Werner Ende > Werner's Quotes

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  • #1
    H.L. Mencken
    “The kind of man who wants the government to adopt and enforce his ideas is always the kind of man whose ideas are idiotic.”
    H.L. Mencken, Minority Report

  • #2
    H.L. Mencken
    “A good politician is quite as unthinkable as an honest burglar.”
    H.L. Mencken

  • #3
    H.L. Mencken
    “Puritanism: The haunting fear that someone, somewhere, may be happy.”
    H.L. Mencken, A Mencken Chrestomathy

  • #4
    H.L. Mencken
    “Explanations exist; they have existed for all time; there is always a well-known solution to every human problem—neat, plausible, and wrong.”
    H.L. Mencken, Prejudices: Second series

  • #5
    H.L. Mencken
    “Where is the graveyard of dead gods? What lingering mourner waters their mounds? There was a time when Jupiter was the king of the gods, and any man who doubted his puissance was ipso facto a barbarian and an ignoramus. But where in all the world is there a man who worships Jupiter today? And who of Huitzilopochtli? In one year - and it is no more than five hundred years ago - 50,000 youths and maidens were slain in sacrifice to him. Today, if he is remembered at all, it is only by some vagrant savage in the depths of the Mexican forest. Huitzilopochtli, like many other gods, had no human father; his mother was a virtuous widow; he was born of an apparently innocent flirtation that she carried out with the sun.

    When he frowned, his father, the sun, stood still. When he roared with rage, earthquakes engulfed whole cities. When he thirsted he was watered with 10,000 gallons of human blood. But today Huitzilopochtli is as magnificently forgotten as Allen G. Thurman. Once the peer of Allah, Buddha and Wotan, he is now the peer of Richmond P. Hobson, Alton B. Parker, Adelina Patti, General Weyler and Tom Sharkey.

    Speaking of Huitzilopochtli recalls his brother Tezcatlipoca. Tezcatlipoca was almost as powerful; he consumed 25,000 virgins a year.

    Lead me to his tomb: I would weep, and hang a couronne des perles. But who knows where it is? Or where the grave of Quetzalcoatl is? Or Xiuhtecuhtli? Or Centeotl, that sweet one? Or Tlazolteotl, the goddess of love? Of Mictlan? Or Xipe? Or all the host of Tzitzimitl? Where are their bones? Where is the willow on which they hung their harps? In what forlorn and unheard-of Hell do they await their resurrection morn? Who enjoys their residuary estates? Or that of Dis, whom Caesar found to be the chief god of the Celts? Of that of Tarves, the bull? Or that of Moccos, the pig? Or that of Epona, the mare? Or that of Mullo, the celestial jackass? There was a time when the Irish revered all these gods, but today even the drunkest Irishman laughs at them.

    But they have company in oblivion: the Hell of dead gods is as crowded
    as the Presbyterian Hell for babies. Damona is there, and Esus, and
    Drunemeton, and Silvana, and Dervones, and Adsullata, and Deva, and
    Bellisima, and Uxellimus, and Borvo, and Grannos, and Mogons. All mighty gods in their day, worshipped by millions, full of demands and impositions, able to bind and loose - all gods of the first class. Men labored for generations to build vast temples to them - temples with stones as large as hay-wagons.

    The business of interpreting their whims occupied thousands of priests,
    bishops, archbishops. To doubt them was to die, usually at the stake.
    Armies took to the field to defend them against infidels; villages were burned, women and children butchered, cattle were driven off. Yet in the end they all withered and died, and today there is none so poor to do them reverence.

    What has become of Sutekh, once the high god of the whole Nile Valley? What has become of:
    Resheph
    Anath
    Ashtoreth
    El
    Nergal
    Nebo
    Ninib
    Melek
    Ahijah
    Isis
    Ptah
    Anubis
    Baal
    Astarte
    Hadad
    Addu
    Shalem
    Dagon
    Sharaab
    Yau
    Amon-Re
    Osiris
    Sebek
    Molech?

