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Woodrow Wilson
PRESIDENTIAL SERIES
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4. WOODROW WILSON: A BIOGRAPHY~ CHAPTER 6 AND CHAPTER 7 (120 - 158) ~ APRIL 15th - APRIL 21st, No Spoilers, Please
Chapter Overviews and SummariesChapter Six: Governor
The New Jersey state Democrats were looking for a new face. The Republicans were coming apart as progressives wanted something different than the old guard. Wilson met with Democratic party men about running for governor, and he agreed. The political bosses thought they could control Wilson and they liked him. However, Wilson was going to fight the party bosses. Wilson ran against Vivian Lewis and won.
Wilson's first test was for the U.S. Senate candidate. James Smith, a candidate who was supported by the bosses, wanted the job, but Wilson resisted. Wilson made a public appeal, and he got Smith to back down. Wilson sketched out his program of election reform, utilities regulation, employer liability law, and tax reform.
Wilson was the first to visit the Democratic caucus assembly in a effort to show party leadership. He also supported locals who wanted to set up city commission form of government. One of his biggest victories was the Geran bill that lead to primaries in the state.
By 1911, with his national reputation growing, Wilson was looking toward the presidency. However, the New Jersey bosses were not totally defeated, and Wilson did not have a banner last couple of years as governor. Wilson did press for a more modest program to ensure a better way to pass legislation.
Chapter Seven: Nominee
The Democratic race for president was wide open. Wilson got a early head start with the help of William McCombs, and later William McAdoo. Wilson went on speaking tours and courted William Jennings Bryan and his supporters. The New Jersey political bosses spread the word around that Wilson would be trouble and conservative Democrats (Bourbon Democrats) did not fully support Wilson's "radical" themes.
By 1912, Wilson had real rivals with James Clark and Oscar Underwood. Wilson didn't do very well in the open primaries. Teddy Roosevelt was running, which could woo votes away from Wilson. The Republicans split into two with Roosevelt leaving to run with the Progressive Party and William Taft running with the Republicans.
The Democratic convention fight was a long won. Bryan helps Wilson once he got Wilson's assurance that he will reject the nomination if Tammany Hall helps him win it. After 46th ballot, Wilson gets the nomination with Roger Sullivan as his vice president.
Why do you think the political bosses thought they could control Wilson?
They probably saw him as a "mere" academic, a political neophyte generally, and someone wholly unacquainted with New Jersey political issues. Thus, he seemed to be the ideal candidate - articulate and appealing but entirely malleable. It was interesting to see how Wilson beat the bosses at their own game. When "auditioning" for the nomination, Wilson "assured them that he would not try to interfere with the Democratic organization" (page 121). Once elected, he didn't hesitate to show his independence and allegience to progressivism, most evident in his public disavowal of party boss Jim Smith's Senate run. Clearly the political bosses underestimated Wilson's political acumen and personal "boldness" (Cooper's term).
Well said, Donna. I think it shows a level of sophistication to be friendly to the bosses, get the nomination, and once he won, make his move for independence.
I am amazed by Wilson's quick rise to the top, first as governor and not long after as the presidential nominee. Of course, the historical circumstances were favorable, but Wilson must have done a lot of clever maneuvering on his own.Bryan, I kept wondering why the bosses were so certain that they could control him too. Donna put forward some very good answers, but I wonder if he didn't play dumb too. He might have been a political newcomer, but he had certainly studied politics a lot. He knew what he was doing. Once again, I am impressed.
Thanks Ann, and I wonder if his flirtation with the conservative Democratic wing might have helped him out.
Bryan wrote: "Thanks Ann, and I wonder if his flirtation with the conservative Democratic wing might have helped him out."Good point, Bryan. I had forgotten about that.
Ann, I am impressed, too. I think these chapters show him to be very politically shrewd in many of his dealings, not just those with the political bosses. An example is the way he skirted around the problem of his lack of appreciation for Jefferson by giving up some faint praise to assuage the Democrats.
I thought the whole Jefferson language was interesting, too. So, we have one of the party founders, an institution for the South and the Democrats, and he doesn't believe in his political view. How does he work that out? With some praise and vagueness.
Yes, Donna and Bryan, it was interesting to watch Wilson step away from his Jefferson views, or, as Cooper put it,"he traveled farther down the road to Monticello." p. 153Having participated here in the recent discussion of Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power, I was intrigued by Wilson's dismissal of Jefferson, as a
"a great man, but not a great American" because his political thought was "abstract, sentimental, rationalistic rather than practical. p. 74
On page 143, Cooper remarks of Wilson:
He [Wilson]had always ranked this man among his least favorite founders of the Republic, and he had never been able to swallow the legacies of state rights and limited government that conservative Democrats drew from himp. 143
In some ways, however, Jefferson and Wilson were similar. Both were intellectuals, and they both excelled at writing. They were two of the most learned men who ever occupied the office of president. They were personally very ambitious, but also genuine patriots, who wanted to help their country. On a personal level, both men had a deep love for their wives and daughters.
The thing that strikes me most about the two of them, however, is that they both had a tremendous work ethic.
Jon Meacham
Good summary, Ann. It also shows you how the times have changed with the wake of TR and executive power. It would be hard to follow him.
Clayton wrote: "Pride of wanting to do it on his own and not needing help from others may have played a role in his distaste for asking for money. Rich people have no problems asking other rich people for money. It is hard for the poor to ask the rich for money..."My take may be a bit different as I do not picture Wilson as poor. In 1884 Samuel Axson left $12,000 upon his death to Ellen Axson and her brother. Ellen stated “Now that we are rich…” (pg. 52).
In later years “…Wilson had applied for a $4,000annual pension from a fund recently established by Andrew Carnegie for retired college professors and administrators” (pg. 147). As stated these funds were intended for indigent teachers not politicians running for governor.
There was also the difference of fundraising for Princeton vs for his direct benefit (campaign) - Princeton was much easier to ask for. But I'm still a bit surprised as to how he took to all the mud involved in politics. While academia can be wild and tough at times, it is basically much quieter and grounded than politics - less dirt in becoming/being the President of Princeton than being President of the USA.
