Helen H. Moore's Blog, page 928
December 9, 2015
The blinding irrelevance of Time magazine: Why Angela Merkel as “Person of the Year” just proves its love affair with power
Angela Merkel didn't get the Nobel Peace Prize in 2015, but Time magazine has ensured that the Chancellor of Germany isn't going to end the year empty-handed. Merkel has been named the 2015 Person of the Year—the annual honorific that, for whatever reason, still seems to matter a great deal. (There's a whole other piece to be written about why we're even that interested in what Time thinks about the state of the planet in 2015, but that's for another day.)
Editor Nancy Gibbs wrote that Merkel's acceptance of the refugees who are still pouring into Germany was the main reason that she had been selected. She hailed Merkel "for asking more of her country than most politicians would dare, for standing firm against tyranny as well as expedience and for providing steadfast moral leadership in a world where it is in short supply." An accompanying article expanded on this point.
Merkel's insistence that refugees should be allowed into Germany—one she has faced no small amount of political pressure for—is certainly laudable, especially as the U.S. is dealing with a groundswell of racist hysteria around refugees who haven't even come here. It's also, of course, good that Time has named a woman as its Person of the Year for the first time—and this is really true–since 1986. These things are important. Yet the choice reflects both Time's unerring commitment to worshiping the powerful and to choosing the blandly inspiring over the truly interesting.
You don't have to take my word on the first point. Time's Radhika Jones, in explaining why so few women have been named "Person of the Year," wrote that "the label of Person of the Year tends to favor people with institutional power." At least Time is being upfront about its priorities there.
(And, not for nothing, but that closeness to power is reflected in the magazine's endorsement of the way Merkel dealt with the Greek euro crisis this year. There are those who would be rather less enthusiastic about the unyielding manner in which Merkel led Europe's highly anti-democratic response to the wishes of the elected Syriza government in Greece. Time, though, loves what it calls her "stern mien" and her toughness with "sunny Mediterranean nations that spent money they did not have.")
The second point, though, is equally important in sussing out why Time makes the choices it does. Although the magazine always insists that the recipient is the person who mattered most for good or for ill, it has a long history of avoiding potentially divisive figures. The past few years offer ample proof of this: Pope Francis was chosen over Edward Snowden in 2013, and "Ebola fighters" over Ferguson protesters and Vladimir Putin in 2014. This year, Merkel beat out ISIS chief Abu Bakr al Baghdadi and the Black Lives Matter protesters, among others. Both made an arguably bigger impact on America and the world than Merkel did, but both would surely have been more controversial picks.
Even if you think that Time should aim for the middle instead of taking a sharper stand, though, there's a glaring choice staring the magazine in the face that it failed to make. Instead of highlighting the benign white leader who welcomed the huddled masses into her country, why not choose the refugees themselves? These are ordinary people who have braved horror at home and abroad; who have been through hell and back; who have faced down tyrants and demagogues in both the Middle East and in Europe and, by proxy, in the United States; who have shaped the presidential race and global politics; and who, through it all, have insisted, by their actions, that they have a right to live in peace and that they are worthy of international protection. Now that would have been something even the coldest of cynics would find it possible to get behind.






Patricia Arquette urges action on the gender pay gap with an inclusive call-to-arms: “It was never about only actresses or white women to me”






Abigail Fisher deserves an ‘F’ for her race-baiting Supreme Court case aimed at boosting subpar white students
It's true that the university, for whatever reason, offered provisional admission to some students with lower test scores and grades than Fisher. Five of those students were black or Latino. Forty-two were white. Neither Fisher nor Blum mentioned those 42 applicants in interviews. Nor did they acknowledge the 168 black and Latino students with grades as good as or better than Fisher's who were also denied entry into the university that year.Fisher's case only makes sense if you assume that people of color are inherently less worthy than white people. How else do you justify an argument that assumes that every white person should have been given a shot before minority students do? This assumption of the inherent superiority of white people, even above those people of color who have more appealing applications, was reflected in Antonin Scalia's remarks during today's case.
Instead of telling her where to shove it, the Supreme Court sent Fisher's case back to the appeals court. Now she and her lawyers are back again. This time, they've tweaked their argument a bit, trying to argue that diversity itself is an illegitimate goal for schools and, to add a bit of extra nastiness sauce to it, they're claiming that diversity is bad for students of color. In other words, Fisher and her lawyers are concern-trolling the Supreme Court. Most of UT Austin's admissions are on the basis of high school class standing — about 80 percent of its class in the year that Fisher applied. But the other 20 percent are determined in a holistic fashion, by looking at grades, extracurricular activities, test scores, writing samples, the usual stuff. Because of the school's commitment to diversity, race and class background is also taken into consideration. Someone who shows potential but faced some obstacles gets a closer look than someone who hasn't had similar obstacles. When you read about this case, it quickly becomes self-evident why the admissions committee didn't think Fisher had some hidden potential that wasn't reflected in her grades. Fisher, however, has decided her unparalleled genius is going unnoticed because of the notorious racism against white people. But since that argument hasn't gotten her very far, her lawyer, Edward Blum, is now trying a different tactic to argue that schools should admit mediocre white people over talented students of color: His claim is that giving students of color an opportunity somehow hurts them. "Rigorous judicial review,” Blum's new petition argues, “would have revealed that UT’s ‘qualitative’ diversity interest is in fact illegitimate. It depends on the assumption that, as a group, minorities admitted through the Top Ten Percent Law are inherently limited in their ability to contribute to the university’s vision of a diverse student body, merely because many come from majority-minority communities." Translated from legalese to English: It's supposedly racist to let students of color with middling grades into UT Austin, because you're assuming they can't do better. It's a particularly rich argument, considering that Fisher is arguing that she should have been given the first shot, before any students of color, at getting in with middling grades. But the school is arguing that they should have a right to evaluate a student beyond grades, at least in the 20 percent of cases at stake here. Students who get in with less than stellar grades (most of whom are white, we must remember) usually do so by making a case that they have potential. Taking someone's racial background and the obstacles they faced from it is part of making that case. Blum's argument says more about his and Fisher's racial prejudices than it does about the school. It's they who assume that non-whites students must have been given a leg up because they couldn't hack it on their own. But when it comes to Fisher, they employ a different assumption, believing, against all evidence to the contrary, that she must be good enough to deserve a spot. There's a word for casually assuming the worst about people of color while assuming the best, even in the face of contrary evidence, of white people. Needless to say, it's not a word commonly associated with doing well by people of color. The "diversity is bad for students of color" argument is clearly disingenuous, but it's really just cover for the larger argument that Blum is making, which is that universities have no interest in having diverse student bodies. Unfortunately, this claim, even without the doing-it-for-the-black-kids justification, has a warm audience with the conservative justices. As the Wall Street Journal liveblog demonstrates, Samuel Alito was arguing from the bench that as long as you have some black students, then you don't really need to work to make sure that the student body's diversity is reflexive of the country at large. John Roberts got snotty, asking, "“What ‘unique perspective’ does a minority student bring to a physics class?” It's interesting how he assumes the purpose in having black students is not to educate those students, but only if they can bring a "unique perspective" for the benefit of white students. But of course, the purpose of universities, especially land grant colleges like UT Austin, is not just about giving white people a good college experience. It's about improving society, as a whole. And that whole includes black people, who are currently underrepresented in higher education. UT Austin found a way to balance its duty to provide education to improve lives for people, all kinds of people, with their duty to maintain a level of educational excellence. Let's hope the Supreme Court doesn't chuck that in favor of a system whose only purpose is to elevate white mediocre students like Abigail Fisher over promising students of color.From transcript, what Scalia said today on whether black people would be better served at "less advanced" schools pic.twitter.com/ikYGnjqM5p
— Irin Carmon (@irin) December 9, 2015

