The Plot Against America

by Philip Roth

To Winchell’s former paper, Hearst’s Daily Mirror, the ostensible effort to gather local grass-roots support for routing the Republican Party from Congress nationwide looked more like a publicity stunt than anything else—a

the candidate came close to getting himself mauled each time he stepped onto the soapbox to denounce “the fascist in the White House” and to assign responsibility directly to the president’s “religious hatred” for “fostering unheard-of Nazi barbarism in the American streets.”

The week after the September assault on Detroit’s Jews—which was addressed with dispatch by neither Michigan’s governor nor the city’s mayor—new violence was directed at homes, shops, and synagogues in Jewish neighborhoods in Cleveland, Cincinnati, Indianapolis, and St. Louis, violence that Winchell’s enemies attributed to his deliberately challenging appearances in those cities after the cataclysm that he’d instigated in Detroit, and that Winchell himself—who, in Indianapolis, barely escaped being crushed by a paving stone hurled from a rooftop that had broken the neck of the bodyguard stationed beside him—explained by the “climate of hate” emanating from the White House.

On the way to school, on the playground after school, between classes in the school corridors, you would see the smartest kids standing toe to toe, kids Sandy’s age as well as a few no older than me, heatedly debating whether Walter Winchell’s crisscrossing the country with his soapbox to flush into the open the German-American Bundists and the Coughlinites and the Ku Klux Klanners and the Silver Shirts and the America Firsters and the Black Legion and the American Nazi Party, whether getting these organized anti-Semites and their thousands of unseen sympathizers to reveal themselves for what they were—and to reveal the president for what he was, a chief executive and commander in chief who hadn’t yet bothered to acknowledge that anything like a state of emergency existed, let alone called in federal troops to prevent further rioting—was good for the Jews or bad for the Jews. After Detroit, the Jews of Newark—numbering some fifty thousand in a city of well over half a million—began to ready themselves for serious violence erupting on their own streets, either because of a Winchell visit to New Jersey when he swung back east or because of the riots inevitably spilling over into cities where, as in Newark, there was a heavily Jewish neighborhood abutting large communities of working-class Irish, Italians, Germans, and Slavs that were already home to a goodly number of bigots. The assumption was that these people wouldn’t require much encouragement to be molded into a mindles...

The Bengelsdorf supporters constituted an influential clique drawn from the highly assimilated upper echelon of German Jewish society. A good many of them had been born to wealth and were among the first Jewish generation to attend elite secondary schools and Ivy League colleges, where, because their numbers were minute, they had mingled with the non-Jews, whom they subsequently associated with in communal, political, and business endeavors and who sometimes appeared to accept them as equals.

Bullet Apfelbaum, the close associate known throughout the city as Longy’s chief enforcer—and the older brother of Niggy Apfelbaum—was assigned by Longy to supplement the good work of the Newark Committee of Concerned Jewish Citizens by recruiting that scattering of incorrigible Jewish kids who had failed to graduate from high school and training them as

cadre for a hastily assembled volunteer corps to be called the Provisional Jewish Police. These were the local boys without any of the ideals that were embedded in the rest of us, who’d already begun to emanate an aura of lawlessness as far back as the fifth grade, inflating condoms in the school toilet and breaking into fistfights on the 14 bus and wrestling till they bled onto the concrete sidewalk outside the movies, the ones who, during their years in school, parents directed their children to have nothing to do with and who were now in their twenties and occupied running numbers and shooting pool and washing dishes in the kitchens of one or another of the neighborhood’s delicatessen restaurants. To most of us they were known, if at all, only by the hoodlum magic of their supercharged nicknames—Leo “the Lion” Nusbaum, Knuckles Kimmelman, Big Gerry Schwartz, Dummy Breitbart, Duke “Duke-it-out” Glick—and by their double-digit IQ scores.

Here they were, the callous and the obtuse and the mentally deficient, the Jews’ very own deviants strolling the streets like sailors on shore leave looking for a fight. Here they were, the brainless few we had been raised to pity and fear, the Stone Age oafs and the seething runts and the ominous, swaggering weightlifters, buttonholing kids like me out on Chancellor Avenue and telling us to keep our baseball bats at the ready in case we were called in the night to take to the streets and going around to the Y in the evenings and to the ball fields on Sundays and to the local stores during the week, shanghaiing the able-bodied from among the neighborhood’s grown men so as to bring to a total of three on each block a squad they could count on in an emergency. They embodied everything crude and despicable that our parents had hoped to leave behind, along with their childhood pennilessness, in the Third Ward slums, and yet here were our demons got up as our guardians, each with a loaded revolver strapped to his calf, a gun on loan from the collection of Bullet Apfelbaum, who was known by everyone to have devoted his existence to loyally intimidating folks on Longy’s behalf,

What made the death of Walter Winchell worthy of instantaneous nationwide coverage wasn’t only that his unorthodox campaign had touched off the century’s worst anti-Semitic rioting outside Nazi Germany, but that the murder of a mere candidate for the presidency was unprecedented in America.

it wasn’t until twenty-six years after Winchell’s assassination that a second presidential candidate would be gunned down—that was New York’s Democratic senator Robert Kennedy, fatally shot in the head after winning his party’s California primary on Tuesday, June 4, 1968.

