Simon Harris's Blog, page 21

Why Are ERC and Oriol Junqueras Wrong?

This article explains why I think ERC and Oriol Junqueras were wrong to reject Artur Mas’s original route map for Catalan independence proposal. It probably won’t make me any friends but is a reflection of my own frustration at the lack of agreement that has lasted nearly a month now and also blogging these ideas as they are happening will serve as useful notes when I come to write the process up with the benefit of hindsight.

I would like to stress that these ideas are certainly not written in stone and I would be happy to modify my position if anyone can enlighten me as to how Esquerra’s approach can be beneficial to the process. The priority should definitely be working out how we can take the next step towards independence firmly and confidently. Before such an important step, it’s not actually good enough to blindly say that an agreement will be reached. The nature of the agreement is also crucial in order to ensure that the elections give the democratic mandate necessary to start the construction of the new Republic of Catalonia.

For this reason, the more I think about ERC and Oriol Junqueras’ strange behaviour over the last few weeks, the less sense it makes. Whatever you think about Artur Mas, CiU and the single list, the effect of Junqueras confrontational attitude has only served to block the Catalan independence process. I thought Junqueras and ERC were impatient for an independent Catalonia as soon as possible. If that really were the case Junqueras would have modified his position a few days after it became clear that Artur Mas wasn’t prepared to accept their conditions. To be perfectly honest, the stalling strikes me as political incompetence although as I stated above, I’m perfectly prepared to modify my position if somebody can help me see how it may benefit the process.

Enthusiasm for Mas’s Proposal

I have to admit that when Artur Mas gave his “Time to Decide, Time to Work Together” speech on November 25th, I was completely enamoured by his proposal. A single list made up mainly of non-politicians with the political parties temporarily removed seemed the perfect way to capture the enthusiasm following the 9N vote. Political differences had been conspicuous by their absence throughout the main events of the independence process up to that point and furthermore, by removing party politics, the single list option would make the so-called plebiscitary elections much more referendum-like.

I also thought a time-scale of 18 months of negotiations, the same period Scotland would have had to negotiate independence had the Yes vote won, was realistic and that from an international point of view, having a definitive referendum at the end of this period was probably a good idea. However, these were minor details and were obviously negotiable. What would have been best for everyone concerned would have been to reach a broad agreement and then hammer out the details in private.

When the ANC gave their support to Mas’s single list idea at their meeting in Cornellà the following Saturday, I was absolutely over the moon. The momentum and unity of the previous weeks would be maintained and I really felt that independence for Catalonia had just taken a few giant steps closer to becoming a reality.

I knew that Esquerra Republicana and their leader had different ideas but if a basic collaboration agreement could be reached reasonably quickly, even elements such as single versus multiple lists would be negotiable. When Junqueras gave his “Call to a New Country” speech in Barcelona exactly a week after Artur Mas’s opening shot, I was excited to hear what the Esquerra Republicana leader had to offer. What interesting details would he add that would make the pro-independence arguments stronger and more convincing?

Frustration and Annoyance at Junqueras

I’ve mentioned in a previous post how frustrated I was by what I considered to be Junqueras’ bumbling opening but with hindsight I realise that I basically agreed with his point that social issues had to be placed centre stage and also the ideas of tolerance, inclusion and respect for not just Spanish-speaking Catalans but also Catalans with much farther flung origins are very close to my heart. His emphasis on constituent elections rather than plebiscitary ones and a concentration government that would start building a new Catalonia rather than asking Spain for permission to do so both seemed reasonable. To be perfectly honest, despite my preferences, I might even be prepared to be persuaded on the idea of the political parties standing separately but adding a tag such as “for Independence” to their names. The ideas were not really the problem.

No, the problem was the attitude of confrontation. Basically what Junqueras had done was to set himself up in opposition to Mas by saying these are Esquerra Republicana’s ideas and they are different to Convergència i Unió’s ideas. All of a sudden, in one fell swoop, he returned the whole inspiring independence process to the mundane terrain of party politics and personal and political rivalry. Oriol Junqueras and ERC versus Artur Mas and CiU. One of us has to back down. One of us has to be the winner. In my opinion, that was his big mistake.

The President’s Prerogative

One might say, and many have since the spat broke out nearly a month ago, that Artur Mas started it by making such a forthright speech in the first place and by virtually setting up the referendum-like single list idea as a condition for early elections to be called. This is arguable, I feel.

As President of Catalonia, it was up to Artur Mas to take the initiative and anyone familiar with his personal and political style will be fully aware of the directness of his approach. As the only person with the prerogative to call elections, it should also be no surprise to hear him set out some conditions, which were firstly, that the elections had to serve as a referendum that could be clearly interpreted by the Catalan people, the Spanish government and the international community and secondly, that the pro-independence movement should be capable of winning them.

He also stressed that he was not speaking on behalf of his political party Convergència but purely in a personal capacity as President of the Generalitat. The core of his idea was to remove party politics from the process and for this reason, he was prepared to significantly reduce CiU’s possible participation in the interim government. Party politics could come back once the Republic of Catalonia was fully constituted. Now was not the time for fighting amongst ourselves, so let’s take these points one by one.

As I stated at the beginning, I was definitely in favour of the single list. I felt the impetus of the movement would make it a winner and as plebiscitary elections are such a novel idea, there was no clear data which proved conclusively whether single or multiple lists would garner more votes. It seemed to me that everyone was standing in favour of an independent Catalonia. Left-wingers would remain left-wingers and right-wingers would remain right-wingers but for a short period only thy would all work together for a common cause. The situation was extremely easy to understand and the results would be very easy to interpret.

I also liked the idea of an interim government being made up of a mixture of public figures and experts. These would be the people who would end up drafting the essential documents for the new country. The fact that they were not party members and would also be obliged to retire from politics at the end of their term of office would mean that they would have no, or at least fewer, vested interests. People like this, carefully chosen, would be ideal for creating a new state based on intelligent and innovative ideas.

Why I Don’t Like ERC’s Proposals

By directly opposing this, I felt that ERC and Junqueras were not prepared to sacrifice their own party political and personal interests in benefit of the Republic of Catalonia. This is very strange since they tirelessly profess that they are the only guarantee of independence.

ERC did in fact suggest that public figures and experts should also stand on the separate lists but this idea seems full of problems. Firstly, if there are at least three main parties standing, each with lists of 135 candidates, that means a total of 405 public figures and experts will be required. Inevitably, they’d end up being chosen according to different criteria by each party and also by standing on a particular list, the public figure or expert would be implying support for that particular party. Party politics raises its ugly head once again. Furthermore, after the election, once a coalition concentration government was forming, there would inevitably be another round of arguments about which public figures and experts were the best.

However, Esquerra’s main argument centres on the fact, according to them, that separate lists have more chance of convincing undecided voters to support independence. This supposition is based on stats from the 9N vote. If we assume that the 1.9 million Catalans who voted in favour of independence, the so-called Si-Si voters, are unconditionals, to be on the safe side, the independence movement needs another 300-500,000 voters in favour of independence to win.

Consequently, people who are still undecided need to be convinced and Esquerra seem to think that they have a better chance on their own because many left-leaning Spanish speakers are instantly put off by the right-wing snobby Catalanists of Convergència i Unió. This is debatable but one thing that seems very certain to me, at least, is that the most convincing argument in favour of Catalan independence is a united front of support. If I was undecided seeing people from various political tendencies all agreeing on one single point would be a massive argument in favour.

Tension and Confrontation

The result of Junqueras’ confrontation with Mas is mainly that Catalan and, even worse, Spanish-language newspapers and news bulletins talk mainly about the differences between the two supposedly pro-independence leaders rather than the differences between Catalonia and the Spanish state. Convincing arguments in favour of independence for Catalonia are the tax deficit and the Spanish government’s lack of investment in Catalonia, the continual attacks on the Catalan language, culture and education system, the difficulties placed by Spain’s government on creating and a whole host of other issues.

