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Kindle Notes & Highlights
by
Lee Drutman
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March 16 - March 23, 2020
“Our expert respondents perceive a consistent, ongoing decline in the overall quality of American democracy from 2015.”
Many of the initial dismal verdicts sprang from the unexpected election of Donald Trump as the forty-fifth president of the United States.
Finally, a fully divided two-party system is completely unworkable when the partisan divide is over the character of national identity, as it is today.
Politics is about conflict. It has to be. Issues of widespread agreement are not political issues. Political issues are issues where we disagree. And since modern mass democracy depends on partisan competition, parties need to differentiate themselves. This is healthy.
We all innately seek out facts that prove us right and ignore those that might prove us wrong. And we care about self-preservation: we desperately want to preserve our jobs, our relationships, and our sense of self-worth. And when any of these are threatened, we dig in and fight harder.
men were angels,” James Madison wrote in Federalist no. 51, “no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary.”8 But since men and women are not angels, we need government institutions. We are all prone to the same flaws of our mental hardware. Good institutions elevate our inner angels; bad institutions feed our inner devils.
Consensus is impossible.
But here’s why we should focus on political institutions first. All of these problems will require some kind of government action.
These two parties are now older than most of the world’s democracies.
Democracies “die” when the winners become so anxious about ever losing that they capture neutral “referees” (like the press and the courts), deny the legitimacy of their political opponents, tolerate and encourage violence, undermine basic civil rights, and shut down unfriendly media.
With more categories and more fluid identities, we become more confused and more uncertain. This is good: it prevents us from seeing our side as the righteous and natural majority. Complexity forces us to think harder. Doubt opens us up to compromise. More parties brings in more diversity of perspective.
The problem is our two-party system. It is the core structural force driving a doom loop of toxic politics.
Schattschneider was also a frustrated liberal. Though schooled in the progressive reformist tradition, he was much more comfortable than the Progressives were with both the idea of power and the prospects for concentrating it in political parties.
Today, parties are too far apart. But this wasn’t always so. Once upon a time, the problem was that the two parties were too similar.
“Either major party, when in power, is ill-equipped to organize its members in the legislative and the executive branches into a government held together and guided by the party program.”
The parties would rationalize, nationalize, and modernize American democracy. Voters would finally have clear and meaningful choices on Election Day.
“The most important distinction in modern political philosophy, the distinction between democracy and dictatorship, can be made best in terms of party politics”
Division requires disagreement. Party democracy involves conflict—it must; otherwise the parties become indistinguishable, and elections turn meaningless. And one-party democracy is not really democracy.
In the Progressives’ telling, both parties and party politicians had no redeeming virtues and could only mislead and dissemble. But both “the people” and the expert scientific administrators were unbiased, and thus had unique insight into the Truth. Progressives believed the public interest depended on disinterested citizens coming together, without “politics” and self-interest. Once everyone put country above party, expertise and common sense would align, and wisdom would prevail over petty greed.
Because the Progressives were fundamentally uncomfortable with power, they lacked a theory of power. And without a theory of power, they didn’t have a workable theory of governance. Like the Framers, they thought it was possible to avoid parties. Like the Framers, they were wrong.
Like communist zealots who argue that the problem with communism is that true communism has never been tried, believers in a more responsible two-party system cling to a similarly unfalsifiable idealism. American political parties can never be strong enough, at least not in a two-party system.
This adds up to a paradox: We need some division for parties to provide meaningful alternatives and to give voters power to send strong signals. But too much division and the stakes start to feel too high. Politics becomes toxic. Partisan conflict overwhelms every issue, spreading even beyond politics, and democracy deteriorates.
The American experience suggests that in a two-party system it’s impossible to engineer that “just right” balance. Somewhere in between those extremes there was an era of reasonable balance, when parties were neither too indistinct nor too distinct. In retrospect, that era lasted from the mid-1960s through the mid-1980s, when American democracy was at its most productive and responsive
Moreover, Lowi argued, now that the era of big national government was underway, perhaps it was actually impossible to collapse all the meaningful alternatives into just two programs.
Republicans were actually slightly more supportive than Democrats, with about four in five Republicans supporting the bill, as compared to two in three Democrats.
So began a great reordering of American politics. The two major parties expanded and nationalized partisan political conflict until it became the totalizing partisan warfare of today.
previous few years as an opportunity to exploit.10 Perhaps in an alternate version of history, Kennedy deferred to his more cautious advisors and didn’t make the call. Perhaps Nixon, who was closer to King than Kennedy was at the time, made the call and won the pivotal support from black voters, and a Republican president presided over the civil rights revolution.11 Republicans then became the party of civil rights, and American politics would have looked very different.
The modern metamorphosis of American politics begins with the transformative civil rights legislation of the 1960s. But it has antecedents in the New Deal, when the Democratic Party successfully fused together a coalition of northern liberals and progressives and southern conservatives.
But we’re getting ahead of ourselves. In 1988, the parties were still capacious enough that the arch-segregationist David Duke entered the Democratic Party’s presidential primary, alongside civil rights leader Jesse Jackson.
linked up with the long-held conservative view that government is too powerful, and this linkage was what made evangelicals active.”
If liberal elites had their way, America would become a secular wasteland of “feminism,” “homosexuality,” and “abortion-on-demand.” Christians had to join the battle to protect their great heritage.