Mark wrote: "Clayton wrote: "Pride of wanting to do it on his own and not needing help from others may have played a role in his distaste for asking for money. Rich people have no problems asking other rich peo..."So, Mark do you agree with the critics that he should have not taken the pensions?
Virginia wrote: "There was also the difference of fundraising for Princeton vs for his direct benefit (campaign) - Princeton was much easier to ask for. But I'm still a bit surprised as to how he took to all the m..."Do you think he handled it in stride?
Bryan wrote: "So, Mark do you agree with the critics that he should have not taken the pensions?"Absolutely
Some thoughts on Chapter 6 and 7...p. 120 I wonder if any other president started his political career so late in life?
p 142 - Cooper lists 3 tasks - 1) Make himself better known 2) convince the Bryan wing he was one of them and 3) Burnish his progressive credentials. But how is 3) different from 2)?
p 144 - It is interesting to trace Jefferson's reputation. The claims of people of widely disparate views to be true heirs of Jefferson once again makes me think that "American Sphinx" is an apt title for his biography.
Joseph J. Ellis
Mark,Cooper says that some of Wilson's wealthy friends collected $4,000 for him, but it sounds like that was a one time thing. Unlike some politicians, Wilson had to worry about financially providing for his family. I can sympathize with that, but agree that he should not have applied for money from a fund that was obviously intended for more needy educators.
Peter,Good point about Jefferson. He wrote so much that many diverse groups can claim him. American Sphinx: The Character of Thomas Jefferson is a fascinating study of this. Although Jefferson fought hard against a strong federal government, in many ways, he changed his tune once he became president.
I am very curious to see how Wilson changes once he becomes president. For example, I read in these chapters that he originally came out against the income tax because it was "unfair" to the rich. I was also interested in his caucusing with the Democratic legislators. I wonder if he will try to continue this prime minister like behavior with Congress.
Joseph J. Ellis
Ann wrote: "Mark,Cooper says that some of Wilson's wealthy friends collected $4,000 for him, but it sounds like that was a one time thing. Unlike some politicians, Wilson had to worry about financially provid..."
Yeah, he seemed, at times, to be under financial strain with a wife and three daughters, plus maybe the added expense of entertaining. I do agree, if that pension was for the more needy, he should not have taken it. I believe he returned it, though...
Peter wrote: "2) convince the Bryan wing he was one of them and 3) Burnish his progressive credentials. But how is 3) different from 2)"Although Bryan expanded more into issues that progressives supported like tax and banking law reform, women suffrage, etc., the Bryan-ites were largely regional to the West and South, stemming from the western farm-protest movement.
Mark wrote: "Clayton wrote: "Pride of wanting to do it on his own and not needing help from others may have played a role in his distaste for asking for money. Rich people have no problems asking other rich peo..."I should have used a different word than "poor" I was trying to point out the disparity between the amount of money his father had while Wilson was growing up vs the men he was asking for money. Wilson nor his family could ever be classed as rich. They were not poor by any standards but were not what I call super rich from whom he had to ask money. My best comparison by today's standards would be like a person who is worth several million dollars trying to ask someone who is worth billions for a particular cause.
Yeah, the disparity is large. If you drop these men's fortune's in today's dollar, here is what I found:Rockefeller by 1916: his net worth in the range of US$392 billion to US$663.4 billion.
Carnegie: $75 billion to US$297.8 billion adjusted for the late 2000s.
(Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_...)
Whereas today, the richest man in America (Bill Gates) is worth a "mere" $66 billion.
Exactly, Peter. Now, I'm beginning to understand what the progressives are talking about. Can you image someone like that in this country??
That's amazing information, Bryan, about the extent of the wealth of these men.
It was more than mere wealth, too. These guys ran whole towns and controlled entire industries. The lyrics "I owe my soul to the company store" didn't come out of the blue.
Indeed, Peter, they did have control and influence that reached beyond the dollar bill. People were feeling left out.
And they may be feeling the same way again. Measuring income disparity is tricky, but the last time the top 1% earned as high a proportion of the total as they do now was .... 1928.Of course, except at the very bottom, people are living better today than in 1928. Relative income matters, but so does absolute income.
Peter wrote: "And they may be feeling the same way again. Measuring income disparity is tricky, but the last time the top 1% earned as high a proportion of the total as they do now was .... 1928.Of course, exc..."
And also the fact that there are governmental safety nets available today.
Virginia wrote: "There was also the difference of fundraising for Princeton vs for his direct benefit (campaign) - Princeton was much easier to ask for..." Byran wrote: "Do you think he handled it in stride?"
Yes, I do. Wilson had lived and/or worked around varying financial states. While he was never really poor, his family was not wealthy; during college he was exposed to others far more rich than he had lived, and used his natural dignity and respect as he learned how to handle himself. As President of an Ivy League university, this ease of being with wealthy friends and other students and their families carried over to his professional life. He was accepting of the need to do fundraising as an integral part of campaigning, and he did that work with acceptance, grace and respect.
Bryan wrote: "Indeed, Peter, they did have control and influence that reached beyond the dollar bill. People were feeling left out."In 1912 Roosevelt’s Progressive Party/Bull Moose Party had a unique platform calling for both a limitation and publicity of campaign funds along with registration of all lobbyists.
Sounds good to me, Mark. Of course, Roosevelt lost.
True, he lost. But he got 27% of the popular vote and 88 electoral votes.
DonnaR wrote: "Peter wrote: "And they may be feeling the same way again. Measuring income disparity is tricky, but the last time the top 1% earned as high a proportion of the total as they do now was .... 1928...."
Good point, Donna, indeed. Many were struggling without one.
Oops, let's hold off on the 1912 election until next week :-).I'm been impressed by Wilson's leadership as governor. I have a quote here:
"He planned his strategy and then kept the legislators at their jobs and focused on the talks at hand. His success depended on foresight, force, and perseverance, traits that he would soon show again as a legislative leader in Washington...He did act like a prime minister. By meeting so often with legislators, he acted as if he were one of them." (p. 136)
One thing though, he still had to deal with machine bosses, who seemed to get more angry.
Virginia wrote: "Virginia wrote: "There was also the difference of fundraising for Princeton vs for his direct benefit (campaign) - Princeton was much easier to ask for..." Byran wrote: "Do you think he handled it..."