    All there were gods of the highest eminence. Many of them are mentioned with fear and trembling in the Old Testament. They ranked, five or six thousand years ago, with Yahweh Himself; the worst of them stood far higher than Thor. Yet they have all gone down the chute, and with them the following:
    Bilé
    Ler
    Arianrhod
    Morrigu
    Govannon
    Gunfled
    Sokk-mimi
    Nemetona
    Dagda
    Robigus
    Pluto
    Ops
    Meditrina
    Vesta

    You may think I spoof. That I invent the names. I do not. Ask the rector to lend you any good treatise on comparative religion: You will find them all listed. They were gods of the highest standing and dignity-gods of civilized peoples-worshiped and believed in by millions. All were omnipotent, omniscient and immortal.

    And all are dead.”
    H.L. Mencken, A Mencken Chrestomathy

  • #6
    H.L. Mencken
    “All government, in its essence, is a conspiracy against the superior man: its one permanent object is to oppress him and cripple him. If it be aristocratic in organization, then it seeks to protect the man who is superior only in law against the man who is superior in fact; if it be democratic, then it seeks to protect the man who is inferior in every way against both. One of its primary functions is to regiment men by force, to make them as much alike as possible and as dependent upon one another as possible, to search out and combat originality among them. All it can see in an original idea is potential change, and hence an invasion of its prerogatives. The most dangerous man to any government is the man who is able to think things out for himself, without regard to the prevailing superstitions and taboos. Almost inevitably he comes to the conclusion that the government he lives under is dishonest, insane and intolerable, and so, if he is romantic, he tries to change it. And even if he is not romantic personally he is very apt to spread discontent among those who are.”
    H.L. Mencken, A Mencken Chrestomathy

  • #7
    H.L. Mencken
    “Civilization, in fact, grows more maudlin and hysterical; especially under democracy it tends to degenerate into a mere combat of crazes; the whole aim of practical politics is to keep the populace alarmed (and hence clamorous to be led to safety) by an endless series of hobgoblins, most of them imaginary. Wars are no longer waged by the will of superior men, capable of judging dispassionately and intelligently the causes behind them and the effects flowing out of them. They are now begun by first throwing a mob into a panic; they are ended only when it has spent its ferine fury.”
    H.L. Mencken, In Defense of Women

  • #8
    H.L. Mencken
    “Democracy is a pathetic belief in the collective wisdom of individual ignorance. No one in this world, so far as I know—and I have researched the records for years, and employed agents to help me—has ever lost money by underestimating the intelligence of the great masses of the plain people. Nor has anyone ever lost public office thereby.”
    H.L. Mencken, Notes on Democracy

  • #9
    H.L. Mencken
    “Democracy is the theory that the common people know what they want and deserve to get it good and hard.”
    H.L. Mencken, A Little Book In C Major

  • #10
    H.L. Mencken
    “I am suspicious of all the things that the average people believes.”
    H.L. Mencken

  • #11
    H.L. Mencken
    “It is now quite lawful for a Catholic woman to avoid pregnancy by a resort to mathematics, though she is still forbidden to resort to physics and chemistry.”
    H.L. Mencken

  • #12
    H.L. Mencken
    “Democracy is the art and science of running the circus from the monkey-cage.”
    H.L. Mencken, A Mencken Chrestomathy

  • #13
    H.L. Mencken
    “Giving every man a vote has no more made men wise and free than Christianity has made them good.”
    H.L. Mencken

  • #14
    H.L. Mencken
    “Every decent man is ashamed of the government he lives under.”
    H. L. Mencken

  • #15
    H.L. Mencken
    “Love is like war: easy to begin but very hard to stop.”
    H. L. Mencken, Heliogabalus

  • #16
    H.L. Mencken
    “Democracy is the worship of jackals by jackasses.”
    H.L. Mencken