“We interrupt this program to bring you an important bulletin. Presidential candidate Walter Winchell has been shot and killed. We repeat: Walter Winchell is dead. He has been assassinated in Louisville, Kentucky, while addressing an open-air political rally.

Winchell had said nothing remotely inflammatory to the Louisville crowd, that he had, in fact, begun his speech in what could only have been intended as an open appeal to civic self-esteem—“Mr. and Mrs. Louisville, Kentucky, proud citizens of the unique American city that is home to the greatest horse race in the world and birthplace of the very first Jewish justice of the United States Supreme Court—” and yet before he could speak aloud the name of Louis D. Brandeis, he’d been brought down by three bullets to the back of the head.

The shots that killed Winchell appeared to have been fired from one of the courthouse’s large, austere, beautifully proportioned front windows.

Such arrangements derived from a previously unpublicized section of the homesteading plan called the Good Neighbor Project, designed to introduce a steadily increasing number of non-Jewish residents into predominantly Jewish neighborhoods and in this way “enrich” the “Americanness” of everyone involved. What one heard at home, however—and sometimes even at school from our teachers—was that the underlying goal of the Good Neighbor Project, like that of Just Folks, was to weaken the solidarity of the Jewish social structure as well as to diminish whatever electoral strength a Jewish community might have in local and congressional elections. If the displacing of Jewish families and their replacement by the conscripting of Gentile families followed the timetable of the agency’s master plan, a Christian majority might well be dominant in at least half of America’s twenty most heavily populated Jewish neighborhoods as early as the start of Lindbergh’s second term and a resolution of America’s Jewish Question close at hand, by one means or another.

Why it was hard to feel too sorry about his hearing was because Joey was himself a very jolly, prankish boy with his own brand of hooting laughter, a talkative, curious, monumentally gullible boy whose mind moved quickly if unpredictably.

The old-country grandmother, however, gave her—and me—the willies.

In 1932 I voted against Mr. Hoover for the second time and for Mr. Roosevelt for the first time, and, thank God, Mr. Roosevelt won, and he put America back on its feet. He took this country out of the Depression and he gave the people what he promised—a new deal.

Mr. Roosevelt sweeps the country by the biggest presidential vote there has ever been, and once again he keeps every promise to the working people that he made in that campaign. And so what do the voters up and do in nineteen hundred and forty? They elect a fascist instead. Not just an idiot like Coolidge, not just a fool like Hoover, but an out-and-out fascist with a medal to prove it.

They put in a fascist and a fascist rabble-rouser, Mr. Wheeler, as his sidekick, and they put Mr. Ford into the cabinet, not only an anti-Semite right up there with Hitler but a slave driver who has turned the workingman into a human machine.

And so tonight you come to me, sir, in my ow...

offer me a pistol. In America in the year nineteen hundred and forty-two, a brand-new neighbor, a man I do not even know yet, has to come here and offer me a pistol in order for me to protect my family from Mr. Lindbergh’s anti-Semitic mob. Well, don’t you think I’m not grateful, Cucuzza. I will never forget your concern. But I am a citizen of the United States of America, and so is my ...

The body of Walter Winchell, slain that day at a political rally in Louisville, Kentucky, by a suspected American Nazi Party assassin working in collaboration with the Ku Klux Klan, will be carried overnight by train from Louisville to Pennsylvania Station in New York City. There, by order of Mayor Fiorello La Guardia and under the protection of the New York City police, the body will lie in state in the great hall of the train station throughout the morning. According to Jewish custom, a funeral service will be held that same day, at two P.M. in Temple Emanu-El, New York’s largest synagogue. A public-address system will broadcast the proceedings beyond the temple to a gathering of mourners on Fifth Avenue expected to number in the tens of thousands. Along with Mayor La Guardia, speakers will include Democratic senator James Mead, New York’s Jewish governor, Herbert Lehman, and the former president of the United States, Franklin D. Roosevelt. “It’s happening!” my father cries. “He’s back! FDR is back!” “We need him bad,” Mr. Cucuzza says. “Boys,” he asks, “do you understand what is happening?” and here he throws his arms around Sandy and me. “It’s the beginning of the end of fascism in America! No Mussolini here, Cucuzza—no more Mussolini here!”

Could the abandonment have been any more complete of the moral code that had cost him his leg?