Thanks, Virginia. He did accept the idea of fundraising, and I think he had friends who helped him do that. I don't sense a bad temper from Wilson like some other politicians.
Many people are struggling even with a safety net. But fewer are starving or homeless (although still quite a lot of homeless).
This is true, Peter, the list of problems has not changed that much, but just the amount of people.
It is interesting to see the dynamics of the Democratic Party at this time. We have the Bourbons, progressives, and Bryan-ites. For Wilson, it was not an easy battle for the nomination.
True Bryan. These days, it's pretty much Republicans = conservative; Democrats = liberal. In Wilson's era, not so much. True, some Democrats are more liberal than others, and some Republicans more conservative than others, but the folks at VoteView say that, for the past couple of congresses, the most liberal Republican is less liberal than the most conservative Democrat, both in the House and Senate.www.voteview.com is full of fascinating information for all congresses since the beginning.
Thanks, Peter. Times were different then. It is interesting to see TR's walk-out of the Republican Party. This is pretty bold move, but for TR, life was a series of bold moves.
Republican Convention (1912):William Howard Taft and Theodore Roosevelt had once been friends. But when the Republican Party met in Chicago to choose its presidential candidate in June 1912, the nomination battle between the two men was brutal, personal—and ultimately fatal to the party's chances for victory in November. Taft declared Roosevelt to be "the greatest menace to our institutions that we have had in a long time." Roosevelt saw Taft as the agent of "the forces of reaction and of political crookedness." The resulting floor fight in the aptly named Chicago Coliseum lived up to the prediction of the Irish-American humorist Finley Peter Dunne that the convention would be "a combynation iv th' Chicago fire, Saint Bartholomew's massacree, the battle iv th' Boyne, th' life iv Jesse James, an' th' night iv th' big wind."
For years, the tensions within the Grand Old Party had been building over the issue of government regulation. During his presidency, Roosevelt had advocated a "Square Deal" between capital and labor in American society. By the time he left the White House in March 1909, Roosevelt believed that the federal government must do more to supervise large corporations, improve the lot of women and children who worked long hours for low wages in industry, and conserve natural resources. "When I say that I am for the square deal, I mean not merely that I stand for fair play under the present rules of the game, but that I stand for having those rules changed so as to work for a more substantial equality of opportunity and of reward for equally good service," he said in August 1910. Roosevelt was especially critical of the state and federal courts for overturning reform legislation as unconstitutional, and he said that such decisions were "fundamentally hostile to every species of real popular government."
Roosevelt's burgeoning crusade for more active government reflected his loss of faith in William Howard Taft, whom the former Rough Rider had chosen as his successor. As president, Taft had sided with the conservative wing of the party, which had opposed Roosevelt's reforms at every turn. For his part, Taft believed Roosevelt had stretched the power of the executive branch too far. As a lawyer and former federal judge, Taft had nothing but disdain for his predecessor's jaundiced view of the judiciary. "The regret which he certainly expressed that the courts had the power to set aside statutes," wrote the president, "was an attack upon our system at the very point where I think it is the strongest."
Tensions deepened in 1912, when Roosevelt began advocating the recall of judicial decisions through popular vote. With the courts tamed as an enemy to reform, Roosevelt then would press forward "to see that the wage-worker, the small producer, the ordinary consumer, shall get their fair share of the benefit of business prosperity." To enact his program, Roosevelt signaled that he would accept another term as president and seek the nomination of the Republican Party.
These ambitions revealed, Taft and his fellow conservatives deemed Roosevelt a dangerous radical. Once in power for a third term, they said, Roosevelt would be a perpetual chief executive. Roosevelt had become the most dangerous man in American history, said Taft, "because of his hold upon the less intelligent voters and the discontented." The social justice that Roosevelt sought involved, in Taft's opinion, "a forced division of property, and that means socialism."
Taft dominated the Republican Party machinery in many states, but a few state primaries gave the voters a chance to express themselves. The president and his former friend took to the hustings, and across the country in the spring of 1912 the campaign rhetoric escalated. Roosevelt described Taft as a "puzzlewit," while the president labeled Roosevelt a "honeyfugler." Driven to distraction under Roosevelt's attacks, Taft said in Massachusetts, "I was a man of straw; but I have been a man of straw long enough; every man who has blood in his body and who has been misrepresented as I have is forced to fight." A delighted Roosevelt supporter commented that "Taft certainly made a great mistake when he began to ‘fight back.' He has too big a paunch to have much of a punch, while a free-for-all, slap-bang, kick-him-in-the-belly, is just nuts for the chief."
Roosevelt won all the Republican primaries against Taft except in Massachusetts. Taft dominated the caucuses that sent delegates to the state conventions. When the voting was done, neither man had the 540 delegates needed to win. Roosevelt had 411, Taft had 367 and minor candidates had 46, leaving 254 up for grabs. The Republican National Committee, dominated by the Taft forces, awarded 235 delegates to the president and 19 to Roosevelt, thereby ensuring Taft's renomination. Roosevelt believed himself entitled to 72 delegates from Arizona, California, Texas and Washington that had been given to Taft. Firm in his conviction that the nomination was being stolen from him, Roosevelt decided to break the precedent that kept the candidates away from the national convention and lead his forces to Chicago in person. The night before the proceedings Roosevelt told cheering supporters that there was "a great moral issue" at stake and he should have "sixty to eighty lawfully elected delegates" added to his total. Otherwise, he said, the contested delegates should not vote. Roosevelt ended his speech declaring: "Fearless of the future; unheeding of our individual fates; with unflinching hearts and undimmed eyes; we stand at Armageddon, and we battle for the Lord!"
The convention was not Armageddon, but to observers it seemed a close second. Shouts of "liar" and cries of "steamroller" punctuated the proceedings. One pro-Taft observer said that "a tension pervaded the Coliseum breathing the general feeling that a parting of the ways was imminent." William Allen White, the famous Kansas editor, looked down from the press tables "into the human caldron that was boiling all around me."
