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by
Adam Tooze
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April 23, 2019 - January 25, 2020
When those forces were unleashed in the 1970s without a monetary anchor, the result was to send inflation soaring toward 20 percent in the advanced economies, something unprecedented in peacetime. But rather than retreating from liberalization, by the early 1980s any restriction on global capital flows was lifted. It was precisely to tame the forces of indiscipline unleashed by the end of metallic money that the market revolution and the new neoliberal “logic of discipline” were inaugurated.29 By the mid-1980s Fed chair Paul Volcker’s dramatic campaign to raise interest rates had curbed
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1970s stagflation
When those forces were unleashed in the 1970s without a monetary anchor, the result was to send inflation soaring toward 20 percent in the advanced economies, something unprecedented in peacetime. But rather than retreating from liberalization, by the early 1980s any restriction on global capital flows was lifted. It was precisely to tame the forces of indiscipline unleashed by the end of metallic money that the market revolution and the new neoliberal “logic of discipline” were inaugurated. 29 By the mid-1980s Fed chair Paul Volcker’s dramatic campaign to raise interest rates had curbed inflation.
The overwhelming majority of private credit creation is done by a tight-knit corporate oligarchy—the key cells in Shin’s interlocking matrix. At a global level twenty to thirty banks matter. Allowing for nationally significant banks, the number worldwide is perhaps a hundred big financial firms. Techniques for identifying and monitoring the so-called systemically important financial institutions (SIFI)—known as macroprudential supervision—are among the major governmental innovations of the crisis and its aftermath. Those banks and the people who
New corporate economics
The overwhelming majority of private credit creation is done by a tight-knit corporate oligarchy—the key cells in Shin’s interlocking matrix. At a global level twenty to thirty banks matter. Allowing for nationally significant banks, the number worldwide is perhaps a hundred big financial firms. Techniques for identifying and monitoring the so-called systemically important financial institutions (SIFI)—known as macroprudential supervision—are among the major governmental innovations of the crisis and its aftermath. Those banks and the people who
run them are also among the key actors in the drama of this book. The stark truth about Ben Bernanke’s “historic” policy of global
Though it is hardly a secret that we inhabit a world dominated by business oligopolies, during the crisis and its aftermath this reality and its implications for the priorities of government stood nakedly exposed. It is an unpalatable and explosive truth that democratic politics on both sides of the Atlantic has choked on. II
Premise
Though it is hardly a secret that we inhabit a world dominated by business oligopolies, during the crisis and its aftermath this reality and its implications for the priorities of government stood nakedly exposed. It is an unpalatable and explosive truth that democratic politics on both sides of the Atlantic has choked on. II
By one estimate, the share of American real estate in global wealth is as much as 20 percent.1 American homes account for 9 percent of the total. At the time of the crisis 70 percent of American households owned their own home—more than 80 million in total.