A summer seminar in Cairo: More scenes from the Egyptian revolution

By Joseph T. Stanik

Best Defense guest correspondent

I read with keen interest
Lady
Emma Sky's posting "Letter from Cairo: A
Stroll through the Ancient
City in Search of the New
Egypt" (May 31, 2011). I followed her to Cairo by a month and like Lady Emma
acquired a priceless history lesson: an account of the 25th of January
Revolution from those who lived through it. Furthermore, through conversations
with many Cairenes, I gained unique insight into their hopes and worries for
the future. My two weeks in Egypt were very illuminating and generated the
deepest respect and admiration for a great people who stood up to a corrupt,
cruel dictator and ultimately forced him from power.

My first full day in Cairo, an American friend who is a graduate student at
American University in Cairo and lives just two blocks from Tahrir Square gave
me a thorough tour of the area of the conflict downtown. I observed several
notable landmarks including the burned-out headquarters of Mubarak's National
Democratic Party, which still bore a undamaged billboard touting the NDP as the
best guarantor of the future for Egypt's children; the Sadat Metro Station at
Tahrir Square, where protestors removed grates near the entrances and dug
foxholes under the sidewalk; and the scorched but functioning interior
ministry, where I didn't dare take any photos. My friend described in
fascinating detail how the protestors built up their defenses around Tahrir Square. Very
early in the rebellion, they realized that they must expand their perimeter or be
overwhelmed by the security forces. They gradually worked their way up the
streets radiating from the square, extending the area under their control and
erecting sturdy barricades with any practical material they could lay their
hands on. Several sidewalks are still missing paving stones that were used to
construct barricades. A few yards back from the outermost barricade, the
protestors built another one, then another, and then another.  The successive barricades enabled them to
advance well forward to confront the security forces, Mubarak supporters, or
hired thugs, and then make a covered retreat. When the army deployed to
stabilize the situation, tanks and armored personal carriers took up positions
between layers of the barricade, enforcing the separation between the
protestors and their opponents. [[BREAK]]

When I visited Cairo in the summer of
2010, the conversation in coffee shops centered on the World Cup. This summer,
the talk is focused mainly on politics. In the months following the overthrow
of the Mubarak regime, Egypt has become politically vibrant; it seems like
every Egyptian has an opinion, and they are openly discussing and debating
crucial issues in advance of the parliamentary and presidential elections later
this year. The lady, who roams about Falaki
Square selling newspapers accompanied by her young
daughter, has probably never been busier. I spent several evenings with two
Egyptian friends in the square's coffee shops and the popular watering hole
Horreyya. One friend is a desert tour director; the other is an architect. One
evening, they buy copies of Al-Dustour (The Constitution) from the newspaper
lady, pore over the paper, and comment on several articles. For example, they
are concerned about a report that the Muslim Brotherhood has received billions
of dollars in international donations. They are worried about the level of
influence that the Brotherhood and Salafists might have in the new government. The
tour director argues for a secular government in which "Islamists will not able
to judge the actions of people." He adds that they are "trying to be more than
they are." The architect agrees and states that the best way to restrain the
Islamists is to develop strong secular parties and put the new constitution in
place before the elections. When I ask them what the constitution should
contain, they offer a few specifics, such as term limits for the president, but
are adamant that the document must do the very difficult: guarantee their
security and at the same time safeguard their rights. They're also disturbed by
Secretary of State Clinton's announcement that the Obama administration is open
to a dialogue with the Brotherhood. The newspaper lady returns, and my friends
buy copies of Al-Masry Al-Youm (The Egyptian Today). They devour the news and
both complain that the military government is not moving fast enough to carry
out the transition to true democracy and to bring Mubarak to justice for
corruption and for ordering deadly measures against the protestors. They worry
that the new government will also be infected by corruption.

I visited an antique shop
in the Zamalek neighborhood where last year I met a female reporter for Radio
Sawa. Her best friend runs the shop, and she helps out between radio spots. During
the revolution, she tirelessly filed stories even when the internet was shut
down by the Mubarak regime. When the net was down, she called Radio Sawa's
office in Washington,
using either a cell phone or land line, and reported live on the air. She
witnessed the huge "Day of Rage" demonstration (Jan. 28) and the bizarre
"Battle of the Camel" (Feb. 2) between Mubarak supporters and protestors. She
and hundreds of other protestors knew that "the gig was up for Mubarak" when he
deployed thugs on camels in a futile attempt to thwart a popular movement that
was informed and guided by Twitter, Facebook, satellite TV, and laptops.

The area around Tahrir Square was
largely peaceful during my visit, but violence did erupt on three occasions. On
June 28, a violent clash took place. For weeks, the families of
protestors, who died at the hands of the Mubarak regime during the revolution,
had demanded compensation from the military government. That night, hundreds of
protestors marched on Tahrir
Square, but their ultimate destination was the
interior ministry. The protestors were met by security police at the square and
a major battle took place. The number of protestors swelled to several
thousand, and the confrontation lasted throughout the night. Several hundred
protestors were injured. The army ordered the police out of Tahrir Square, and soldiers took up
positions around the interior ministry. Demonstration organizers declared
Friday, July 1, the "Day of Retribution and Loyalty to the Martyrs of
the Revolution." They objected to the slow pace of reform under the
military government and demanded immediate trials for the former interior
minister and security personnel responsible for the deaths of
protestors. Several thousand demonstrators converged on Tahrir Square and were joined by the
families of the martyrs, who stirred up the crowd. The rally was peaceful and
had a carnival atmosphere until after mid-afternoon prayers when a large
number of protestors marched on the cabinet building and the interior ministry
but were stopped by security forces and the army. A clash ensued, but by
morning, the square was back to normal. Traffic flowed smoothly
under the supervision of civilian "traffic cops," and several protestors
still camped in the square. On the evening of July 3, my last night in Cairo, I returned a final
time to Tahrir Square.
I got out of my taxi on the northwest side of the square and ran headlong into
a melee that had just erupted. Pro-Mubarak thugs, who had infiltrated the
square as vendors, attacked a gathering of protestors with rocks and clubs and
set fires in the square. I took refuge one block behind the square and then
walked the long way back to a friend's apartment located south of the square,
all the while giving the fracas a wide berth.

Two days before departing Egypt, I witnessed an incredible
sight: a young boy directing traffic on hectic Qasr al-Ainy Street
where it meets Tahrir Square.
(See photo.) This is the most memorable image of my visit. I've been thinking
a lot about him, his fellow Egyptians, and the extraordinary
challenges that they face in the months and years to come. Could he and
his colleagues standing out in the traffic be sending the military
government and the rest of us an important message? Perhaps
they're telling us: "We're capable of governing ourselves,
and we'll do a hell of a better job than the regimes of the past 59
years!"

Joseph T.
Stanik, a retired U.S. Navy officer, travels annually to the Middle
East. He teaches Middle Eastern history at New
Era Academy
in Baltimore and at Anne
Arundel Community
College in Arnold,
Maryland.