigned weekly pages.

If you come to the discussion after folks have finished reading it, please feel free to post your comments as we will always come back to the thread to discuss the book.

The rules

You must follow the rules of the History Book Club and also:

First rule of Book of the Month discussions:
Respect other people's opinions, no matter how controversial you think they may be.

Second rule of Book of the Month discussions:
Always, always Chapter/page mark and spoiler alert your posts if you are discussing parts of the book that are ahead of the pages assigned or if you have become expansive it your topics.

To do these spoilers, follows these easy steps:

Step 1. enclose the word spoiler in forward and back arrows; < >

Step 2. write your spoiler comments in

Step 3. enclose the word /spoiler in arrows as above, BUT NOTE the forward slash in front of the word. You must put that forward slash in.

Your spoiler should appear like this:
Chapter 1, p. 23
(view spoiler)[I know everything now about chapter one and I am going to post it here - oops I better place this in a spoiler alert so I do not ruin the book for others (hide spoiler)]

And please mark your spoiler clearly like this:

State a Chapter and page if you can.
EG: Chapter 24, page 154

Or say Up to Chapter *___ (*insert chapter number) if your comment is more broad and not from a single chapter.

Chapter 1, p. 23
(view spoiler)[I know everything now about chapter one and I am going to post it here - oops I better place this in a spoiler alert so I do not ruin the book for others (hide spoiler)]

If you are raising a question/issue for the group about the book, you don't need to put that in a spoiler, but if you are citing something specific, it might be good to use a spoiler.

By using spoilers, you don't ruin the experience of someone who is reading slower or started later or is not reading the assigned pages.

Thanks.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

All, we do not have to do citations regarding the book or the author being discussed during the book discussion on these discussion threads - nor do we have to cite any personage in the book being discussed while on the discussion threads related to this book.

However if we discuss folks outside the scope of the book or another book is cited which is not the book and author discussed then we do have to do that citation according to our citation rules. That makes it easier to not disrupt the discussion.

You can copy and paste below to get your spoiler right:

You can copy and paste below to get your spoiler right:

(view spoiler)[Put Text Here (hide spoiler)]

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Ani - welcome from Canada - glad to have you reading this BOTM selection.

You should see the examples above for spoilers and what they mean and how to use them.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Welcome Tanya - I think that the inmates probably felt betrayed or wronged or double crossed.

Would love to hear what other folks thought about the situation.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Jeff welcome - thank you for revisiting this important book - feel free to discuss this book and any important thoughts you remember or felt were critical at the time of your last read.

Just be careful because this is a single thread discussion concerning spoilers. You do not have to utilize the spoiler html if you are discussing anything in the book through 334 this week. If you go ahead of the current reading assignment then you would have to use the spoiler html on this thread only - you can post all of the spoilers you want on the glossary thread which is a spoiler thread. This thread is the discussion thread so this thread is a non spoiler.

I have included examples above.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Michele welcome - when you get back from San Francisco - I look forward to reading any of your comments.

Let us know what you think are the similarities and the differences between the two.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

June welcome back - glad that you are not MIA and the themes are many; but most assuredly include the two that you named.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Rose - listening to the book is a great idea and I hope you are enjoying it - feel free to post your thoughts as you go along or respond to any discussion questions to stimulate interaction with your fellow readers.

Glad to have you but be mindful of what segments you are listening to in order to avoid any spoilers.

For example anything can be discussed without spoilers up through page 334 this week. If you go ahead of this week's assignment - then you need to use the spoiler html on this thread or you can use the Glossary thread without spoilers because that is not a non spoiler thread.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Brent a lot of factors are involved - in fact those who have learned English as a second language are also at risk.

And of course that could affect their reading ability too.

[Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief]

Rosemary - you raise a very timely issue - thinking about primaries and voting decisions. Not everyone is that concerned about the "underclass" which seems to get swept up (minorities, new immigrants who are having difficulty learning English and getting a good paying job and/or housing.