If This is 1968 Over Again, More Popular Upheaval Is On The Way

By MichaelK. Smith

www.legalienate.blogspot.com

 

Massgraves, the criminalization of dissent, systematic slaughter glorified asself-defense, resisting students making history. Yes, the current nightmare doesseem reminiscent of 1968, the year kaleidoscopic change burst forth seeminglyeverywhere at once.

 

On January31, the beginning of Tet, eighty-thousand Vietnamese troops issued Washington aformal eviction notice, attacking all the major cities and towns of colonialSouth Vietnam. Blasting through the walls of the U.S. Embassy compound, theykilled two military police and holding off a helicopter assault for sevenhours. Government employees arrived at work to find corpses twisted over theornamental shrubbery and pools of blood in the white gravel rocks of theembassy garden.

 

Theyshelled the U.S. naval base at Camrahn Bay and threw open the jails in QuangNgai city, setting thousands free. They marched nearly unresisted into theancient capital of Hue and raised the Vietcong flag from its Citadel. Theyforced the U.S. to raze half the city to the ground at Ben Tre, which anAmerican officer infamously justified on the grounds that, “We had to destroy the town to save it.”

 

Afterendless boasts of imminent victory, U.S. troops being home by Christmas, andthe proverbial light at the end of thetunnel, the Vietnamese Tet Offensive proved beyond all doubt that a U.S.military victory in Vietnam was not in the cards.

 

Wall Streetturned against the war.

 

In March,LBJ discovered his Vietnam policy had left him no path to a second term. Thoughelected in a landslide in 1964, four years later his “Great Society” had turnedto riot and left him a lonely prisoner of the White House. Wherever he went hewas besieged by throngs of outraged students taunting him with “that horriblesong” – “Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids didyou kill today?” No matter how many speeches he canceled or how abruptly hechanged his travel plans he could not avoid being “chased on all sides by a giant stampede.” The people were firingthe president.

 

Support forescalation in Vietnam had evaporated. Worried that fulfilling GeneralWestmoreland’s request for 206,000 more troops would leave Washingtoninsufficiently protected against the threat of insurrection at home, a Councilof Wise Men told a shocked Johnson to cut his losses and withdraw from the warbefore it tore the U.S. apart.

 

By then150,000 Americans were dead or injured and much of Southeast Asia had beenannihilated by a U.S. military machine that could do everything but stop. OnMarch 31 Johnson went on nationwide TV to announce his forced retirement: “I shall not seek, and will not accept thenomination of my party for another term as your President.”

 

Four dayslater Dr. King was assassinated for having publicly connected the dots betweendomestic racism and imperial war. A year to the day before he was shot he waswidely condemned for a speech he gave before a crowd of three thousand at RiversideChurch in New York City, where he did not mince words about the war:

 

“The peasants watched as wesupported a ruthless dictatorship in South Vietnam which aligned itself withextortionist landlords and executed its political opponents. The peasantswatched as we poisoned their water, bombed and machine-gunned their huts,annihilated their crops, and sent them wandering into the towns, wherethousands of homeless children wandered the streets like animals, begging forfood and selling their mothers and sisters to American soldiers. What do thepeasants think as we test our weapons on them, as the Germans tested newmedicines and tortures in Europe’s concentration camps? . . . .We havedestroyed their land and crushed their only non-Communist revolutionarypolitical force – the Unified Buddhist Church. We have corrupted their womenand children and killed their men. What liberators!”

 

A yearlater he was in Memphis to help striking Memphis garbage workers. The night ofApril 3 an exhausted and dispirited King was already in his pajamas and readyfor bed when he received a call from Reverend Ralph Abernathy at Mason Temple,informing him that two thousand people had braved tornado warnings and adriving rain to hear him speak. “I reallythink you should come down,” pleaded Abernathy. “The people want to hear you, not me. This is your crowd.”

 

Dr. Kinggot dressed and went out into the stormy night.

 

In theblaze of lights at the podium, he appeared nervous. He told his audience thatif he were at God’s side on the dawn of creation he would ask to see Mosesliberating his people, Plato and Aristotle debating philosophy, RenaissanceEurope, Luther tacking his ninety-five theses on the church door, Lincolnemancipating the slaves, and Roosevelt charting a path to the New Deal. But hewould not dally in those times or places, he said, preferring to move on and experience just a few years in the second half of thetwentieth century, when masses around the world rose up to say: “We want to be free.”