This is what we should have been discussing since early December in a pre-campaign period prior to the calling of elections for February. Unfortunately, the hostile relations between ERC and CiU have meant the main points of discussion have been single versus multiple lists and whether Mas and Junqueras are going to reach an agreement or not. Both of which are complete red herrings given the urgency of the moment.

Another thing that has happened is that supporters of both sides have started to throw accusations and insults. Things like Artur Mas and CiU don’t really want independence and referring to them and their supporters as ‘nou indepes’, new converts to the pro-independence cause, implying that ERC are the only true bearers of the flame is both infantile and illogical.

Independence for Catalonia is only a feasible option now because many people, including the CiU-supporting middle-classes, have been convinced that remaining part of Spain is unworkable for Catalonia. This process began in earnest initially after the adverse Constitutional Court ruling on the Estatut in July 2010 and then gathered pace following the massive Diada demonstration of September 11th 2012. If ERC were at all coherent they would celebrating the fact that these new converts are bringing the possibility of independence closer rather than jealously guarding their little plot of political power.

Furthermore, their central argument is that separate lists will attract more of the undecided voters. However, whether the resulting government is an interim government or a government of concentration so all the pro-independence parties, including CUP, are going to have to work together in a national coalition in order to take Catalonia to full independence. Voters already know this and it will obviously become clearer throughout the electoral campaign as the various political formations group together under pro-independence, federal reform and anti-independence banners. The only thing Esquerra’s stance is doing is delaying the future coalition and causing unnecessary arguments, which if the current state of tension is anything to go by could well frighten of undecided voters.

More Political Rivals

Another serious point is the eruption of CUP, the Candidatura d’Unitat Popular, particularly following the visit of Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias last week. In fact, people have asked why I’m not equally annoyed with CUP as I am with ERC for not wanting to form part of a single candidacy for independence, and my reasons are twofold. Firstly, apart from the odd statement from CUP number two Quim Arrufat (he won’t like me saying that given that CUP is an assembly-based party but that is how he’s perceived), the party hasn’t taken an openly confrontational stance and certainly haven’t given the impression that they were involved in a power struggle to grapple the independence standard from CiU unlike Junqueras’ very obvious attempt to take protagonism away from Artur Mas.

This takes us on to the second reason. Basically, with only three deputies in the current Catalan Parliament and with a projected six or seven after elections, CUP haven’t been considered a major player. Their role in attracting disgruntled, particularly young left-wing Catalanist voters, is obviously important and they would obviously be invited to form part of the government but they haven’t appeared to be crucial.

CiU currently have 50 seats in the Parliament of Catalonia whilst ERC occupy 21 and recent polls suggest, standing on their own, the two major parties would win 35-36 seats each. As there are 135 deputies in the Catalan Parliament, 68 seats are required to form a majority government so in theory CiU and ERC could form the transition government and then come to agreements with other parties, such as CUP and also ICV or even PSC on certain issues in order to make the government more stable and have everyone working together to create the infrastructures for the new country.

Actually, if these poll results are to be trusted (which they probably aren’t) Esquerra Republicana’s stance looks even more pointless. The current tally of combined CiU/ERC seats is 71 and the predicted tally is between 70 and 72 so ERC’s motivation seems to me to be purely about wanting a bigger piece of the political pie. Hardly a good reason for putting the whole independence process at risk.

Anyway, back to CUP. As I was saying, until recently they appeared to be a relatively marginal political option. However, events over the past couple of weeks might be changing this.

Last Saturday at the first big Podemos meeting in Barcelona, Pablo Iglesias singled out CUP leader (sorry!) David Fernández out for a couple of personal attack. One would have thought that if Podemos were coming in peace and brotherhood, the assembly-based CUP would be their natural allies but it’s pretty obvious that their pro-unionist imperialism has nothing to do with peace and brotherhood and they were here in Catalonia on a vote-catching exercise. However, by identifying them as their main political rival and also personally attacking, the extremely honest, committed and affable David Fernández, Iglesias did a lot to rally left-wing Catalanist support for the CUP. Iconic Catalan singer and nominal Esquerra supporter Lluís Llach has been tweeting in their support this week.

The other big news this week has been a possible agreement between the CUP and Procés Constituent, led by radical nun Teresa Forcades and economist and long-time activist Arcadi Oliveres, who may stand together in the forthcoming elections as Crida Constituent. This new formation would combine the grassroots organisation of CUP with Forcades’ media clout and Oliveres’ kudos as one of the ideologues behind the Indignats movement and would be more than capable of slugging it out with Podemos here in Catalonia and would probably end up taking a lot of votes from Esquerra Republicana.

In fact, this would be my position. Although from my support for Artur Mas in this article might make you think I’m a conservative, I’m actually naturally drawn to a political position quite a lot further to the left of Esquerra’s social democracy. My point here is that a single unitary list is the best way to go about deciding whether we want independence or not and then once that decision is taken we can get on with normal left-right politics.

Votes to CiU?

Given that ERC have been the main left-wing alternative to CiU, I have given them my support throughout the whole process and one of the things that has annoyed about Junqueras’ attitude over the last month is that it has meant I have lost the party I would naturally vote for. If CUP and Procés Constituent end up creating a credible left-wing Catalanist alternative, I know where my vote will be going in the future.

This naturally brings me onto the subject of the potential loss of votes to ERC in general. They might not think this is going to happen but judging from what I see on the social networks and talking to friends, I wouldn’t be at all surprised if they suffer a major decrease in the next elections, which will be the municipals in May 2015. This is a bit of a shame because I quite fancied Alfred Bosch as Mayor of Barcelona but after this month of misery, they’re certainly not getting my vote again.

As I mentioned above, some ERC votes may well go to Crida Constituent if it ever becomes a reality but I think most of them will go back to CiU, which is where many of them came from in the first place. This has become increasingly clear at all the dinner parties I’ve had to go to over the Christmas period. Most of my partner’s friends are relatively conservative middle-class Catalans and many of them voted Esquerra in the last elections of November 2012, often egged on by me, because they believed that ERC were the best guarantee for taking Catalonia to independence. This attitude is changing and the general tone has been that ERC are being stupid and stubborn and most of those I’ve spoken to have no intention of voting for them again.

This another reason why I think ERC and Oriol Junqueras’ stance is completely mistaken. Not only have they blocked the process which they are supposedly in favour of but their behaviour is extremely unpopular and will lead them to lose votes. This is not just stubborn but is also politically incompetent.

Will Elections Be Called?

As I approach the end of this rambling overview, it’s worth taking a look at ways out of this blockage and to be perfectly honest, I hope I’m proved completely wrong but it looks quite difficult to me at the moment. Let me remind you that although I favour Artur Mas’s single list idea because it encourages unity, is referendum-like and is easily interpretable by all players, my problem is not with ERC’s and Junqueras’ ideas regarding the multiple lists and the route map for independence but rather the confrontational stance that was immediately interpreted as a bid for control of the independence process by most people I spoke to at least.

The problem now is that someone has to back down and the situation is Win-Lose rather than Win-Win. For the reasons already mentioned, it’s become increasingly difficult for Esquerra to back down basically because the loss of face will mean a loss of credibility, influence and ultimately votes.

Artur Mas isn’t going to back down firstly because he’s the only person with the prerogative to call elections, secondly because he’s convinced he’s right I think and thirdly because he’s not going to allow Catalonia to take a step in the dark, however unpopular he might become as a result. He is a conservative, after all! Esquerra supporters can shout “Elections now!” until they’re blue in the face but elections won’t get called until there is a solid reliable agreement on what’s going to happen immediately after the elections. Assuming the pro-independence forces win irrespective of the format, there has to be a clear plan for what’s going to happen next.

The Declaration of Independence is the most crucial point in the process so far and if it’s not done correctly, it could easily blow up in our faces. We have to be very clear about how the structures of state are going to be put in place, how and when the gradual unhooking of the Catalan Republic from the Spanish state is going to happen and also have guarantees on the international support or acceptance Catalonia is likely to get from Day One.