Before that night, I’d had no idea my father was so well suited for wreaking havoc or equipped to make that lightning-quick transformation from sanity to lunacy that is indispensable in enacting the unbridled urge to destroy.

As evidenced in that 1919 photo, he’d been powerful through the chest right from the start, and the yoke-bearing shoulders and brawny arms he had somehow retained even through his years knocking on doors for Metropolitan Life, so that now, at forty-one, after having worked hauling heavy crates and lifting hundred-pound sacks six nights a week all through September, there was probably more explosive strength stored up in that body than ever before in his life. Prior to that night, it would have been as impossible for me to envision him beating somebody up—let alone battering bloody his beloved older brother’s fatherless son—as to imagine him atop my mother, especially as there was no taboo stronger among Jews with our impoverished European origins and our tenaciously held American ambitions than the pervasive, unwritten prohibition against settling disputes by force. In that era, the common Jewish propensity was by and large nonviolent as well as nonalcoholic, a virtue whose shortcoming was the failure to educate the bulk of the young of my generation in the combative aggression that was the first law of other ethnic educations and indisputably of great practical value when you couldn’t negotiate your way out of violence or manage to run away.

So then, for every reason imaginable it was a devastating night. I didn’t have the capacity in 1942 to begin to decipher all the awful implications, but just the sight of my father’s and Alvin’s blood was stunning enough. Blood spattered the length and breadth of our imitation Oriental rug, blood dripping from the splintered remains of our coffee table, blood smeared like a sign across my father’s forehead, blood spurting from my cousin’s nose—and the two of them not so much fistfighting, not so much wrestling as caroming, with a terrible bony thwack colliding, rearing back and charging in like men with antlers branching from their brows, fantastical, cross-species creatures sprung from mythology into our living room and pulping each other’s flesh with their massive, snaggletoothed horns. Inside a house you usually scale down your movements, you scale down your speed, but here the scale of things was reversed and terrifying to behold.

the anti-Semites were about to be abetted in their exhilarating solution to America’s worst problem by our taking up the cudgels and hysterically destroying ourselves. The horror ended with Mr. Cucuzza, in his nightshirt and his nightcap (attire I’d never before seen on anyone, man or boy, other than in a funny movie), crashing into our flat with his pistol drawn. A frantic wail rose from Joey’s Old World grandmother, appropriately swathed like the Calabrian Queen of the Shades at the foot of our landing—and from within our own flat came a noise equally hair-raising the instant the splintered back door flew open and my mother saw that the nightshirted intruder was armed. Minna began bringing up into her hands everything she’d just swallowed at dinner, I couldn’t help myself and promptly urinated, while Sandy, who alone among us was able to find the right words and the vocal strength to utter them, cried, “Don’t shoot! It’s Alvin!” But Mr. Cucuzza was a professional guardian of private property trained to act now and draw distinctions later and—without pausing to ask “Who’s Alvin?”—immobilized my father’s assailant in a strangulating half nelson with one arm while holding the pistol to his head with the hand of the other. Alvin’s prosthesis had cracked in two, his stump was torn to shreds, and one of his wrists was broken. Three of my father’s front teeth were shattered, two ribs were fractured, a gash was opened along his right cheekbone that had to be sutured with almost ...

the new novel by Pearl Buck or Fannie Hurst or Edna Ferber borrowed from the local pharmacy’s tiny rental library)

lay in fragments all across the room, and microscopic crumbs of glass were embedded in my father’s hands. The rug, the walls, and the furniture were speckled with chocolate icing (from the slices of layer cake they had been eating when they sat down over dessert to talk together in the living room) as well as with their blood, and then there was the smell of it—the airless, gag-inducing slaughterhouse smell.

It’s so heartbreaking, violence, when it’s in a house—like seeing the clothes in a tree after an explosion. You may be prepared to see ...

And all of it the result of my father’s failing to understand that Alvin’s nature was never really reformable, despite the lecturing and the hectoring love—all of it the result of having taken him in to sa...

in his despair, sadly shaking his head and saying, “A Buick automobile, a sharpie’s suits, the scum of the earth for your friends—but do you know, do you care, does it bother you at all, Alvin, what’s happening in this country tonight? It did years ago, damn it. I can remember clear as day when it did. But now no. Now it’s big cigars and motor cars. But do you have any idea at all what is happening to the Jews even while we sit here?”