On the first day, the Roosevelt forces lost a test vote on the temporary chairman. Taft's man, Elihu Root, prevailed. Roosevelt's supporters tried to have 72 of their delegates substituted for Taft partisans on the list of those officially allowed to take part in the convention. When that initiative failed, Roosevelt knew that he could not win, and had earlier rejected the idea of a compromise third candidate. "I'll name the compromise candidate. He'll be me. I'll name the compromise platform. It will be our platform." With that, he bolted from the party and instructed his delegates not to take part in the voting; Taft easily won on the first ballot. Roosevelt, meanwhile, said he was going "to nominate for the presidency a Progressive on a Progressive platform."
In August, Roosevelt did just that, running as the candidate of the Progressive Party. Both he and Taft lost to the Democratic candidate, Woodrow Wilson, that November. Yet, for Republicans who supported Taft, the electoral defeat was worth the ideological victory. As a Republican observed during the campaign: "We can't elect Taft & we must do anything to elect Wilson so as to defeat Roosevelt."
That outcome would resonate for decades. In its week of controversy and recrimination in Chicago, the Republican Party became the party of smaller government and less regulation—and it held to these convictions through the New Deal of the 1930s and beyond.
(Source: http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history...)
More:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1912_Rep...
1912 Republican Party Platform Part One:he Republican party, assembled by its representatives in National Convention, declares its unchanging faith in government of the people, by the people, for the people. We renew our allegiance to the principles of the Republican party and our devotion to the cause of Republican institutions established by the fathers.
It is appropriate that we should now recall with a sense of veneration and gratitude the name of our first great leader, who was nominated in this city, and whose lofty principles and superb devotion to his country are an inspiration to the party he honored—Abraham Lincoln.
In the present state of public affairs we should be inspired by his broad statesmanship and by his tolerant spirit toward men.
The Republican party looks back upon its record with pride and satisfaction, and forward to its new responsibilities with hope and confidence. Its achievements in government constitute the most luminous pages in our history. Our greatest national advance has been made during the years of its ascendancy in public affairs. It has been genuinely and always a party of progress; it has never been either stationary or reactionary. It has gone from the fulfilment of one great pledge to the fulfilment of another in response to the public need and to the popular will.
We believe in our self-controlled representative democracy which is a government of laws, not of men, and in which order is the prerequisite of progress.
The principles of constitutional government, which make provisions for orderly and effective expression of the popular will, for the protection of civil liberty and the rights of man, and for the interpretation of the law by an untrammelled and independent judiciary, have proved themselves capable of sustaining the structure of a government which, after more than a century of development, embraces one hundred millions of people, scattered over a wide and diverse territory, but bound by common purpose, common ideals and common affection to the Constitution of the United States. Under the Constitution and the principles asserted and vitalized by it, the United States has grown to be one of the great civilized and civilizing powers of the earth. It offers a home and an opportunity to the ambitious and the industrious from other lands. Resting upon the broad basis of a people's confidence and a people's support, and managed by the people themselves, the government of the United States will meet the problems of the future as satisfactorily as it has solved those of the past.
The Republican party is now, as always, a party of advanced and constructive statemanship. It is prepared to go forward with the solution of those new questions, which social, economic and political development have brought into the forefront of the nation's interest. It will strive, not only in the nation but in the several States, to enact the necessary legislation to safeguard the public health; to limit effectively the labor of women and children, and to protect wage earners engaged in dangerous occupations; to enact comprehensive and generous workman's compensation laws in place of the present wasteful and unjust system of employers' liability; and in all possible ways to satisfy the just demand of the people for the study and solution of the complex and constantly changing problems of social welfare.
In dealing with these questions, it is important that the rights of every individual to the freest possible development of his own powers and resources and to the control of his own justly acquired property, so far as those are compatible with the rights of others, shall not be interfered with or destroyed. The social and political structure of the United States rests upon the civil liberty of the individual; and for the protection of that liberty the people have wisely, in the National and State Constitutions, put definite limitations upon themselves and upon their governmental officers and agencies. To enforce these limitations, to secure the orderly and coherent exercise of governmental powers, and to protect the rights of even the humblest and least favored individual are the function of independent Courts of Justice.
The Republican party reaffirms its intention to uphold at all times the authority and integrity of the Courts, both State and Federal, and it will ever insist that their powers to enforce their process and to protect life, liberty and property shall be preserved inviolate. An orderly method is provided under our system of government by which the people may, when they choose, alter or amend the constitutional provisions which underlie that government. Until these constitutional provisions are so altered or amended, in orderly fashion, it is the duty of the courts to see to it that when challenged they are enforced.
That the Courts, both Federal and State, may bear the heavy burden laid upon them to the complete satisfaction of public opinion, we favor legislation to prevent long delays and the tedious and costly appeals which have so often amounted to a denial of justice in civil cases and to a failure to protect the public at large in criminal cases.
Since the responsibility of the Judiciary is so great, the standards of judicial action must be always and everywhere above suspicion and reproach. While we regard the recall of judges as unnecessary and unwise, we favor such action as may be necessary to simplify the process by which any judge who is found to be derelict in his duty may be removed from office.
Together with peaceful and orderly development at home, the Republican party earnestly favors all measures for the establishment and protection of the peace of the world and for the development of closer relations between the various nations of the earth. It believes most earnestly in the peaceful settlement of international disputes and in the reference of all justiciable controversies between nations to an International Court of Justice.
Monopoly and Privilege
The Republican party is opposed to special privilege and to monopoly. It placed upon the statute-book the interstate commerce act of 1887, and the important amendments thereto, and the anti-trust act of 1890, and it has consistently and successfully enforced the provisions of these laws. It will take no backward step to permit the reestablishment in any degree of conditions which were intolerable.
Experience makes it plain that the business of the country may be carried on without fear or without disturbance and at the same time without resort to practices which are abhorrent to the common sense of justice. The Republican party favors the enactment of legislation supplementary to the existing anti-trust act which will define as criminal offences those specific acts that uniformly mark attempts to restrain and to monopolize trade, to the end that those who honestly intend to obey the law may have a guide for their action and those who aim to violate the law may the more surely be punished. The same certainty should be given to the law prohibiting combinations and monopolies that characterize other provisions of commercial law; in order that no part of the field of business opportunity may be restricted by monopoly or combination, that business success honorably achieved may not be converted into crime, and that the right of every man to acquire commodities, and particularly the necessaries of life, in an open market uninfluenced by the manipulation of trust or combination, may be preserved.
