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Kindle Notes & Highlights
by
Lee Drutman
Read between
March 16 - March 23, 2020
Society was changing. The Supreme Court had declared state-sponsored school prayer unconstitutional.35Roe v. Wade was a political earthquake. It legalized abortion, which helped Protestant Christian right activists build a coalition with religious Catholics.
Later, in a 1973 book, Political Organizations, Wilson observed that political organizations could rely on three types of incentives: material, solidary, and purposive.
And some of the programs seemed to backfire: If urban riots followed the War on Poverty, might there be something wrong with the initial program?
Republicans solidified a new coalition that spread the appeal of “limited government” beyond economic conservatism, where it had traditionally lived.
“Universalist weltanschauung, in which all peoples, all faiths, and all lifestyles were embraced (at least in principle).”
From 1969 to 1992, Washington experienced an extended period of divided government, a period unique in American history for its prolonged split decision on which party should rule. Democrats controlled the US House for the entire period and the Senate for most of the period.
In retrospect, it’s easy to be nostalgic for the George H. W. Bush administration, the last sustained era of genuine bipartisan lawmaking.
1992, 40 percent of Americans said they couldn’t articulate a single important difference between the two parties, and 49 percent believed there was no difference in the parties’ abilities to solve pressing problems.46 If it didn’t matter who won, then why vote?
In just twenty years (from 1996 to 2016), America went from being a nation where two-thirds (65 percent) of its citizens were white and Christian to a nation where barely four in ten (43 percent) were both white and Christian.
Finally, the 2010s marked the completion of the half-century partisan realignment that began with the civil rights revolution, with one party (the Democrats) fully becoming the party of diversity and cosmopolitan values, and one party (the Republicans) fully becoming the party of white, Christian America and traditionalist America.
Historically, democratic fights over national identity have been extremely bitter. They do not always resolve peacefully. In earlier times, these conflicts were primarily about religion and race. Today, the conflict over national identity is at heart a clash between cosmopolitan and traditionalist values and identities. This is the conflict now roiling Western democracies.25
Group identities and moral values drove most of the switches; economic interests drove few.
For most people, self-worth comes from attaching to something bigger and grander than one’s simple material well-being.55 We are “groupish, rather than selfish.”
social, economic, and political forces.”75 Cramer met people who had immense pride in their communities and rural identities, who worked incredibly hard. These rural residents felt ignored by political elites and government bureaucrats and disrespected by city folks who they were sure controlled everything for the benefit of their fellow city folk.
“In the frameworks they provide, the demons are not affluent people but, rather, the government, the people that work for it, and urban areas that are home to liberals and people of color. . . . In these narratives, people are telling each other that there are people that do not value what we value, do not work as hard as we do, and are actively sucking away the livelihoods we have worked so hard to create.”
When the “Who are we?” conflict dominates the two-party system, it raises the stakes of every election, driving the doom loop of toxic partisanship.
Christians are Christians … party is a 3rd or less consideration. However, increasingly, for Democrats, "liberalism" IS their religion, and unbelievers must be forced to convert!
In November 1972, the New York film critic Pauline Kael is said to have joked, “How could Nixon have won? Nobody I know voted for him.”38 It was funny because Nixon had just won by an overwhelming landslide.
We are even adjusting our lifestyles to fit with our partisanship, including, most profoundly, how religiously we raise our children.43
Third, how many parties do we want? Between four and six parties is the optimal range.