 

Dr. King,abandoned by militants, vilified by the press, stalked by death and the FBI,felt deeply grateful to share in the freedom struggles that heaped his lifewith hardship.

 

With thecrowd shouting its approval, he bellowed that he had been to the mountaintop and seenthe Promised Land. Brushing aside prospects of premature death, he saidthat longevity had its place, but that on that night he was not worried about any thing, not fearing any man.

 

A burningpassion in his eyes, his voice rising to a shattering crescendo, he declaredhis last will and testament: “Mine eyeshave seen the glory of the coming of the Lord!”  

 

The nextday as he was preparing to go out to dinner with friends a bullet exploded intohis face, severed his spine, and brought him crashing abruptly down on thebalcony of the Lorraine Motel.

 

ReverendAbernathy bolted to his side, crying out to those in the parking lot below: “Oh my God, Martin’s been shot!”

 

Dr. King, alook of terror in his eyes, clutched uselessly at his throat. His head lay inan expanding pool of blood. Abernathy tried to comfort him. “This is Ralph, this is Ralph, don’t beafraid.” Reverend King, still conscious, his magnificent voice silencedforever, couldn’t answer. But Abernathy felt he was communicating through hiseyes.

 

In King’smotel room, Reverend Billy Kyle repeatedly banged his head against the wall ashe screamed into the phone for an operator. Dashing up sobbing from the parkinglot, Andrew Young groped for a pulse, then screamed: “Oh my God, my God, it’s all over!”

 

Everywhereat once riots erupted and cities burned.

 

Three weeksafter King’s assassination Columbia exploded in protest. President GraysonKirk, alarmed at the growing youth rebellion, announced that in disturbingnumbers young people rejected all formsof authority, which was just another way of saying that all forms ofauthority were increasingly recognized to have discredited themselves.

 

Hundreds ofstudents promptly took over the university, hoisting red flags, establishingcommunity government, and barricading themselves inside campus buildings.

 

Theypurloined documents from Kirk’s office showing that the university was secretlypromoting classified war research and working to “clean up” the neighborhood bymoving out its Black and Puerto Rican residents. Resurrecting the spirit of theParis Commune, the students debated meaning and tactics, relaxed to Dylan andthe Beatles, and celebrated romance. Two students even got married, escorted tothe center of an applauding circle by a candlelight procession of fellow protestors.

 

Eight daysinto deadlocked negotiations a thousand blue collar police were turned loose onthe defecting sons and daughters of the Ivy League. Attacking with clubs andbrass knuckles, they rioted for three hours, smashing up furniture and beatingeveryone in sight while carrying out a bloody mass arrest.

 

One hundredand twenty charges of police brutality were filed against the policedepartment, the most in its history. Echoing the recently assassinated CheGuevara, Tom Hayden called for “one, two,many Columbias” in romantic hopes of bringing the racist imperial statetumbling down.

 

Days afterthe start of the Columbia revolt, student radicals in Paris surged into thestreets chorusing “all power to theimagination,” propelling France to the brink of cultural revolution andsetting the mighty franc to trembling.

 

Spontaneouslyembracing and kissing in the streets, tens of thousands of students and workersmarched joyously together through the capital, waving red flags and singing theInternationale. Demanding workers’power, peasants’ power, and students’ power, they announced the end ofcooperation with soulless mechanization and bureaucratic arrogance.

 

On The Night Of The Barricades the fierceststreet fighting since Liberation (WWII) shook the Latin Quarter as thousands ofstudents marched in protest, overturning cars and trucks. The police attacked,beating them with clubs and rifle butts, kicking the rebels unconscious anddragging them through tear-gas clotted streets by the hair.  The students fought back with Molotovcocktails, filling them with siphoned gas and pushing vehicles into the middleof the street to serve as barricades. When the police charged, the protesterstorched the cars and retreated behind sturdier lines while building residentstossed down water and wet cloths to aid their youthful comrades fighting withcobblestones.

 

A veteranof the clash reported, “I never felt thegas. I was never more alive.”