Federal Trade Commission
In the enforcement and administration of Federal Laws governing interstate commerce and enterprises impressed with a public use engaged therein, there is much that may be committed to a Federal trade commission, thus placing in the hands of an administrative board many of the functions now necessarily exercised by the courts. This will promote promptness in the administration of the law and avoid delays and technicalities incident to court procedure.
The Tariff
We reaffirm our belief in a protective tariff. The Republican tariff policy has been of the greatest benefit to the country, developing our resources, diversifying our industries, and protecting our workmen against competition with cheaper labor abroad, thus establishing for our wage-earners the American standard of living. The protective tariff is so woven into the fabric of our industrial and agricultural life that to substitute for it a tariff for revenue only would destroy many industries and throw millions of our people out of employment. The products of the farm and of the mine should receive the same measure of protection as other products of American labor.
We hold that the import duties should be high enough, while yielding a sufficient revenue, to protect adequately American industries and wages. Some of the existing import duties are too high, and should be reduced. Readjustment should be made from time to time to conform to changing conditions and to reduce excessive rates, but without injury to any American industry. To accomplish this correct information is indispensable. This information can best be obtained by an expert commission, as the large volume of useful facts contained in the recent reports of the Tariff Board has demonstrated.
The pronounced feature of modern industrial life is its enormous diversification. To apply tariff rates justly to these changing conditions requires closer study and more scientific methods than ever before. The Republican party has shown by its creation of a Tariff Board its recognition of this situation, and its determination to be equal to it. We condemn the Democratic party for its failure either to provide funds for the continuance of this board or to make some other provision for securing the information requisite for intelligent tariff legislation. We protest against the Democratic method of legislating on these vitally important subjects without careful investigation.
We condemn the Democratic tariff bills passed by the House of Representatives of the Sixty-second Congress as sectional, as injurious to the public credit, and as destructive to business enterprise.
Cost of Living
The steadily increasing cost of living has become a matter not only of national but of world-wide concern. The fact that it is not due to the protective tariff system is evidenced by the existence of similar conditions in countries which have a tariff policy different from our own, as well as by the fact that the cost of living has increased while rates of duty have remained stationary or been reduced.
The Republican party will support a prompt scientific inquiry into the causes which are operative, both in the United States and elsewhere, to increase the cost of living. When the exact facts are known, it will take the necessary steps to remove any abuses that may be found to exist, in order that the cost of the food, clothing and shelter of the people may in no way be unduly or artificially increased.
(Source: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pi...)
1912 Republican Platform Part Two:Banking and Currency
The Republican party has always stood for a sound currency and for safe banking methods. It is responsible for the resumption of specie payments and for the establishment of the gold standard. It is committed to the progressive development of our banking and currency systems. Our banking arrangements to-day need further revision to meet the requirements of current conditions. We need measures which will prevent the recurrence of money panics and financial disturbances and which will promote the prosperity of business and the welfare of labor by producing constant employment. We need better currency facilities for the movement of crops in the West and South. We need banking arrangements under American auspices for the encouragement and better conduct of our foreign trade. In attaining these ends, the independence of individual banks, whether organized under national or State charters, must be carefully protected, and our banking and currency system must be safeguarded from any possibility of domination by sectional, financial, or political interests.
It is of great importance to the social and economic welfare of this country that its farmers have facilities for borrowing easily and cheaply the money they need to increase the productivity of their land. It is as important that financial machinery be provided to supply the demand of farmers for credit as it is that the banking and currency systems be reformed in the interest of general business. Therefore, we recommend and urge an authoritative investigation of agricultural credit societies and corporations in other countries and the passage of State and Federal laws for the establishment and capable supervision of organizations having for their purpose the loaning of funds to farmers.
The Civil Service
We reaffirm our adherence to the principle of appointment to public office based on proved fitness, and tenure during good behavior and efficiency. The Republican party stands committed to the maintenance, extension and enforcement of the Civil Service Law, and it favors the passage of legislation empowering the President to extend the competitive service as far as practicable. We favor legislation to make possible the equitable retirement of disabled and superannuated members of the Civil Service in order that a higher standard of efficiency may be maintained.
We favor the amendment of the Federal Employers' Liability Law so as to extend its provisions to all government employГ©s, as well as to provide a more liberal scale of compensation for injury and death.
Campaign Contributions
We favor such additional legislation as may be necessary more effectually to prohibit corporations from contributing funds, directly or indirectly, to campaigns for the nomination or election of the President, the Vice-President, Senators, and Representatives in Congress.
We heartily approve the recent Act of Congress requiring the fullest publicity in regard to all campaign contributions, whether made in connection with primaries, conventions, or elections.
Conservation Policy
We rejoice in the success of the distinctive Republican policy of the conservation of our National resources, for their use by the people without waste and without monopoly. We pledge ourselves to a continuance of such a policy.
We favor such fair and reasonable rules and regulations as will not discourage or interfere with actual bona-fide homeseekers, prospectors and miners in the acquisition of public lands under existing laws.
Parcels Post
In the interest of the general public, and particularly of the agricultural or rural communities, we favor legislation looking to the establishment, under proper regulations, of a parcels post, the postal rates to be graduated under a zone system in proportion to the length of carriage.
Protection of American Citizenship
We approve the action taken by the President and the Congress to secure with Russia as with other countries, a treaty that will recognize the absolute right of expatriation and that will prevent all discrimination of whatever kind between American citizens, whether native-born or aliens, and regardless of race, religion or previous political allegiance. The right of asylum is a precious possession of the people of the United States, and it is to be neither surrendered nor restricted.
The Navy
We believe in the maintenance of an adequate navy for the National defence, and we condemn the action of the Democratic House of Representatives in refusing to authorize the construction of additional ships.
Merchant Marine
We believe that one of the country's most urgent needs is a revived merchant marine. There should be American ships, and plenty of them, to make use of the great American Inter-Oceanic canal now nearing completion.