We are not talking about election campaigns and a power struggle between two egotistical politicians now, we are talking about the creation of a new European state, the Republic of Catalonia. The purpose of the new state is not to be able to wave Catalan flags and sing Els Segadors at sporting events but rather to create a society that is more just, transparent, honest and prosperous.

All of us involved in the Catalan independence are fully aware that immediately after independence, however well it’s done, there will be a period of instability. If the process is done badly it could end up being a total disaster. There’s foreign capital ready to flee if it looks like things are going badly, international governments ready to turn their backs on the new country if things aren’t done as democratically as possible and a Spanish state rubbing its hands in glee, ready to send the forces of ‘law and order’ at the sign of the slightest disturbance.

However unpopular he might end up being, Artur Mas would be well-advised not to call elections unless all the agreements are rock solid and at the moment, there are few signs of this happening. That is why ERC and Junqueras were mistaken in making a direct challenge for control of the process. All of a sudden independence for Catalonia became a million times more difficult. We may well be regretting this moment for centuries to come.

The post Why Are ERC and Oriol Junqueras Wrong? appeared first on Catalonia Is Not Spain.

September 30th 2012 – Vanguardia September 2012 Election Survey

The Vanguardia September 2012 Election Survey gave the pro-independence parties a clear majority with CiU almost gaining an absolute majority and converting Artur Mas into the clear leader. As we shall see, the real results were a long way from this both for Mas and CiU and the pro-independence movement in general. It is not then so surprising that Mas is reticent to call early elections again now, with even fewer guarantees of success. He asked for “indestructible” support back in September 2012 and didn’t get it. Unless he gets a solid agreement now, he’s unlikely to want to make the same mistake again so I think February elections are looking increasingly improbable.

Electoria Shake-Up – José Antich’s Editorial

The tsunami that the massive Diada demonstration produced in Catalonia has changed electoral expectations basically in three directions. CiU are close to an absolute majority and the parties that supported the demonstration have increased their prospective vote, whilst PSC sinks without a trace and PP decreases. Support in favour of a referendum is massive (84%) and Artur Mas becomes, without a shadow of a doubt, the leader who bes represents the will of the Catalans, according to the Feedback survey done for La Vanguradia to 1,200 people between September 21st and 27th.

Artur Mas and CiU, despite the crisis and the cuts that affect all governing parties, position themselves as undisputable leader and the main political force in Catalonia, at some distance from the rest, thanks to the political ability with which they have interpreted the pro-independence demonstration, gaining up to 5 seats more (from 62 seats obtained in 2010 to 66/67 predicted now). And even if they lose some support for being in favour of creating the structures of a separate state, this is more than compensated for by the obtention of sovereignist votes. A growth which combined with increases for ERC (3 more seats), ICV (2 more) and SI (one more) reaches around 95 deputies, more than sufficient for the Catalan Parliament to pass a statutory reform in keeping with the political circumstances. The survey also predicts that in an eventual referendum on independence , those in favour (55%) have a more than 20 point advantage over those against (33.5%).

Although PSC would continue being the second political force in Catalonia, it would suffer a serious setback losing 7 out of its 28 seats, its worst result to date and only half of those obtained by Pasqual Maragall in 2003. A decrease that results in a flow of votes to CiU, ERC and ICV. PP doesn’t improve its position either and could lose up to 3 of the seats it won in 2010 without being able to take advantage of opposition to a referendum and the eventual independence of Catalonia.

It is obvious, then, that Catalonia is in a new situation. A political grid that only a few weeks ago would have been impossible when the austerity measures of the Generalitat affected badly the nationalist coalition in government. It is undeniable that the performance of Artur Mas, especially after the Diada, has a lot to do with this change. The President of the Generalitat has known how to interpret the will of the demonstrators and has taken the initiative by calling early elections, which will have, like it or not, a plebiscitary character in order to place the country before a consultation on whether Catalans want their own state.

According to the survey, the reasons for the growth in pro-independence feelings are the excessive fiscal deficit, Madrid’s continual incompletion of promises regarding investment in Catalonia, the Constitutional Court ruling on the Estatut, the questioning of the linguistic model and the new restrictive reinterpretation of the Constitution. These are serious subjects that until now haven’t been answered and are the cause of a massive reaction.

Interesting to note that there is no Duran i Lleida. Back in September 2012, we were only barely aware that Convergència i Unió was a federation made up of two different parties, which might have different points of view.

More Headlines

CiU close to absolute majority whilst PSC sinks and PP goes down slightly – ERC and ICV improve their results and the sovereignist blocks gains 10 more seats – The proposal of a Catalan state would give CiU more votes than it would lose them

84% of Catalans support the consultation and 55% independence

Almost 70% are annoyed by Rajoy’s answer to Mas

Less support for the fiscal pact but more for a Catalan tax agency

The key is in sympathy for the Catalan sufragettes

Mas will not call the consultation without an “indestructible” pro-sovereignty majority

ERC offers itself as the best guarantee to bring about independence

Ñ against NY: The Problem Isn’t Economic

Is A Return of Good Relations between Catalonia and Spain possible?

 

Headlines September 29th 2012

The Parties that came out on the Diada win votes – Advance on survey published tomorrow reveals an increase of 10 seats for CiU, ERC and ICV

La Diada Agitates the Electoral Map – A large majority supports the Catalan consultation on its links wityh Spain – The sovereignist majority grows by 10 seats in the first survey after the Mas-Rajoy meeting – Mas makes it clear that he wil use Spanish, Catalan and European legal means to hold the consultation

PP and C’s open the pre-campaign under the flag of bilingualism

Lara “If Catalonia was indepependent, the Grupo Planeta would have to leave”

Navarro and Tura will compete for the PSC candidacy tomorrow – Rubalcaba calla Mas and Rajoy “irresponsible”

Consultations in View – article about Scotland and Quebec as well as Slovakia, Montenegro and Tibet

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September 28th 2012 – Resolution on Sovereignty of Catalonia

On September 28th Parliament passed a Resolution on Sovereignty by 84 votes to 21 and the legislature came to an end. PSC abstained and historic leader Ernest Maragall voted in favour.

Resolution on Sovereignty of Catalonia

1. The Parliament of Catalonia expresses its recognition and congratulates itself for the enormous success of the massive demonstration on the recent Onze de Setembre in the streets of Barcelona, under the slogan “Catalonia, new European state”.

2. The Parliament of Catalonia confirms that over the last thirty years an important part of Catalanism has been deeply committed to transforming the Spanish state without having to give up on our legitimate national aspirations, to our desire for self-government and our continuity as a nation. But the attempts at making Catalonia fit within the Spanish state and its reiterated responses are now are blind alley and Catalonia needs to begin its national transition based on the right to decide.

3. For these reasons, the Parliament expresses the need for Catalonia to make its own journey confirming the need for the Catalan people to decide its collective future freely and democratically as the only way of guaranteeing social progress, economic development, democratic strength and the encouragement of Catalan culture and language.

4. Parliament urges the Government of the Generalitat and the political parties and the social and economic representatives to push for the maximum consensus possible with the aim of completing this democratic process and the resulting route map with dialogue with the international community, the European Union and the Spanish government so that Catalan ctizens can decide in a framework of complete freedom, respect for pluralism, encouragement of debate and democratic tolerance and without coercion of any kind.

5. The Parliament of Catalonia confrms the need for the people of Catalonia to be able to freely and democratically determine their collective future and urges the government to hold a consultation preferibly within the next legislature.