 

In 1968,even Catholic pacifists were moved to a more aggressive style of protest. OnMay 17, what became known as the Catonsville Nine entered the Catonsville,Maryland draft board office and doused a pile of draft records with theirblood, then set them on fire with soap chips and gasoline, a homemade napalmrecipe gleaned from a Green Beret handbook. While waiting to be arrested, theyprayed and watched the records burn.

 

At theirtrial they spoke of United Fruit Company keeping Central American land fallowwhile the campesinos starved. Theytold of the CIA overthrowing the elected government of Guatemala and replacingit with a reign of butchers worthy of Hitler. Father Daniel Berrigan told ofhis visit to Hanoi, of the merciless U.S. bombings, of the weaponry certified improved through tests on Vietnameseflesh and bone. He read a statement explaining how simple humanity required thedestruction of the draft files:

 

“Our apologies good friends . . . for thefracture of good order . . . the burning of paper instead of children . . . theangering of the orderlies in the front parlor of the charnel house . . . Wecould not so help us God do otherwise for we are sick at heart . . . our heartsgive us no rest for thinking of the Land of Burning Children.”

 

In earlyJune U.S. support for Israeli savagery caused Sirhan Sirhan to temporarily losehis mind. He had been just three years old when a series of violent episodesnear his Jerusalem home scarred him for life. A dynamite bomb hurled byZionists blew up a line of Arab passengers waiting for a bus at the DamascusGate; a sudden burst of gunfire caused an army truck to swerve around a barrierand kill his older brother before his eyes; a British soldier blown up almoston his doorstep left behind a severed leg in a church tower and a finger inSirhan’s back yard.

 

Nineteenyears later Sirhan was living in Pasadena when Israel bombed and napalmedPalestinian refugee camps, subjugating what remained of historic Palestine inthe Six Day Land Grab (1967), a sequel to the driving out of hundreds of thousandsof Palestinians in 1948, among them Sirhan and his family.

 

With hispeople tasting another round of bitter injustice, Sirhan watched Senator RobertKennedy wearing a yarmulke ontelevision and promising to cut off U.S. aid to Arab states while sending fiftynew Phantom jets to Israel. Shocked, angry, horrified, he fled the televisionset in tears, covering his ears with his hands.

 

Hescribbled in his notebook: RFK must die.

 

At histrial for the assassination of Senator Kennedy, Sirhan testified to theassassination of an entire nation:

 

“Well, sir, when you move – when youmove a whole country, sir, a whole people, bodily from their own homes, fromtheir own land, from their own businesses, sir, outside their country, andintroduce an alien people, sir, into Palestine – the Jews and the Zionists –that is completely wrong, sir, and it is unjust and the Palestinian Arabsdidn’t do a thing, sir, to justify the way they were treated by the West.

 

“It affected me, sir, very deeply. Ididn’t like it. Where is the justice involved, sir? Where is the love, sir, forfighting for the underdog? Israel is no underdog in the Middle East, sir. It’sthose refugees that are underdogs. And because they have no way of fightingback, sir, the Jews, sir, the Zionists, just keep beating away at them. Thatburned the hell out of me.”

 

Nobody paidhim the slightest attention.  Inspite of Israel’s constant provocations and attacks, Jews were everywhereportrayed as heroic, avenging victims, Arabs as congenital terrorists, andIsrael’s Six Day Land Grab as a glorious warding off of a second Holocaust.Facts were entirely irrelevant.

 

With hopesof a peace candidate now definitively crushed, all eyes turned to Chicago asthe Democratic Party prepared to nominate Hubert Humphrey there as itscandidate for the presidency. Eighty percent of Democratic voters had chosen tosupport either RFK or Eugene McCarthy in hopes of negotiating an end to theVietnam slaughter. Faced with LBJ’s vice-president heading up the ticket,anti-war protesters vowed to lay siege to the city as a prelude to what theysomehow imagined might become a revolution.

 

Protest wasout of favor in the Windy City. In response to the nationwide riots thatfollowed Dr. King’s assassination, the ChicagoTribune opined that “Here in Chicagowe are not dealing with the colored population, but with a minority of criminalscum,” and urged Mayor Richard Daley not to be like the “spineless and indecisive mayors who muffedearly riot control” in Newark (1967) and Los Angeles (1965). Daley obliged,ordering his police officers to “shoot to kill.”