Flood Prevention in the Mississippi Valley
The Mississippi River is the nation's drainage ditch. Its flood waters, gathered from thirty-one States and the Dominion of Canada, constitute an overpowering force which breaks the levees and pours its torrents over many millions of acres of the richest land in the Union, stopping mails, impeding commerce, and causing great loss of life and property. These floods are national in scope, and the disasters they produce seriously affect the general welfare. The States unaided cannot cope with this giant problem; hence, we believe the Federal Government should assume a fair proportion of the burden of its control, so as to prevent the disasters from recurring floods.
Reclamation
We favor the continuance of the policy of the government with regard to the reclamation of arid lands; and for the encouragement of the speedy settlement and improvement of such lands we favor an amendment to the law that will reasonably extend the time within which the cost of any reclamation project may be repaid by the landowners under it.
Rivers and Harbors
We favor a liberal and systematic policy for the improvement of our rivers and harbors. Such improvements should be made upon expert information and after a careful comparison of cost and prospective benefits.
Alaska
We favor a liberal policy toward Alaska to promote the development of the great resources of that district, with such safeguards as will prevent waste and monopoly.
We favor the opening of the coal lands to development through a law leasing the lands on such terms as will invite development and provide fuel for the navy and the commerce of the Pacific Ocean, while retaining title in the United States to prevent monopoly.
Philippine Policy
The Philippine policy of the Republican party has been and is inspired by the belief that our duty toward the Filipino people is a national obligation which should remain entirely free from partisan polities.
Immigration
We pledge the Republican party to the enactment of appropriate laws to give relief from the constantly growing evil of induced or undesirable immigration, which is inimical to the progress and welfare of the people of the United States.
Safety at Sea
We favor the speedy enactment of laws to provide that seamen shall not be compelled to endure involuntary servitude, and that life and property at sea shall be safeguarded by the ample equipment of vessels with lifesaving appliances and with full complements of skilled, able-bodied seamen to operate them.
Republican Accomplishment
The approaching completion of the Panama Canal, the establishment of a Bureau of Mines, the institution of postal savings banks, the increased provision made in 1912 for the aged and infirm soldiers and sailors of the Republic and for their widows, and the vigorous administration of ,laws relating to Pure Foods and Drugs, all mark the successful progress of Republican administration, and are additional evidences of its effectiveness.
Economy and Efficiency in Government
We commend the earnest effort of the Republican administration to secure greater economy and increased efficiency in the conduct of government business; extravagant appropriations and the creation of unnecessary offices are an injustice to the taxpayer and a bad example to the citizen.
Civic Duty
We call upon the people to quicken their interest in public affairs, to condemn and punish lynchings and other forms of lawlessness, and to strengthen in all possible ways a respect for law and the observance of it. Indifferent citizenship is an evil against which the law affords no adequate protection and for which legislation can provide no remedy.
Arizona and New Mexico
We congratulate the people of Arizona and New Mexico upon the admission of those States, thus merging in the Union in final and enduring form the last remaining portion of our continental territory.
We retify [ratify] in all its parts the platform of 1908 respecting citizenship for the people of Porto Rico.
Republican Administration
We challenge successful criticism of the sixteen years of Republican administration under Presidents McKinley, Roosevelt, and Taft. We heartily reaffirm the indorsement of President McKinley contained in the platforms of 1900 and of 1904, and that of President Roosevelt contained in the Platforms of 1904 and 1908.
We invite the intelligent judgment of the American people upon the administration of William H. Taft. The country has prospered and been at peace under his Presidency. During the years in which he had the co-operation of a Republican Congress an unexampled amount of constructive legislation was framed and passed in the interest of the people and in obedience to their wish. That legislation is a record on which any administration might appeal with confidence to the favorable judgment of history.
We appeal to the American Electorate upon the record of the Republican party, and upon this declaration of its principles and purposes. We are confident that under the leadership of the candidates here to be nominated our appeal will not be in vain; that the Republican party will meet every just expectation of the people whose servant it is; that under its administration and its laws our nation will continue to advance; that peace and prosperity will abide with the people; and that new glory will be added to the great Republic.
(Source: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pi...)
1912 Democratic Convention:Baltimore, however, had one last moment in the nation's political spotlight. On June 25, 1912, a century ago today, the Monumental City hosted the Democratic Party's convention in the newly constructed Fifth Regiment Armory. Baltimore beat out St. Louis, New York, and Denver as the host city, with the help of a check for $100,000 to the Democratic National Committee, which had been raised by local civic leaders. On the Saturday before the convention's opening, the armory, with its elaborate patriotic decorations, was open to the public, and more than 250,000 Baltimoreans strolled through to take a look. In 1912, the Democrats, after having lost the last four presidential elections, smelled victory. A week before the Baltimore convention, the Republicans met in Chicago and left the Windy City in disarray. The incumbent president, William Howard Taft, won the GOP nomination, beating back a strong challenge from former president Theodore Roosevelt. It was widely expected that Roosevelt would run as a third-party candidate, thereby splitting the Republican vote and leading to a Democratic victory in the fall.
There were four leading candidates for the Democratic nomination: Champ Clark of Missouri, speaker of the House; Woodrow Wilson, governor of New Jersey; Oscar Underwood of Mississippi, majority leader of the House; and Judson Harmon, governor of Ohio. Clark and Wilson were the progressives, or liberals, in the race, while Underwood and Harmon were the conservatives. Going into the convention, Clark led with 413 pledged delegates, compared with 274 for Wilson, 91 for Underwood and 57 for Harmon. Approximately 250 were unpledged or pledged to others. The Democrats in that era required a two-thirds vote of all delegates for the nomination, meaning 726 votes were needed to win the prize.
At that time, presidential candidates did not attend conventions. One potential candidate, however, was in Baltimore. William Jennings Bryan, a three-time nominee of the party (in 1896, 1900 and 1908), was a delegate from Nebraska. Many believed that Bryan hoped for a deadlocked convention and that the party would then turn to him for a fourth time. As the nation's best-known Democrat, Bryan arrived in Baltimore to a reception befitting a modern-day rock star. His train at Pennsylvania Station was met by hundreds of admirers. Trailed by dozens of taxis filled with reporters, his entourage made its way to the Belvedere Hotel, where a throng of hundreds more supporters awaited. Bryan announced upon his arrival his opposition to the Democratic National Committee's choice of Alton Parker of New York, the party's 1904 nominee, to be the convention's temporary chairman. Parker was a conservative, and Bryan wanted a progressive in that prominent position, the duties of which included presiding over the opening day and delivering the keynote speech. Bryan announced that he would lead a floor fight to challenge Parker. It became clear that the convention would be a battle between Bryan and his foes within the party.