More Headlines

Large Support for the Consultation from Parliament



Parliament expresses the need for Catalonia to make its own journey – A majority of 84 deputies against 21 declare the sovereignty of Catalonia to decide its own future – The chamber closes the shortest legislature in an atmosphere of historical reflection – PSC distances itself from sovereignisnm and the PP but declares the right to decide

The Spanish government warns it will stop Mas’s consultation

Navarro offers himself as candidate for PSC without going through primaries

Goodbye to the only survivor from 1980 (Clotas)

Ambassadors of dialogue and serenity – ESADE and the Fundació de la Caixa bring together a hundred businessmen in Sant Benet de Bages

The international press now include Catalonia amongst Rajoy’s problems

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September 27th 2012 – Mas Predicts The Catalan Consultation Within Four Years With Or Without Permission From Madrid

On the second day of the General Political debate on Sep 27th 2012, Mas set the timescale for the final Catalan consultation. A lot of ifs are required but if early elections are held in Feb/March and they succeed in working as a proxy referendum or plebiscitary elections as they have become known, if the pro-independence parties win then Artur Mas’s plan is for the interim government to last 18 months. At the end of that time, he plans to hold a definitive legal referendum on Catalan independence. It will be September 2016 – exactly four years later than the statement made in September 2012. No one can say he didn’t have it planned out. Isn’t it time certain political parties started depositing a little faith in him?

Mas Predicts The Catalan Consultation Within Four Years With Or Without Permission From Madrid

Neither Spanish laws nor prohibition by the Spanish government should be an impediment for the Government of the Generalitat to be able to organise a sovereignist consultation in which the Catalans can decide the relationship they want to have with the Spanish state. This at least is the conviction expressed yesterday by Catalan president Artur Mas in response to the socialist leader in Parliament Xavier Sabaté on the second day of the transcendental general political debate.

The President will do everything in his power to be able to fulfill his political objectives of sovereignty and a Catalan state within the law, but if the Spanish state doesn’t leave an opening by which the Catalans can express themselves freely and democratically, the process will be run under Catalan law. “What would be normal,” said Mas “would first to try it according to the law, and that’s not possible, do it anyway. The consultation has to be held whatever happens. If can happen as a referendum because the Spanish government has authorised it, so much the better. If the Spanish government turns its back and doesn’t allow any kind of referendum or consultation, it has to be held anyway.”

The intention of the pro-sovereignty parties is that the new Parliament, if the majority is big enough, finishes drafting the Catalan Law of Consultations that has been dropped because of the elections and to use this in order to ballot the Catalans. It is probable that central government will impugn the law and that the Constitutional Court will suspend it but in this case the Government of the Generalitat could act autonomously alleging an unresolvable conflict of democratic legitimacy.

Today Parliament will make the anticipated declaration of sovereignty as a resolution that will be passed by a comfortable majority. Convergència i Unió and Esquerra Republicana have agreed on the joint presentation of a text that will also receive the support of Iniciativa per Catalunya and other pro-sovereignty deputies. The text points out that “Catalonia’s fit within the Spanish state today is a cul-de-sac, Catalonia has to begin its process of national transition based on the right to decide.” Because of this “Parliament expresses the need for Catalonia to make its own way, stating the need of the Catalan people to decide their collective future freely and democratically, as the only way of guaranteeing social progress, economic strength and the stimulation of the culture and the Catalan language.”

The resolution calls for consensus in order to complete the process through dialogue and by setting a route map “with the international community and the Spanish government” and in its last paragraph states “the necessity of the Catalan people to decide freely and democratically its collective future and urges the Catalan government to organise a consultation ideally within the next legislature.”

In the last intervention of the debate, Artur Mas proposed that the pro-sovereignty parties use this agreement as a “matrix” for a common sovereignty policy. This way each party would have its own political proposals as well as an unmistakable commitment to the sovereignty of Catalonia which once the results were out would precisely show the balance between those in favour of Spanish sovereignty and those in favour of Catalan sovereignty. Mas asked those present to think about the convenience of giving a plebiscitary quality to these elections, not regarding his own personality, but rather regarding the sovereignty of Catalonia.

ICV is reticent on this question because although part of the sovereignist block, their electoral priority would be attacking the government because of the cuts. For this reason, they have presented a separate resolution that would mean a second declaration by Parliament, which would also receive the support of CiU and ERC in the main. The ICV text also calls for a consultation in the next legislature and refers to the convenience of “international observers” following the process. This means that the sovereignty declarations are certain of a majority of two-thirds of the chamber and could be more if some of the socialist deputies are prepared to support it, like Ernest Maragall did on the fiscal pact. Nervousness reigned in the socialist group yesterday because they are aware of the need to distinguish themselves from the Spanish sovereignist group made up of PP and Cs but they disagree on how to do so.

So much so that the PSC has suffered a sudden mysterious conversion to sovereignism and will be draft a resolution in favour of the right to self-determination but only on condition that they reform the Spanish Constitution. This is of course impossible because a qualified majority of two-thirds is needed in both Congress and Senate, which would mean that both PSOE and PP would have to vote in favour. They would also have to dissolve Parliament, call constituent elections and then vote again on the reform. The referendum would then be called for all Spaniards and if they voted in favour then the Catalans could hold their referendum.

More Headlines

Mas manages to get the support of ICV and ERC for the consultation

Rajoy “Everything will be solved with common sense even though some people don’t have any”

PSC Favours Bavarian To Make Catalonia Fit Within Spain

Camacho Accuses Mas of Taking Catalonia To An Internal Rupture

Herrera Asks For the Social Outcry Also To Be Heard

ERC Calls For A Rapid Transition To A Catalan State

Vara Demands That Catalonia “Returns” 150,000 Extremeños

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ANC La Pell de Brau Ad – September 2012

The feeling that something big was about to happen first hit me at the start of September 2012. I turned on the television and saw a group of famous Catalans reciting a section of Salvador Espriu’s poem La Pell de Brau or The Bull’s Hide. To a soundtrack traditional Catalan stick music, the ad set the scene for the forthcoming Diada on September 11th.

Provarem d’alçar en la sorra

el palau perillós dels nostres somnis

i aprendrem aquesta lliçó humil

al llarg de tot el temps del cansament,

car sols així som lliures de combatre

per l’última victòria damunt l’esglai.

Escolta, Sepharad: els homes no poden ser

si no són lliures.

Que sàpiga Sepharad que no podrem mai ser

si no som lliures.

I cridi la veu de tot el poble: “Amén.”

We will try to build in the sand

the dangerous palace of our dreams

and we will learn this humble lesson

throughout the whole tiring time

because only then are we free from fighting

for the final victory over fear.

Listen, Sepharad: humans cannot be

unless they are free.

Understand Sepharad that we will never be

unless we are free.

Let the voice of all the people shout: “Amen.”

The ad closed with the words “Independence is Freedom. We march on Barcelona on September 11th”.

 

About La Pell de Brau

La Pell de Brau or The Bull’s Hide was published by Catalan poet Salvador Espriu in 1960 and is an allegorical criticism of post-war Spain and its inability to recognise the rights of the other peoples of the Iberian peninsula.

The poem addresses the Catalan people as the Sepharad, who were the sephardite Jews who were expelled from Spain by the Inquisition in 1492 and so became a stateless people.

The poem became an anti-Francoist symbol amongst the Catalans and was used in the promotional ad for the “Catalunya, nou estat d’Europa” demonstration on September 11th 2012.

The full poem in Catalan reads as follows:

” Diversos són els homes i diverses les parles,

i han convingut molts noms a un sol amor.

La vella i fràgil plata esdevé tarda

parada en la claror damunt els camps.

La terra, amb paranys de mil fines orelles,

ha captivat els ocells de les cançons de l’aire.

Sí, comprèn-la i fes-la teva, també,

des de les oliveres,

l’alta i senzilla veritat de la presa veu del vent:

Diverses són les parles i diversos els homes, i convindran molts noms a un sol amor.

(…)

No convé que diguem el nom

del qui ens pensa enllà de la nostra por.

Si topem a les palpentes

amb aquest estrany cec,

on sinó en el buit i en el no-res

fonamentarem la nostra vida?

Provarem d’alçar en la sorra

el palau perillós dels nostres somnis

i aprendrem aquesta lliçó humil

al llarg de tot el temps del cansament,

car sols així som lliures de combatre

per l’última victòria damunt l’esglai.