His voice husky with the grievance of the injured party, his delivery staccato and without a single caesura to let anything in that wasn’t retaliatory, all calumny, all castigation, all coercion and fatuous bluff, Alvin shouted at my father, “The Jews? I wrecked my life for the Jews! I lost my fuckin’ leg for the Jews! I lost my fuckin’ leg for you! What did I give a shit either way about Lindbergh? But you send me to go fuckin’ fight him, and the stupid fuckin’ kid I am, I go. And look, look, Uncle Fucking Disaster—I have no fucking leg!”

he added his final heroic touch by spitting into my father’s face. A family, my father liked to say, is both peace and war, but this was family war as I could never have imagined it. Spitting into my father’s face the way he’d spit into the face of that dead German soldier! If only he had been allowed to go along unrehabilitated, on his own stinking trajectory, but that hadn’t happened, and so this was how the great menace undid us and the abomination of violence entered our house, and I saw how bitterness blinds a man and the defilement it spawns. And why, why did he go to fight in the first place? Why did he fight and why did he fall? Because there is a war going on, he chooses that way—the raging, rebellious instinct historically trapped! If only the times were different, if only he had been smarter . . . But he wants to fight. He’s like the very fathers he wants to be rid of. That’s the tyranny of the problem. Trying to be faithful to what he’s trying to be rid of. Trying to be faithful and to get rid of what he’s faithful to at the same time. And that’s why he went to fight in the first place, as best I can figure it out.

Later that night, after a pair of Alvin’s buddies had pulled up in a Caddy with Pennsylvania plates (one of them to get Alvin and Minna over to Allie Stolz’s doctor’s office on Elizabeth Avenue, the other to drive their Buick back to Philly); after my father was home from the Beth Israel emergency room (where they’d plucked the glass out of his hands and stitched up his face and x-rayed his neck and taped his ribcage and, on his way out, handed him codeine tablets to take for the pain); after Mr. Cucuzza, who’d rushed my father to the hospital in his pickup, had returned him safely to the befouled and littered battlefield that was now our flat, the gunshots erupted on Chancellor Avenue. Shots, screaming, shouting, sirens—the pogrom had begun, and it was only seconds before Mr. Cucuzza charged back up the stairs he’d only just descended and banged once on our broken back door before rushing in. Desperate for sleep, I was dragged from bed by my brother, but when my legs wouldn’t work and kept collapsing from uncontrollable fear, I had to be carried off in his arms by my father.

This time when Mr. Cucuzza offered a pistol, my father accepted it. His poor human body was black-and-blue and bandaged just about everywhere, his mouth was full of broken teeth, and still he sat with us on the floor in the Cucuzzas’ windowless back foyer, regarding the weapon in his hands with all his concentration, as though it were no longer just a weapon but the most serious thing entrusted to him since he’d first been given his infant babies to hold.

My mother sat straight up between Sandy’s self-conscious stoicism and my stupefied inertness, gripping us each by the arm closest to her and doing all she could to keep a thin layer of courage from revealing her terror to the children.

Meanwhile the biggest man I’d ever seen moved with a pistol through the darkened flat, stealthily advancing from window to window to ascertain with the eagle-eyed thoroughness of the veteran night watchman whether anyone lurked an...

the gun battle had been not between the city police and the anti-Semites but between the city police and the Jewish police. There’d been no pogrom in Newark that night, just a shootout,

Of course, it was awful that the blood of violent men should stain the pavement where the neighborhood children wended their way to school every day, but at least it wasn’t blood shed in a clash with the Klan or the Silver Shirts or the Bund.

Whether outright government-sanctioned persecution was inevitable, nobody could say for sure, but the fear of persecution was such that not even a practical man grounded in his everyday tasks, a person who tried his best to contain the uncertainty and the anxiety and the anger and operate according to the dictates of reason, could hope to preserve his equilibrium any longer.

“That’s it,” he told Shepsie Tirschwell, “I can’t live any longer not knowing what will happen tomorrow,” and their phone conversation moved on to emigration and the steps to be taken and the arrangements to be made, so that by the time Sandy and I left the house, there was no misunderstanding that, quite incredibly, we’d been overpowered by the forces arrayed against us and were about to flee and become foreigners. I wept all the way to school. Our incomparable American childhood was ended. Soon my homeland would be nothing more than my birthplace.

never would I be able to revive that unfazed sense of security first fostered in a little child by a big, protective republic and his ferociously responsible parents.

Hoover’s do-nothing congressional Republicans

during the first dark year of the Depression and, to the dismay of his own party, called for taxation to “soak the rich”;

the huge American cult that worships the president.

cant

I’m afraid that the late Walter Winchell was just one more doozy of a specimen of the imperfect man.

My friends, only a Charles A. Lindbergh has motives pure as Ivory soap when he runs for the American presidency. Only a Charles A. Lindbergh is decorous, discreet, et cetera—oh, and accurate too, wholly accurate always when every few months he summons up the gregariousness to address his ten favorite platitudes to the nation. Only a Charles A. Lindbergh is a selfless ruler and a strong, silent saint.

In short, Walter lacked every gleaming virtue demonstrated daily by the incorruptible test pilot ensconced in the White House.