The convention opened at noon on Tuesday, June 25, with a prayer for peace and harmony by Baltimore's 77-year-old Cardinal Gibbons. While the last amen still echoed in the armory, Bryan launched into a virulent speech attacking the nomination of Parker for temporary chairman and accusing him of being a tool of Tammany Hall and Wall Street. Bryan himself ended up being the alternative candidate opposing Parker, but lost by a vote of 579 to 508. The conservatives had won the first skirmish.
In reaction to Parker's victory, Democrats from around the country sent more than 100,000 telegrams to delegates in Baltimore, demanding that a progressive candidate be nominated for president. Later, Bryan threw down another gauntlet, offering a resolution opposing any nominee supported by "the privilege-hunting and favor-seeking class" and demanding the expulsion as delegates of two prominent Wall Street Democrats. An uproar ensued, with threats of bodily harm to Bryan from several delegates, but a watered-down version of the resolution, condemning the influence of Wall Street, was passed.
After an all-night session on Thursday, June 27, the first ballot for the nomination was taken early Friday morning. Clark led with 440.5 votes, compared to 324 for Wilson, 148 for Harmon, and 117.5 for Underwood. There was little movement until the 10th ballot, when New York's massive block of 90 votes shifted from Harmon to Clark. The New York delegation was controlled by the leaders of Tammany Hall, the political organization notorious for graft and corruption. With New York's votes, Clark had a majority of the votes cast. Not since 1844 had a Democratic candidate attained a majority vote and failed to go on to win the nomination. The contest seemed over. Clark prepared a victory telegram, while Wilson suggested to his managers in Baltimore that his name be withdrawn. Support from New York, however, turned out to be the kiss of death for Clark. On Saturday, Bryan, seemingly always in the spotlight, announced that all nine of Clark's Nebraska delegate votes, including his own, were switching to Wilson, because they could not stomach supporting the same candidate favored by Tammany Hall and Wall Street. Slowly, other votes began to shift to Wilson. On Tuesday, July 2, after much deal-making, Wilson finally went over the two-thirds threshold on the 46th ballot and won the nomination. As predicted, it turned out to be a three-way contest in the fall election, with Wilson easily winning over Roosevelt's third-party candidacy and the incumbent Republican president, Taft.
The 1912 Democratic convention turned out to be, at least for a century, Baltimore's last hurrah as a convention city. With modern conventions usually now held in cities located in competitive swing states, the likelihood of Baltimore hosting another convention in the foreseeable future is slim. The city has a rich history, however, from the 19th century and the 1912 gathering, of a time when the road to the White House passed through Baltimore.
(Source: http://www.semmes.com/news/convention...)
More:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1912_Dem...
http://politicalgraveyard.com/parties...
1912 Democratic Platform:Labor
The courts of justice are the bulwarks of our liberties, and we yield to none in our purpose to maintain their dignity. Our party has given to the bench a long line of distinguished justices who have added to the respect and confidence in which this department must be jealously maintained. We resent the attempt of the Republican party to raise a false issue respecting the judiciary. It is an unjust reflection upon a great body of our citizens to assume that they lack respect for the courts.
It is the function of the courts to interpret the laws which the people enact, and if the laws appear to work economic, social or political injustice, it is our duty to change them. The only basis upon which the integrity of our courts can stand is that of unswerving justice and protection of life, personal liberty, and property. As judicial processes may be abused, we should guard them against abuse.
Experience has proved the necessity of a modification of the present law relating to injunction, and we reiterate the pledges of our platforms of 1896 and 1904 in favor of a measure which passed the United States Senate in 1898, relating to contempt in Federal Courts, and providing for trial by jury in cases of indirect contempt.
Questions of judicial practice have arisen especially in connection with industrial disputes. We believe that the parties to all judicial proceedings should be treated with rigid impartiality, and that injunctions should not be issued in any case in which an injunction would not issue if no industrial dispute were involved.
The expanding organization of industry makes it essential that there should be no abridgment of the right of the wage earners and producers to organize for the protection of wages and the improvement of labor conditions, to the end that such labor organizations and their members should not be regarded as illegal combinations in restraint of trade.
We pledge the Democratic party to the enactment of a law creating a department of labor, represented separately in the President's cabinet in which department shall be included the subject of mines and mining."
We pledge the Democratic party, so far as the Federal jurisdiction extends, to an employees' compensation law providing adequate indemnity for injury to body or loss of life.
Income Taxes and the Popular Election of Senators
We congratulate the country upon the triumph of two important reforms demanded in the last national platform, namely, the amendment of the Federal Constitution authorizing an income tax, and the amendment providing for the popular election of senators, and we call upon the people of all the States to rally to the support of the pending propositions and secure their ratification.
Presidential Primaries
The movement toward more popular government should be promoted through legislation in each State which will permit the expression of the preference of the electors for national candidates at presidential primaries.
We direct that the National Committee incorporate in the call for the next nominating convention a requirement that all expressions of preference for Presidential candidates shall be given and the selection of delegates and alternates made through a primary election conducted by the party organization in each State where such expression and election are not provided for by State law. Committeemen who are hereafter to constitute the membership of the Democratic National Committee, and whose election is not provided for by law, shall be chosen in each State at such primary elections, and the service and authority of committeemen, however chosen, shall begin immediately upon the receipt of their credentials, respectively.
Tariff Reform
We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic party that the Federal government, under the Constitution, has no right or power to impose or collect tariff duties, except for the purpose of revenue, and we demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of government honestly and economically administered.