 

Loathing“longhairs,” Daley refused to issue permits for protest marches, rallies, orsleeping in the parks. He ordered the city Ampitheatre fenced off with barbedwire, put all twelve thousand Chicago police on 12-hour shifts, and mobilizedsix thousand National Guard troops. He posted a thousand FBI agents around thecity and placed six thousand U.S. Army troops outfitted with flamethrowers,bazookas, and bayonets around the suburbs. With police outnumbering protestersthree or four to one, Tom Hayden told members of a New York audience to come toChicago prepared to shed their blood.

 

As summerwaned the Convention convened, and following days of dangerous cat-and-mousegames in the streets between police and protesters, a brownshirt riot ensued.

 

Shouting kill, kill, kill, a squadron ofred-faced, blue-helmeted, club-wielding police charged out of a bus atfull-speed and attacked a jeering crowd of onlookers outside the Conrad HiltonHotel, beating, choking, kicking and macing everyone in their path, includingmedics sporting Red Cross armbands. Like maddened Samurai they mowed theirvictims down, charging again and again, leaving the battered bodies bleeding inthe street. Loading them onto the ambulances, they beat them once more.

 

Eyesbulging with hate, they drove the crowd through the window of the HaymarketLounge, jumping through the glass shards to upend tables and smash everythinginside. They screamed “get the fuck outof here,” and “move your fucking ass,”beating even the startled patrons of the bar. Undeterred by the presence oflive TV cameras, they rioted in clouds of tear gas for seventeen long minuteswhile the surrounding crowd chanted, “Thewhole world is watching, the whole world is watching.”

 

Across thestreet in his hotel shower Hubert Humphrey was briefly overcome from theeffects of the gas, which he never was from the horrors of Vietnam.

 

Whentelevised images of the bloodshed reached the floor of the DemocraticConvention, Connecticut Senator Abraham Ribicoff stepped to the rostrum todenounce the “Gestapo tactics” of thepolice. In an instant Chicago Mayor Daley was on his feet, waving his arms andscreaming in protest: “Fuck you, you Jewson of a bitch, you lousy motherfucker go home.”   

 

As theballots were being cast, footage of the police riot was beamed across thenation. Viewers saw Hubert Humphrey, irrepressible advocate of the politics of joy, nominated forpresident in a sea of blood.

 

Of course,all this was but child’s play compared to the unrestrained violence beinginflicted on the slopes and dinks andzipperheads - otherwise known as the Vietnamese people - by the U.S. warmachine in Vietnam. Two years later in Detroit, Vietnam Veterans gave chillingtestimony as to the type of crimes being committed:

 

“ . . . they didn’t believe our bodycounts. So we had to cut off the right ear of everybody we killed to prove ourbody count.”

 

“ . . . we threw full C-ration cansat kids at the side of the road. Well, just for a joke, these guys would take afull can, and throw it as hard as they could at a kid’s head. I saw severalkids’ heads split wide open.”

 

“The philosophy was that anybodyrunning must be a Viet Cong; he must have something to hide or else he wouldstick around for the Americans, not taking into consideration that he wasrunning from the Americans because they were continually shooting at him. Sothey shot down anybody who was running.”

 

“This was common policy. Killanything you want to kill, any time you want to kill it – just don’t getcaught.”

 

“ . . . the heads of the bodies werecut off and they were placed on stakes, jammed down on stakes, and were placedin the middle of the trails and a Cav patch was hammered into the top of hishead, with Bravo Company’s ‘B’ written right on the patch.”

 

“I saw during my tour 20 deformedinfants under the age of one . . . I thought it was congenital or something,from venereal disease, because they had flippers and things . . . it was commonknowledge that Agent Orange was sprayed in the area.”

 

“Fugas is a jelly-like substance.It’s flammable . . . they explode the barrel over an area and this flaming,jelly-like substance lands on everything . . . people or animals or whatever.”  

 

“You could take the wires of a jeepbattery put it almost any place on their body, and you’re going to shock thehell out of the guy. The basic place you put it was the genitals.”