Escolta, Sepharad: els homes no poden ser

si no són lliures.

Que sàpiga Sepharad que no podrem mai ser

si no som lliures.

I cridi la veu de tot el poble: “Amén.”

(…)

A vegades és necessari i forçós

que un home mori per un poble,

però mai no ha de morir tot un poble

per un home sol:

recorda sempre això, Sepharad.

Fes que siguin segurs els ponts del diàleg

i mira de comprendre i estimar

les raons i les parles diverses dels teus fills.

Que la pluja caigui a poc a poc en els sembrats

i l’aire passi com una estesa mà

suau i molt benigna damunt els amples camps.

Que Sepharad visqui eternament

en l’ordre i en la pau, en el treball,

en la difícil i merescuda

llibertat. “

The post ANC La Pell de Brau Ad – September 2012 appeared first on Catalonia Is Not Spain.

Mas Announces Early Elections in the General Political Debate of the Parliament of Catalonia 25/9/2012

Those of you who follow my slightly anarchic blogging antics may have noticed that I’m publishing a lot of content related to Artur Mas. I’m continuing in the same vein with this translation of his speech during the General Political Debate of the Parliament of Catalonia on September 25th 2012. The reason for this is that, as I’ve stated in a number of interviews, I want to write the last chapter of  Catalonia Is Not Spain and I want the ending to be a happy one in which the Catalan people gain their freedom and the title of the book comes true.

Although in July I picked up a membership form for Esquerra Republicana and was extremely close to filling it in, I’m very glad I don’t belong to a political party because it means my views aren’t tainted by party interest. My somewhat arrogant and perhaps eccentric ambition is to be the English language chronicler of the Catalan independence process and that means being close enough to what’s going on to have an advantage over anyone else writing in English but not too close as to have my opinions overly influenced by political affiliations.

Having said that my backgound has always been in left-wing politics and I consider myself a socialist rather than a social democrat and since the Indignats I have been increasingly impressed by modern assembly-cum-anarchist approaches particularly at local level, which means I sympathise with a lot of what I hear coming from CUP. In fact, despite my love of Catalan history, culture and language, one of the reasons why I believe so strongly in independence for Catalonia is that I think we need a government of proximity. A nation state like Spain is unworkable because the centre of government is a long way away, and even if our governors were more benign than the PP, the fact that they are so far away means they cannot possibly see our concerns from the same point of view as we do. This problem would be solved if we belonged to a small independent Republic of Catalonia and we were governed from here in Barcelona.

Anyway, I digress. The point is that my current project is an account of the last two years – the independence process since the Diada 2012 to spring 2015 with Artur Mas as the central character (at the moment). Consequently, I’m going back through his speeches and the truth is the more I research, the more I like and trust him. This speech from the General Political Debate just two weeks after the big Diada in which he announces that he will be bringing forward the elections to November is a case in point. Everything Mas has done since is consistent with what he says here. He talks of generosity, of the dangers of inter-party rivalry and also promises to stand down , or rather not stand again, when he considers the self-determination process to be complete. The similarity between this speech and the one he made on November 25th this year is uncanny.

I personally think that Artur Mas is the man to lead Catalonia to independence and then we can talk about the specifics of social and economic policy later.

Last Section of Artur Mas’s Speech in the General Political Debate of the Parliament of Catalonia 25/9/2012

I now start the final part of my last address as President of the Generalitat in this legislature by bringing together some of the thoughts I considered at the beginning of the session.

In my investiture speech in December 2010, I spoke of the national transition that had to be brought about. I added, without restrictions. An idea I have since repeated on various occasions. My argument was, and still is, that in the same way as Spain went through its transition to democracy at the end of the seventies and start of the eighties, Catalonia also needs to go through its own transition based on the right to decide.

This means that the political party that I represent, together with the other Catalan political parties, has worked over a long period of more than three decades, constantly and loyally, to turn Spain into a democratic, European, prosperous, wealthy and modern State. And I think to a great extent this has been accomplished.

We did this in the hope, or even in the confidence, that this kind of Spain, equipped with an open and flexible Constitution, would overcome its atavistic demons and would allow Catalonia to start developing its own self-government, its identity and social model naturally and progressively.

The PP’s absolute majority between the years 2000 and 2004 already gave clear symptoms that things were not moving in this direction. Immediately after, the process of the Estatut of 2006 became an authentic torment; the old demons of anti-Catalanism showed themselves again all over the place. Catalan mistakes, which did exist, were quickly magnified and Spain bragged of having imposed its restrictions without any sense of modesty. Four years later, the Constitutional Court after months and months of denigrating spectacle with accusations, challenges, expired mandates and internal brawls in full view of the public finally axed the Estatut that had been approved by the people of Catalonia by referendum. Apart from the content of the sentence, already destructive on the main points, they added the corresponding humiliation.

The Catalan people’s reaction wasn’t long in coming. A great demonstration, under the slogan “We are a nation, we decide!” filled the streets in the centre of Barcelona on July 10th 2010. That Constitution that so many Catalans had voted for, defended and developed stopped being an open space where the desires of the Catalan people could spread their wings and became a cage designed to domesticate our aspirations.

I said in Madrid and I repeat today that, in this context and after the massive Diada demonstration, slamming the door on the Fiscal Pact proposed by this Parliament represents missing a historic opportunity.

It is true that President Rajoy said that I should take the Fiscal Pact to the Spanish Parliament, to be specific, to the Congress. It is also true that my reply was No, because I did not want to go through a new via crucis and another humiliation. This time Congress won’t vote, this time the Catalan people will vote.

I know that over the last few days there ave been speculations over whether elections needed to be called or not. How can’t there be elections after the demonstration on September 11th? Everyone knows that the demonstration has a before and an after. As I said at the beginning of my address, the voice of the street has become the voice of the ballot box because it is the only way to find out if those that didn’t go on the demonstration are all against what was said there, or if all those in favour were really present. This is the greatness of democracy: when you are going through exceptional situations that might have a deep historical dimension, you have to subject yourself to the verdict of the people, who with its vote will decide which routes to take in the future. The Parliament and Government that come out of these elections will be the depositaries of a mandate that the citizens have decided at the ballot.

On more than one occasion this Parliament has voted in favour of the fact that Catalonia has the right to self-determination. The time has come to exercise that right. Democratically, peacefully and constructively. There is no need to look for external enemies; we just have to concentrate on our own internal strength as a people and as a nation.

We are endorsed by a thousand-year history: we are endorsed, as Pau Casals said before the United Nations, by being one of the oldest democracies in Europe, if not the oldest; we are endorsed by the survival of an institution, the Generalitat, that digs its roots back to the Middle Ages and was restored before the Spanish Constitution; we are endorsed by an identity forged over centuries and based on culture not on race or ethnicity, and precisely because our identity is cultural, it can never be aggressive or exclusive; we are endorsed by a language that has survived insurrections, military coups, wars, dictatorships and laws that tried to silence for ever but never completely succeeded, we are endorsed by our identification with Europe, to such an extent that we don’t only say that we belong to Europe but that we are Europe; and above all this, which is not minor importance, we are endorsed by our desire to be. We want respect for who we are, and not to have to ask for it every day nor to have to justify who we are.

We want the same tools that other nations have in order to conserve our collective personality and to develop a project for our country and society.

Catalonia is a country of dialogue and pacts. But it’s not a country of Yes men. Do not confuse an attitude of looking for agreement and a mentality based on understanding through dialogue with an amorphous attitude or prepared to live under any circumstances. We can be everybody’s friend, and we’ve often shown this to be true, but not in exchange for stopping being Catalans. Not in exchange for watering down our personality. Not in exchange for giving up on a collective project in the service of the seven and a half million citizens of this country.

The journey that Catalonia is about to embark on will be full of hindrances. There will slander, provocation and threats of all kinds. They will say that Catalonia is gettng close to the edge and they will try to use people’s language and geographical origin to create divisions between them. Those who fall for this would do well to remember that the Castilian language also forms part of Catalan heritage, just like Catalan ought to be in Spain. And what’s more, it’s a much-loved heritage. And they should also remember that dividing Catalonia by people’s origin would be an authentic aberration, because Catalonia’s soul has grown out of a mixture of people from different places.