The high Republican tariff is the principal cause of the unequal distribution of wealth; it is a system of taxation which makes the rich richer and the poor poorer; under its operations the American farmer and laboring man are the chief sufferers; it raises the cost of the necessaries of life to them, but does not protect their product or wages. The farmer sells largely in free markets and buys almost entirely in the protected markets. In the most highly protected industries, such as cotton and wool, steel and iron, the wages of the laborers are the lowest paid in any of our industries. We denounce the Republican pretense on that subject and assert that American wages are established by competitive conditions, and not by the tariff.
We favor the immediate downward revision of the existing high and in many cases prohibitive tariff duties, insisting that material reductions be speedily made upon the necessaries of life. Articles entering into competition with trust-controlled products and articles of American manufacture which are sold abroad more cheaply than at home should be put upon the free list.
We recognize that our system of tariff taxation is intimately connected with the business of the country, and we favor the ultimate attainment of the principles we advocate by legislation that will not injure or destroy the legitimate industry.
We denounce the action of President Taft in vetoing the bills to reduce the tariff in the cotton, woolen, metals, and chemical schedules and the Farmers' free bill, all of which were designed to give immediate relief to the masses from the exactions of the trusts.
The Republican party, while promising tariff revision, has shown by its tariff legislation that such revision is not to be in the people's interest, and having been faithless to its pledges of 1908, it should not longer enjoy the confidence of the nation. We appeal to the American people to support us in our demand for a tariff for revenue only. 908, it should not longer enjoy the confidence of the nation. We appeal to the American people to support us in our demand for a tariff for revenue only.
Anti-Trust Legislation
A private monopoly is indefensible and intolerable. We therefore favor the vigorous enforcement of the criminal as well as the civil law against trusts and trust officials, and demand the enactment of such additional legislation as may be necessary to make it impossible for a private monopoly to exist in the United States.
We favor the declamation by law of the conditions upon which corporations shall be permitted to engage in interstate trade, including, among others, the prevention of holding companies, of interlocking directors, of stock watering, of discrimination in price, and the control by any one corporation of so large a proportion of any industry as to make it a menace to competitive conditions.
We condemn the action of the Republican administration in compromising with the Standard Oil Company and the tobacco trust and its failure to invoke the criminal provisions of the anti-trust law against the officers of those corporations after the court had declared that from the undisputed provisions of the law.
We regret that the Sherman anti-trust law has received a judicial construction depriving it of much of its efficiency and we favor the enactment of legislation which will restore to the statute the strength of which it has been deprived by such interpretation.
(Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/f...)
Regarding the various questions about why the NJ politicians thought they could control Wilson I would just say this was a man who had NO previous political experience – and they likely thought they could mold him. Msg. 13 – Thanks Mark for reminding us that the Wilsons had inherited. As I mentioned somewhere earlier too Wilson never seemed to have lacked for necessary money – and as you further mention Wilson applied for the Carnegie pension ($4,000 a year – a lot of money for then) so Wilson did not that I have seen at any point in this book miss any income opportunity.
Msgs. 24 – 32 about on income or wealth – just two comments – Bill Gates wealth is greatly “market capitalization” and Carnegie’s and his contemporaries had a lot more P&E (plant and equipment) supporting their equity positions.
Also the top 1% having a comparable ratio in 1928 to now can be a bit scary considering how so many of those folks fared in 1929.
Regarding the “liberal” Democratic party and the “conservative” Republican party I would just mention that the South was still at that time, I do believe, very anti-Republican (anti Lincoln if you wish) and African American voting rights were severely limited during these times.
Msgs 46 – 48 – well I have to thank Bryan - I must admit I have never before read a party platform for any election and this was enlightening. Very interesting. I saw nothing about the environment except maybe the Republican worry about controlling the Mississippi flooding but no conservation. I wonder if TRs platform addressed at all the environment.
But I must take note to wonder what kind of great speaker Wilson must have been. All the practice during his teaching and Princeton years – when even then he could command notable fee income – and then he appears on the scene and takes the nomination. I have to believe that this ability was a factor in James Smith and James Nugent deciding to support him for governor in the first place.
Wilson is even quoted (pg 142) “I spoke as well as Mr. Bryan…” and my memory is that WJ Bryan was one of the outstanding orators of his day.
And I have to think how Wilson had likely been constantly thinking on and studying public policies and public sentiment to some extent to be able to so quickly, in NJ, put forth workable solutions to existing problems as governor and then to address the American public in way that communicated to them in his quest for the nomination.
And still galloping through my head pretty constantly is how brilliant and industrious he must have been.
The above quote from pg 141 was per the book “he told Mary Peck” – and so I wonder if his telling is similar to “talking by e-mail or instant message” today. Is he telling her or writing her? If written then record of it would exist. And, since he lived with Ellen and there would be less or almost no letters then there is less record of what he “told” his wife.
Mary Peck is quite pervasive in this story. I have no moral judgment here just I am curious.
Bryan wrote: "Why do you think the political bosses thought they could control Wilson?"I thought that perhaps this question would be answered in the chapter, but was not as far as I could remember. The bosses seemed pretty sure that they could control Wilson. In past instances this must have been so, so Wilson was unintimidated by them.
The History Book Club
Books mentioned in this topic
American Sphinx: The Character of Thomas Jefferson (other topics)American Sphinx: The Character of Thomas Jefferson (other topics)
Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power (other topics)
Woodrow Wilson: A Biography (other topics)
Authors mentioned in this topic
Joseph J. Ellis (other topics)Joseph J. Ellis (other topics)
Jon Meacham (other topics)
John Milton Cooper Jr. (other topics)
For the week of April 15, 2013 - April 21, 2013, we are reading Chapter Six and Seven of Woodrow Wilson: A Biography.
This week's reading assignment is:
WEEK FOUR: April 15, 2013 - April 21, 2013 (p 120 - 158)
Chapter 6. Beginning and 7. Nominee
We will open up a thread for each week's reading. Please make sure to post in the particular thread dedicated to those specific chapters and page numbers to avoid spoilers. We will also open up supplemental threads as we did for other spotlighted books.
We look forward to your participation. Amazon, Barnes and Noble, Borders and other noted on line booksellers do have copies of the book and shipment can be expedited. The book can also be obtained easily at your local library, or on your Kindle.
There is no rush and we are thrilled to have you join us. It is never too late to get started and/or to post.
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Welcome,
~Bryan
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