 

In otherwords, the conduct of the United States in Southeast Asia during the war yearswas nothing short of a complete disgrace. Washington dropped eight million tonsof bombs and nearly four hundred thousand tons of napalm, leaving behindtwenty-one million bomb craters. It killed over two million Cambodians,Vietnamese, and Laotians, wounded over three million more, and scatteredfourteen million traumatized refugees throughout Indochina. It rained downeighteen million gallons of Agent Orange and other defoliants, creating forestsbereft of trees, animals or birds, and cursing the war’s survivors with extraordinaryrates of liver cancer, miscarriages, stillbirths, and birth defects. It left inits wake eighty-three thousand amputees, forty thousand people blinded or deaf,and hundreds of thousands of orphans, prostitutes, disabled, mentally ill, anddrug addicts.

 

The totaleffect was nearly permanent, as journalist Donovan Webster discovered on avisit to Ho Chi Minh City (formerly Saigon) in the mid-1990s.  There he saw a storage room stackedfrom floor to ceiling on all four sides with deformed fetuses, the final resultof the Pentagon’s defoliation program begun three decades before. Some weredouble bodies fused together on a single torso, others had malformed faces,many had excess heads, fingers, and toes.

 

Donovanwalked out of the storage room in shock.

 

In anursery down the hall, a roomful of genetically-damaged orphans was overjoyedto meet the U.S. reporter come to visit them from overseas.

 

 

Sources:

 

On Vietnamand the Tet Offensive:  

 

GodfreyHodgson, America In Our Time,(Vintage, 1976) pps. 353-4; Frances Fitzgerald, Fire In The Lake – The Vietnamese and The Americans in Vietnam,(Vintage, 1972) pps. 518-34; George McTurnan and John W. Lewis, The United States In Vietnam, (Delta,1969) pps. 371-3; Douglas Dowd, Blues ForAmerica, (Monthly Review, 1997) p. 153; Lawrence Wittner, Cold War America: From Hiroshima toWatergate, (Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1978) p. 289; David Harris, Our War (Random House, 1996) p. 89;Gabriel Kolko, Anatomy of a War,(Pantheon, 1985) pps. 308-9; Edward Abbey, Confessionsof a Barbarian, (Little, Brown, 1994) p. 214

 

On MLK andhis assassination:

 

Steven B.Oates, Let The Trumpet Sound – The Lifeof Martin Luther King, Jr. (Harper and Row, 1982) p. 435, 483-6; PBSDocumentary, 1968 – The Year That ShapedA Generation.

 

On theColumbia protests:

 

ToddGitlin, The Sixties, (Bantam, 1987)pps. 306-8; Lawrence S. Wittner, Cold WarAmerica: From Hiroshima To Watergate, (Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1978)pps. 304-5; Barbara and John Ehrenreich, LongMarch, Short Spring, The Student Uprising At Home and Abroad, (MonthlyReview, 1969) pps. 125-7, 145; Tom Hayden, Reunion,A Memoir, (Random House, 1978) pps. 276-82

 

On theFrench student-worker protests:

 

Barbara andJohn Ehrenreich, Long March, ShortSpring, The Student Uprising At Home and Abroad, (Monthly Review, 1969 pps.73-102 passim; PBS Documentary, 1968: TheYear That Shaped A Generation

 

On theBerrigan brothers and The Catonsville Nine:

 

PhillipBerrigan with Fred. A Wilcox, FightingThe Lamb’s War: Skirmishes With The American Empire, (Common Courage, 1996)pps. 80, 93, 96, 101-5; Daniel Berrigan, TheTrial of the Catonsville Nine (Beacon, 1970) p. vii; William M. Kunstlerwith Sheila Isenberg, My Life As ARadical Lawyer, (Carol Publishing Group, 1994) p. 190.

 

On SirhanSirhan and RFK:

 

Alfred M.Lilienthal, The Zionist Connection – WhatPrice Peace? (Dodd, Mead & Co., 1978) pps. 242-3

 

Note: Aslightly different version of Sirhan’s mental collapse comes from the lateAlexander Cockburn, who says Sirhan was driven over the edge from reading anaccount of the Phantom jets to Israel written by Andrew Kopkind in the Nation. See Jeffrey St. Clair, “RoamingCharges: the Return of Assassination Politics,” Counterpunch, August12, 2016

 

On SirhanSirhan directly quoted from his trial:

 

GodfreyJansen, Why Robert Kennedy Was Killed,(Third Press, 1970) frontispiece.