In the times ahead, Catalonia will need big majorities, to have a strong will and a great capacity for resistance. We have demonstrated this on many occasions throughout our collective history. Without looking any further, today marks the fiftieth anniversary of the river floods of the Vallès. That terrible blow was overcome thanks to the solidarity of the people.

I said this a few days ago and I’ll repeat it today: nothing will be easy, but everything is possible. The Catalan people need to freely decide their future journey, their horizon: here you find the reason for the elections. Let all of us submit ourselves to their will. Let all of us respect their verdict.

We all know, we are all aware that the Parliament that comes from the ballot will have to face a historic mission, probably the most complex and momentous of the last three hundred years. It’s also the most risky, the one in which we have the most to gain, or to lose.

Precisely because of the importance of the moment we are going through as a country, and the magnitude of the decisions we have to take, it is advisable to listen closely to the voice of the people we represent and that we place the decision on the future of the nation in their hands.

I know that elections are almost always a scenario that encourages confrontation between the parties. It is inevitable that this happens but we mustn’t lose sight of the fact that the times we’ll soon be going through will need, will almost demand, a high sense of state and of country and a heavy dose of generosity, even at a personal level.

Over the last few days I have thought a lot about in what way I could contribute as President of the country to muffle the noise that the confrontation between parties provokes in elections. I’ve thought about generosity and the sense of country that I, more than anyone else, will have to show and practice.

For this reason, I’m announcing that once Catalonia has achieved the national objectives that the people decide, I will not stand again in elections for the Presidency of the Generalitat and I hope, desire and trust that these objectives will be achieved in the next legislature, better in one than in two if that is possible. As you will understand, this is not an easy decision, in fact, it is a strictly personal decision taken strictly in the country’s interests. The reason for my decision is easy to understand: to face a self-determination process requires the president that leads it to have a special strength that only the people can give him through elections. If I have to call on this special strength over the coming weeks, I don’t want anyone to think that I’m asking for it for the greater glory or convenience of CiU. I prefer for the rules of the game to be clear, neutral and transparent from the beginning.

These elections are not being called to help a person or a political party to stay in power as some have insinuated, they are being called so that the whole of the Catalan people decide democratically, peacefully, civically and harmoniously what their future as a nation will be.

Many thanks.

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Debat de la Política General (25/9/12) Quan Artur Mas Anuncia Que Avançarà Eleccions

En el debat de la política general del Parlament de Catalunya del 25 de setembre de 2012, Artur Mas anuncia que avanzarà les eleccions. Aquí teniu la part final del seu discurs. Em sembla molt coherent i que des de llavors ha mantingut la seva paraula respecte al full de ruta del procés.

Artur Mas – Part Final del Discurs del Debat de la Política General (25/9/12)

Entro a la part final de la meva darrera intervenció com a president de la Generalitat en aquesta legislatura, enllaçant amb les reflexions que els adreçava a l’inici de la sessió.

En el meu discurs d’investidura, el desembre del 2010, vaig parlar de la transició nacional que Catalunya havia de dur a terme. I vaig afegir-hi, sense límits. Un concepte que després he repetit en diverses ocasions. La meva tesi era, i segueix essent, que de la mateixa manera que Espanya havia fet la seva transició cap a la democràcia a finals dels anys setanta i principis dels vuitanta, a Catalunya li convenia realitzar la seva pròpia transició basada en el dret a decidir.

Val a dir que la formació política que represento, junt amb altres formacions polítiques catalanes, havia treballat durant un llarg període de més de tres dècades, de manera constant i lleial, per fer d’Espanya un Estat democràtic, europeu, pròsper, benestant i modern. I crec que en bona part s’ha aconseguit.

Ho havíem fet també amb l’esperança, fins i tot la confiança, que una Espanya així, dotada d’una Constitució oberta i flexible, superaria els seus dimonis atàvics i permetria que Catalunya anés desenvolupant el seu autogovern, la seva identitat i el seu model de societat d’una manera natural i progressiva.

La majoria absoluta del PP entre els anys 2000 i 2004 ja va donar símptomes clars que les coses no anaven per aquest camí. Just després, el procés de l’Estatut del 2006 es va convertir en un autèntic calvari; els vells dimonis de l’anticatalanisme treien de nou el cap per tot arreu. Els errors catalans, que varen existir, eren ràpidament magnificats i a Espanya es presumia d’haver aplicat el “cepillo” (ribot) sense cap mena de pudor. Quatre anys després, el Tribunal Constitucional, després de mesos i mesos d’espectacle denigrant amb acusacions, recusacions, mandats caducats i baralles internes amb transcendència pública, donava el cop de destral definitiu a un Estatut que havia sigut referendat pel poble de Catalunya. A banda del contingut de la sentència, ja de per si demolidor en aspectes cabdals, s’hi afegia la corresponent humiliació.

La reacció del poble català no es va fer esperar. Una gran manifestació, sota el lema “Som una nació, nosaltres decidim”, va omplir els carrers del centre de Barcelona el 10 de juliol del 2010. Aquella Constitució, que tants catalans havíem votat, defensat i desenvolupat, deixava de ser un espai obert en què els anhels del poble català podien desplegar les seves ales, per convertir-se en una gàbia dissenyada per domesticar les nostres aspiracions.

Vaig dir a Madrid i repeteixo avui que, situat en aquest context i després de la manifestació massiva de la Diada, el cop de porta al Pacte Fiscal proposat per aquest Parlament ha representat perdre una oportunitat històrica.

És cert que el president Rajoy em va dir que portés el Pacte Fiscal a les Corts, concretament al Congrés. Tan cert com que la meva resposta va ser que no, perquè no estava disposat a passar per un nou via crucis i una nova humiliació. Aquest cop no votarà el Congrés, aquest cop votarà el poble de Catalunya.

Sé que aquests darrers dies hi ha hagut especulacions sobre si calia convocar eleccions o no. Com volen que no hi hagi eleccions després de la manifestació de l’11 de setembre? Tothom sap que hi ha un abans i un després de la manifestació. Tal com he dit al començament de la meva intervenció, la veu del carrer s’ha de convertir en la veu de les urnes, perquè és l’única manera de saber si els que no van anar a la manifestació estan tots en contra del que

allà es deia, i si els que hi varen anar hi estan tots a favor. Aquesta és la grandesa de la democràcia: quan es viuen situacions excepcionals, que poden tenir una fonda dimensió històrica, cal sotmetre’s al veredicte de la població, que amb el seu vot ha de decidir quins camins cal emprendre en el futur. El Parlament i el Govern que surtin d’aquestes eleccions seran els dipositaris del mandat que expressin els ciutadans a les urnes.

Aquest Parlament ha votat en més d’una ocasió que Catalunya té dret a l’autodeterminació. Ha arribat l’hora d’exercir aquest dret. De manera democràtica, pacífica i constructiva. No cal buscar-se enemics exteriors; només cal fixar-nos en la nostra força interior com a poble i com a nació.

Ens avala una història mil·lenària: ens avala, com deia Pau Casals davant de les Nacions Unides, ser una de les democràcies més antigues d’Europa, si no la més antiga; ens avala la pervivència d’una institució, la Generalitat, que enfonsa les seves arrels en l’Edat Mitjana i que va ser reinstaurada abans de la Constitució espanyola; ens avala una identitat forjada al llarg dels segles i sedimentada en la cultura i no pas en la raça o en l’ètnia, i precisament perquè la nostra identitat és cultural no pot ser mai agressiva ni excloent; ens avala l’estima i el compromís amb una llengua que ha sobreviscut a insurreccions, cops militars, guerres, dictadures i lleis que la varen intentar silenciar per sempre sense haver-ho mai aconseguit del tot; ens avala la nostra identificació amb Europa, fins al punt que podem dir que nosaltres no estem a Europa, sinó que som Europa; i per sobre de tot això, que no és poc, ens avala la nostra voluntat de ser. Volem respecte pel que som, i no haver-lo de demanar cada dia ni haver-nos de justificar per ser el que som.