  • #17
    H.L. Mencken
    “Nevertheless, it is even harder for the average ape to believe that he has descended from man.”
    H.L. Mencken, A Mencken Chrestomathy

  • #18
    Ludwig von Mises
    “Many who are self-taught far excel the doctors, masters, and bachelors of the most renowned universities.”
    Ludwig von Mises

  • #19
    Ludwig von Mises
    “Because in [Lenin's] eyes the workers
    were only workers and not also customers, he believed they were already slaves under capitalism, and that one did not change their status
    when nationalizing all plants and shops.
    Socialism substitutes the sovereignty of a dictator, or committee of dictators, for the sovereignty of the consumers. Along with the economic sovereignty of the citizens disappears also their political sovereignty. To the unique production plan that annuls any planning on the part of the consumers corresponds in the constitutional sphere the one party principle that deprives the citizens of any opportunity to plan the course of public affairs. Freedom is indivisible. He who has not the faculty to choose among various brands of canned food or soap, is also deprived of the power to
    choose between various political parties and programs and to elect the officeholders. He is no longer a man; he becomes a pawn in the hands of the supreme social engineer. Even his freedom to rear progeny will be taken
    away by eugenics.”
    Ludwig Von Mises

  • #20
    Ludwig von Mises
    “The masses do not like those who surpass them in any regard. The average man envies and hates those who are different.”
    Ludwig Von Mises, The Ultimate Foundation of Economic Science: An Essay on Method

  • #21
    Ludwig von Mises
    “The alcoholic and the drug addict harm only themselves by their behavior; the person who violates the rules of morality governing mans life in society harms not only himself, but everyone.”
    Ludwig Von Mises, Liberalism: The Classical Tradition

  • #22
    Ludwig von Mises
    “These people look upon inequality as upon an evil. They do not assert that a definite
    degree of inequality which can be exactly determined by a judgment free of any
    arbitrariness and personal evaluation is good and has to be preserved unconditionally.
    They, on the contrary, declare inequality in itself as bad and merely contend that a
    lower degree of it is a lesser evil than a higher degree in the same sense in which a
    smaller quantity of poison in a man’s body is a lesser evil than a larger dose. But if
    this is so, then there is logically in their doctrine no point at which the endeavors
    toward equalization would have to stop. Whether one has already reached a degree of
    inequality which is to be considered low enough and beyond which it is not necessary
    to embark upon further measures toward equalization is just a matter of personal
    judgments of value, quite arbitrary, different with different people and changing in the
    passing of time. As these champions of equalization appraise confiscation and
    “redistribution” as a policy harming only a minority, viz., those whom they consider
    to be “too” rich, and benefiting the rest—the majority—of the people, they cannot
    oppose any tenable argument to those who are asking for more of this allegedly
    beneficial policy. As long as any degree of inequality is left, there will always be
    people whom envy impels to press for a continuation of the equalization policy.
    Nothing can be advanced against their inference: If inequality of wealth and incomes
    is an evil, there is no reason to acquiesce in any degree of it, however low;
    equalization must not stop before it has completely leveled all individuals’ wealth and
    incomes.”
    Ludwig Von Mises, Economic Freedom and Interventionism: An Anthology of Articles and Essays

  • #23
    Ludwig von Mises
    “Nobody ever recommended a dictatorship aiming at ends other than those he himself approved. He who advocates dictatorship always advocates the unrestricted rule of his own will”
    Ludwig Von Mises, Omnipotent Government

  • #24
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “Democracy has nothing to do with freedom. Democracy is a soft variant of communism, and rarely in the history of ideas has it been taken for anything else.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe

  • #25
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “However, not only external expansion of state power is brought about by the ideology of nationalism. War as the natural outgrowth of nationalism is also the means of strengthening the state’s internal powers of exploitation and expropriation. Each war is also an internal emergency situation, and an emergency requires and seems to justify the acceptance of the state’s increasing its control over its own population. Such increased control gained through the creation of emergencies is reduced during peacetime, but it never sinks back to its pre-war levels. Rather, each successfully ended war (and only successful governments can survive) is used by the government and its intellectuals to propagate the idea that it was only because of nationalistic vigilance and expanded governmental powers that the “foreign aggressors” were crushed and one’s own country saved, and that this successful recipe must then be retained in order to be prepared for the next emergency. Led by the just proven “dominant” nationalism, each successful war ends with the attainment of a new peacetime high of governmental controls and thereby further strengthens a government’s appetite for implementing the next winnable international emergency.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe, The Economics and Ethics of Private Property: Studies in Political Economy and Philosophy

  • #26
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “Contrary to any claim of a systematically “neutral” effect of taxation on production, the consequence of any such shortening of roundabout methods of production is a lower output produced. The price that invariably must be paid for taxation, and for every increase in taxation, is a coercively lowered productivity that in turn reduces the standard of living in terms of valuable assets provided for future consumption. Every act of taxation necessarily exerts a push away from more highly capitalized, more productive production processes in the direction of a hand-to-mouth-existence.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe

  • #27
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “Incidentally, the same logic that would force one to accept the idea of the production of security by private business as economically the best solution to the problem of consumer satisfaction also forces one, so far as moral-ideological positions are concerned, to abandon the political theory of classical liberalism and take the small but nevertheless decisive step (from there) to the theory of libertarianism, or private property anarchism. Classical liberalism, with Ludwig von Mises as its foremost representative in the twentieth century, advocates a social system based on the nonaggression principle. And this is also what libertarianism advocates. But classical liberalism then wants to have this principle enforced by a monopolistic agency (the government, the state)—an organization, that is, which is not exclusively dependent on voluntary, contractual support by the consumers of its respective services, but instead has the right to unilaterally determine its own income, i.e., the taxes to be imposed on consumers in order to do its job in the area of security production. Now, however plausible this might sound, it should be clear that it is inconsistent. Either the principle of nonaggression is valid, in which case the state as a privileged monopolist is immoral, or business built on and around aggression—the use of force and of noncontractual means of acquiring resources—is valid, in which case one must toss out the first theory. It is impossible to sustain both contentions and not to be inconsistent unless, of course, one could provide a principle that is more fundamental than both the nonaggression principle and the states’ right to aggressive violence and from which both, with the respective limitations regarding the domains in which they are valid, can be logically derived. However, liberalism never provided any such principle, nor will it ever be able to do so, since, to argue in favor of anything presupposes one’s right to be free of aggression. Given the fact then that the principle of nonaggression cannot be argumentatively contested as morally valid without implicitly acknowledging its validity, by force of logic one is committed to abandoning liberalism and accepting instead its more radical child: libertarianism, the philosophy of pure capitalism, which demands that the production of security be undertaken by private business too.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe, The Economics and Ethics of Private Property: Studies in Political Economy and Philosophy

  • #28
    Murray N. Rothbard
    “It is no crime to be ignorant of economics, which is, after all, a specialized discipline and one that most people consider to be a ‘dismal science.’ But it is totally irresponsible to have a loud and vociferous opinion on economic subjects while remaining in this state of ignorance.”
    Murray N. Rothbard

  • #29
    Murray N. Rothbard
    “It is clearly absurd to limit the term 'education' to a person's formal schooling.”
    Murray N. Rothbard, Education: Free & Compulsory

  • #30
    Murray N. Rothbard
    “It’s true: greed has had a very bad press. I frankly don’t see anything wrong with greed. I think that the people who are always attacking greed would be more consistent with their position if they refused their next salary increase. I don’t see even the most Left-Wing scholar in this country scornfully burning his salary check. In other words, "greed" simply means that you are trying to relieve the nature given scarcity that man was born with. Greed will continue until the Garden of Eden arrives, when everything is superabundant, and we don’t have to worry about economics at all. We haven’t of course reached that point yet; we haven’t reached the point where everybody is burning his salary increases, or salary checks in general.”
    Murray N. Rothbard



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