 

For anhonest account of the Six Day War:

 

NormanFinkelstein, Image and Reality of theIsrael-Palestine Conflict (Verso, 1995).

 

On MayorDaley and protest at the 1968 Democratic Convention:

 

ToddGitlin, The Sixties, (Bantam, 1987)pps. 320-6, Tom Hayden, Reunion: A Memoir,(Random House, 1988) p. 297

 

On theChicago police riots:

 

ToddGitlin, The Sixties, pps. 332-4; DavidFarber, Chicago, (University ofChicago, 1988) pps. 200-1, 249; Daniel Walker, Rights In Conflict, (E. P. Dutton,  1968) pps. 255-65; Mike Royko, Boss, (Signet, 1971) pps. 188-9; Mark L. Levine et al, eds. The Tales of Hoffman (Bantam, 1970); p.124; Lawrence S. Wittner, Cold WarAmerica: From Hiroshima To Watergate, (Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1978)p. 297

 

On VietnamVeterans’ testimony about war atrocities:

 

VietnamVeterans Against The War, The WinterSoldier Investigation (Beacon, 1972) pps. 5-114 passim

 

Onstatistics of the overall damage done by the Vietnam War:

 

MichaelParenti, The Sword and the Dollar –Imperialism, Revolution and the Arms Race, (St. Martin’s 1989) p. 44; NoamChomsky and Edward S. Herman, After theCataclysm – Postwar Indochina & The Reconstruction of Imperial Ideology(South End, 1979), pps. 7-9

 

On thelong-lasting effects of the defoliation campaign in Vietnam:

 

DonovanWebster, Aftermath – The Remnants of War(Pantheon, 1996) pps. 214-17

 

 

 

@font-face {font-family:Times; panose-1:2 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0; mso-font-alt:"Times Roman"; mso-font-charset:77; mso-generic-font-family:roman; mso-font-format:other; mso-font-pitch:variable; mso-font-signature:3 0 0 0 1 0;}@font-face {font-family:Cambria; panose-1:0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0; mso-font-alt:"Times New Roman"; mso-font-charset:77; mso-generic-font-family:roman; mso-font-format:other; mso-font-pitch:auto; mso-font-signature:3 0 0 0 1 0;}p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal {mso-style-parent:""; margin:0in; margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:12.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family:Cambria; mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;}h2 {mso-style-link:"Heading 2 Char"; margin:0in; margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; mso-outline-level:2; font-size:18.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-font-family:Times; mso-hansi-font-family:Times;}h3 {mso-style-link:"Heading 3 Char"; margin:0in; margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; mso-outline-level:3; font-size:13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-font-family:Times; mso-hansi-font-family:Times;}p.MsoFootnoteText, li.MsoFootnoteText, div.MsoFootnoteText {mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-link:"Footnote Text Char"; margin:0in; margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:12.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family:Cambria; mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;}span.MsoFootnoteReference {mso-style-noshow:yes; vertical-align:super;}a:link, span.MsoHyperlink {color:blue; text-decoration:underline; text-underline:single;}a:visited, span.MsoHyperlinkFollowed {mso-style-noshow:yes; color:purple; text-decoration:underline; text-underline:single;}span.Heading2Char {mso-style-name:"Heading 2 Char"; mso-style-locked:yes; mso-style-link:"Heading 2"; mso-ansi-font-size:18.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:10.0pt; font-family:Times; mso-ascii-font-family:Times; mso-hansi-font-family:Times; font-weight:bold; mso-bidi-font-weight:normal;}span.Heading3Char {mso-style-name:"Heading 3 Char"; mso-style-locked:yes; mso-style-link:"Heading 3"; mso-ansi-font-size:13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size:10.0pt; font-family:Times; mso-ascii-font-family:Times; mso-hansi-font-family:Times; font-weight:bold; mso-bidi-font-weight:normal;}span.FootnoteTextChar {mso-style-name:"Footnote Text Char"; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-locked:yes; mso-style-link:"Footnote Text";}div.Section1 {page:Section1;}