Volem els mateixos instruments que tenen les altres nacions per preservar la nostra personalitat col·lectiva i desenvolupar un projecte propi de país i de societat.

Catalunya és un país de diàleg i de pacte. Però no és un país mesell. Que no es confongui una actitud que busca l’acord i una mentalitat basada en què parlant la gent s’entén, amb una actitud amorfa i acomodada a qualsevol circumstància. Podem ser amics de tothom, i ho hem demostrat gairebé sempre, però no a canvi de deixar de ser catalans. No a canvi de diluir la nostra personalitat. No a canvi de renunciar a un projecte col·lectiu al servei dels set milions i mig de ciutadans d’aquest país.

El camí que Catalunya es disposa a seguir estarà ple d’entrebancs. Hi haurà difamacions, provocacions i amenaces de tot tipus. Es dirà que Catalunya va cap al precipici i s’intentarà utilitzar la llengua i l’origen geogràfic de les persones per enfrontar-les entre elles. Els que tinguin aquesta temptació farien bé de recordar que el castellà també és patrimoni de Catalunya, com el català ho hauria de ser d’Espanya. I a més, un patrimoni estimat. I també haurien de recordar que dividir un poble com Catalunya per l’origen de les persones seria una autèntica aberració, perquè l’ànima de Catalunya s’alimenta de la barreja de persones de procedències ben diverses.

En els propers temps, a Catalunya li caldrà construir grans majories, tenir molta voluntat i molta capacitat de resistència. Ho hem demostrat en moltes ocasions al llarg de la nostra història col·lectiva, sense anar més lluny avui fa 50 anys de les riuades del Vallès. Aquell cop dur va ser superat gràcies a la solidaritat dels catalans.

Ho vaig dir fa uns dies, ho repeteixo avui: res serà fàcil, però tot és possible.  Que el poble català decideixi lliurament el seu camí de futur, el seu horitzó: heus aquí el perquè de les eleccions. Sotmetem-nos, tots plegats, a la seva voluntat. Acatem, tots plegats, el seu veredicte.

Tots sabem, tots som conscients que el Parlament que surti de les urnes haurà de fer front a una missió històrica, probablement la més complexa i transcendent dels darrers tres-cents anys. També la més arriscada, la que hi tenim més a guanyar, o més a perdre.

Precisament la transcendència del moment que estem vivint com a país, i la magnitud de les decisions a prendre, aconsella que escoltem bé la veu del poble que representem i posem a les seves mans la decisió sobre el futur de la nació.

Sé que unes eleccions són gairebé sempre un escenari que alimenta la confrontació partidista. És inevitable que sigui així, tanmateix no hauríem de perdre de vista que els temps que properament viurem necessitaran, gairebé exigiran, un elevat sentit d’estat i de país i altes dosis de generositat, fins i tot personal.

Aquests darrers dies he meditat molt de quina manera podia jo contribuir com a president del país a amortir el soroll que provoca la confrontació partidista d’unes eleccions. He reflexionat a fons sobre la generositat i el sentit de país que a mi, més que a ningú, em pertoca demostrar i practicar.

En aquest sentit, els anuncio que un cop Catalunya hagi assolit els objectius nacionals que el poble català decideixi, jo no em tornaré a presentar a unes eleccions a la presidència de la Generalitat i espero, desitjo i confio, que aquests objectius s’assoleixin en la propera legislatura, millor en una que en dues si és possible.

Com comprendran, no es tracta d’una decisió fàcil, de fet, és una decisió estrictament personal pensada estricament en clau de país. El motiu de la meva decisió és fàcil d’entendre: encarar un procés d’autodeterminació requereix que el president que l’hagi de liderar tingui una força especial que només li pot donar el poble en unes

eleccions. Si en les properes setmanes he de reclamar aquesta força especial, no vull que ningú pugui pensar que la demano a major glòria o a major conveniència de CiU. Prefereixo que des del primer moment les regles del joc siguin clares, neutres i transparents.

Aquestes eleccions no es convoquen per ajudar una persona o una formació política a perpetuar-se en el poder com s’ha insinuat, es convoquen perquè el conjunt de la població catalana decideixi de forma democràtica, pacífica, cívica i convivencial quin ha de ser el seu futur com a nació.

Moltes gràcies.

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September 26th 2012 – Catalonia Speaks

The headline on Wednesday 26th read “Catalonia Speaks”. Artur Mas had brought forward the next Catalan elections to November 25th. The speech he gave announcing this is really worth listening to or reading in this case. In the light of everything that has happened since then Artur Mas is extraordinarily consistent. Impressive!

Guide for the Future

Artur Mas’s speech in the general political debate of the ninth legislature, which will be the shortest in recent history, was a kind of guide on how to face the immediate future that has opened up in Catalonia after the mass demonstration in Barcelona on September 11th and the failure of the fiscal pact. A future that starts by bringing forward the elections which have the aim of allowing the Catalan people to decide after the right to self-determination so solemnly declared by the President.

The Reasons For Bringing Forward the Elections

There are two reasons that Artur Mas gives for bringing forward the elections. Firstly, the failure of the fiscal pact, which “outside Catalonia has been seen as a problem rather than a solution” and which “time has shown that both PSOE and PP have acted with great shortsightedness” because “they haven’t seen it as a good opportunity to restore raltions between Catalonia and the rest of Spain”. And the other “the impressive demonstration on September 11th” because “there’s a before and an after the demonstration”. A combination which means “these are not times for the institutional comfort zone nor for letting time go by, they are times when you have to take a gamble outside personal comfort or party interests”

The Reason for the Failure to Fit in Spain

The President argues that Catalonia has to continue with its national transition without limitations and says that “after 30 years working constantly and loyally to make Spain a modern democratic European state” because the hope of “this kind of Spain would allow Catalonia to develop its own self-government, its identity and its social model naturally and progressively” but this hope has been definively broken. Firstly by the PP absolute majority in 2000 which “already showed clear signs that things weren’t going in that direction” then the reform of the Estatute “became a torment” then the sentence from the Constitutional Court was a “humiliation” and now slamming the door on the fiscal pact is “missing a historic opportunity”.

The Alternative to Self-Determination

Before the new open political scenario, Artur Mas believes that “the time has come to exercise the right to self-determination, democratically, peacefully, constructively without looking for exterior enemies just concentrating on our own interior strength”. And he promised “to obey and comply with the verdict of the people” such that “the Parliament and Government that come out of these elections will be the depositaries of the mandate the citizens express in the polls” and “they’ll have to face a historic mission, probably the most complex and transcental in the last 300 years years, and also the most risky”. A process in which, in any case, Catalonia “will need to build large majorities and will need a great of will and capacity to resist”.

The Risks of the New Stage

The new journey that Catalonia is about to embark upon, according to the President of the Generalitat, is “full of obstacles” and “there will be slander, provocation and threats”. Specifically, he fears that “they’ll say that Catalonia is close to the edge” and “they will try to use language and the geographical origins to divide the people” and warns “those who have this temptation” that “Castilian is also a Catalan heritage” and that “to divide a people like Catalonia because of people’s origins is an aberration”.

The Limits of Personal Commitment

The new political period will “go as far as the Catalan people decide” but for Artur Mas it will have a personal limit. “Once Catalonia has reached the national objectives that the people decide, I won’t stand again in elections for President of the Generalitat and I hope, desire and feel confident that thos objectives will be achieved in the next legislature, better on one legislature than in two.”

Intervenció del president al Debat de Politica General (25/09/2012)

I managed to hunt down the video of Artur Mas’s speech in Parliament. The really interesting bit is from around 1 hr 15 onwards. (page 32 of the pdf available on the govern.cat site)

More Headlines

Mas Calls Elections and Opens the Self-Determination Process

The Opposition Accuses Mas Of Partidism for Bringing Elections Forward

The Government Announces That It Will Respond Firmly In The Case Of An Election

The Mandate of the Crisis

A President With Ambition and Sell-By Date

Mas Isn’t Bluffing

The Federalist Idea Sparks Tension Between PSOE and PSC “We Won’t Change Course”

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September 25th 2012 – Mas Will Set His Road Map For Catalonia

On Tuesday September 25th, the general debate in the Catalan Parliament was about to begin and Artur Mas would explain Catalonia’s future according to his point of view. The political forces are jostling for position so the article that caught my attention was “A Tsunami In Every Party”, which looks at the changes that had taken place in the political outlook of each of the main Catalan parties during the previous two weeks.

A Tsunami In Every Party

Two weeks have passed since the multitudinous demonstration for September 11th in Barcelona. Two weeks that turned the political scene in Catalonia and the rest of  Spain upside down, in which all political parties have had to make great efforts to adapt themselves to the new situation, some with greater success than others. For most parties, the March to Freedom caught them on the back foot and the general debate that starts in Parliament today, they’ll have a chance to define a new position.

CiU – Fluctuations and Euphemisms

Although both CiU and UDC included declarations in favour of creating a separate state at their recent conferences, achieving it didn’t figure amongst CiU’s immediate objectives. CDC thought very hard before supporting the demonstration on September 11th. UDC went from reviling it to supporting it, with a Josep Antoni Duran i Lleida that first announced that he wouldn’t attend because he considered calling for independence and the fiscal pact at the same time “antagonistic” and later rectified because “there will a unifying sentiment to show the will to exist and dignity of the Catalan people”. The success of the demonstration motivated Artur Mas to take control of the situation, first from Barcelona – “we are closer to a national reality, nothing will be easy bit it’s not impossible” – “Catalonia needs a state” – and the leaders of CiU fell in behind the President of the Generalitat. But since then the euphemisms have been abundant – structures of state, national reality – in order to avoid saying the word independence.

PSC – Last Minute Federalism

The PSC has moved from opposition to the fiscal pact and independence to accepting the consultation as long as “there’s a majority of parties that have declared themselves openly pro-independence” in Parliament. In fact, Pere Navarro has gone from “No to independence” to accepting pro-independentists within the ranks of the PSC. At the same time, he’s taken credit for the federalist turnaround of PSOE. A leader as important as Felipe González now thinks that “the best structure of the state is federal” and that “there can be asymmetries” and the current leader Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba has gone from not wanting to talk to proposing “moving forward towards a federal model” reforming if necessary a Constitution that “isn’t unchangeable”. Although one thing is the argable influence of PSC on PSOE another is the need to mark a distance from PP.

PP – Complete Rejection

PP is as against independence after September 11th as it was before it, if not more. “The Constitution and The Law” used endlessly by all its leaders, with Mariano Rajoy at the front, are the argument to reject debate not only against independence but also against the fiscal pact. The last offer of talks with the underlying hypothesis of “I want to talk, I want dialogue, I want to listen but talking, dialogue and listening don’t consist of things that are black and white”, which was directed at Artur Mas after the door was slammed at La Moncloa. He might soften the tone compared to Alicia Sánchez-Camacho, who radicalises the position against CiU and subscribes to the daring thesis that plebiscitary elections in Catalonia would be illegal and would have to be cancelled. The PP was the only party that applauded the King when he said not to “divide or chase pipe dreams” in a letter that everyone interpreted as a criticism of Catalonia.

ICV – The Argument Moves From Social To National

ICV has moved from supporting social arguments against the cuts implemented by the Government of the Generalitat to accentuating the discourse in favour of the Catalan nation. The argument revolves around “a national agreement to exercise the right to decide” and includes self-determination and referendum but, like CiU, avoids the word independence.

ERC – Full Support

ERC is the party that both before and after September 11th had the independence of Catalonia as its aim. With the main difference that after the big Diada demonstration they are obsessed with stopping CiU from capitalising and want to clearly overcome them amongst sovereignist supporters.

More Headlines

Mas Will Set His Road Map For Catalonia

The President will explain his proposal to Parliament after the fiasco of the Fiscal Pact

Parties argue whether not to set a calendar for a consultation

The Autonomic Fund is moved forward and will allow payment of health and education

Catalonia will be able to accede in time to 5,023 million of the liquidity fund

Mas Draws The Route Towards Sovereignty

The President will present a gradual plan to move towards a separate state

The Declaration of Sovereignty decising whether to include a calendar for the Consultation

The head of government won’t avoid talking of cuts as the only alternative across Europe

PP slams the door on a revision of the finance system

Rubalcaba willing to reform the Constitution in favour of Federalism

Independence is a barbarity for businesses, according to Rosell

Spain pushes to join the Security Council

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September 24th 2012 – Slight Spanish Change of Direction: Less Acrimony and Shoots of Sudden Federalism

The main news on September 24th was the first signs of federalism as a serious proposal and a slightly less aggressive atmosphere in Madrid. However, as the federalist proposals were a blind alley and Madrid was to come back as aggressive as ever within a few days, I’ve decided to use Francesc-Marc Alvaro`s opinion piece from La Vanguardia “The End of Time” as the central text for the day.

The End of Time

García-Margall, Minister of Foreign Affairs, interviewed yesterday in La Vanguardia, continues talking about a hypothetical divorce between Spain and Catalonia so the debate must be taking on a foreign aspect. A few decades ago only only the Ministers of Defence and the Interior would have commented. Today, the diplomatic chief mentions Cambó to close the topic although he recognises that a lot has happened since 1927. Make up your mind! That a diplomat has such an obsolete library on Catalonia is revealing. How can he be expected to understand us if he’s still talking about Cambó?

Of the minister’s answers, the one that I found funniest was the one which, regarding membership of the EU, reminds us that unanimity is needed for the addition of a new state into the Brussels club and adds “it will be like this until the end of time”. The expulsion of Catalonia from the EU and the Euro is the second argument used against the sovereignist thesis.

The first argument is the economic and social decadence that they assure us will punish Catalan society like a biblical plague for having had the cheek to break up such a happy marriage. The defenders of the status quo want to introduce the reasonable doubt amongst the middle classes who feel a real enthusiasm for the chance to recreate a framework of power in which they pay taxes that don’t come back in a fair proportion.

I can’t the minister’s esoteric phrase out of my head. It’s like something out of a children’s story. “This how it will be until the end of time”. According to this statement, collective life has come to a permanent stop and the history of Europe has entered a period of absolute immobility. The message is clear. Catalans you have no other option than to accept things as they are.

But “the end of time” is a concept more typical of theologians than politicians. Scientists have explained that the universe is in expansion and changes constantly. The stars in the galaxies are born, live and die just like all institutions created be man since the stone age.

Soon there will be elections and the citizens will speak as voters. Before we begin the vertigo of historic elections, I’d like to help the minister understand events. The Catalan rebellion of the last few days is a consumer rebellion, very typical of our times. The product Spain has ceased to be useful for a large part of Catalan society. The Diada demonstration shows the power of the consumers, nothing more nothing less. And now no product lasts a whole lifetime. Not the car, not the house, not the bank, not the marriage. Each one of us decides when the end of time is for ourselves, fortunately.

More Headlines

Slight Spanish Change of Direction: Less Acrimony and Shoots of Sudden Federalism

The Denigrated Asymmetric Federalism Begins To Have Unsuspected Supporters

The Basic Positions Haven’t Changed But The Tone Has Been Moderated

The Pollsters Get To Work: Catalan Elections in Sight

A Third Way

PSC Makes An Effort To Avoid Voting With PP Against Sovereignism

Oriol Pujol Challenges Rajoy To Make A Move To Show His Willingness For Dialogue

Prosecutors Investigate The Anti-Catalan Colonel

Valencia Considers A Closure or To Continue Collaborating With Catalonia

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