It's true that the university, for whatever reason, offered provisional admission to some students with lower test scores and grades than Fisher. Five of those students were black or Latino. Forty-two were white. Neither Fisher nor Blum mentioned those 42 applicants in interviews. Nor did they acknowledge the 168 black and Latino students with grades as good as or better than Fisher's who were also denied entry into the university that year.Fisher's case only makes sense if you assume that people of color are inherently less worthy than white people. How else do you justify an argument that assumes that every white person should have been given a shot before minority students do? This assumption of the inherent superiority of white people, even above those people of color who have more appealing applications, was reflected in Antonin Scalia's remarks during today's case.
Instead of telling her where to shove it, the Supreme Court sent Fisher's case back to the appeals court. Now she and her lawyers are back again. This time, they've tweaked their argument a bit, trying to argue that diversity itself is an illegitimate goal for schools and, to add a bit of extra nastiness sauce to it, they're claiming that diversity is bad for students of color. In other words, Fisher and her lawyers are concern-trolling the Supreme Court. Most of UT Austin's admissions are on the basis of high school class standing — about 80 percent of its class in the year that Fisher applied. But the other 20 percent are determined in a holistic fashion, by looking at grades, extracurricular activities, test scores, writing samples, the usual stuff. Because of the school's commitment to diversity, race and class background is also taken into consideration. Someone who shows potential but faced some obstacles gets a closer look than someone who hasn't had similar obstacles. When you read about this case, it quickly becomes self-evident why the admissions committee didn't think Fisher had some hidden potential that wasn't reflected in her grades. Fisher, however, has decided her unparalleled genius is going unnoticed because of the notorious racism against white people. But since that argument hasn't gotten her very far, her lawyer, Edward Blum, is now trying a different tactic to argue that schools should admit mediocre white people over talented students of color: His claim is that giving students of color an opportunity somehow hurts them. "Rigorous judicial review,” Blum's new petition argues, “would have revealed that UT’s ‘qualitative’ diversity interest is in fact illegitimate. It depends on the assumption that, as a group, minorities admitted through the Top Ten Percent Law are inherently limited in their ability to contribute to the university’s vision of a diverse student body, merely because many come from majority-minority communities." Translated from legalese to English: It's supposedly racist to let students of color with middling grades into UT Austin, because you're assuming they can't do better. It's a particularly rich argument, considering that Fisher is arguing that she should have been given the first shot, before any students of color, at getting in with middling grades. But the school is arguing that they should have a right to evaluate a student beyond grades, at least in the 20 percent of cases at stake here. Students who get in with less than stellar grades (most of whom are white, we must remember) usually do so by making a case that they have potential. Taking someone's racial background and the obstacles they faced from it is part of making that case. Blum's argument says more about his and Fisher's racial prejudices than it does about the school. It's they who assume that non-whites students must have been given a leg up because they couldn't hack it on their own. But when it comes to Fisher, they employ a different assumption, believing, against all evidence to the contrary, that she must be good enough to deserve a spot. There's a word for casually assuming the worst about people of color while assuming the best, even in the face of contrary evidence, of white people. Needless to say, it's not a word commonly associated with doing well by people of color. The "diversity is bad for students of color" argument is clearly disingenuous, but it's really just cover for the larger argument that Blum is making, which is that universities have no interest in having diverse student bodies. Unfortunately, this claim, even without the doing-it-for-the-black-kids justification, has a warm audience with the conservative justices. As the Wall Street Journal liveblog demonstrates, Samuel Alito was arguing from the bench that as long as you have some black students, then you don't really need to work to make sure that the student body's diversity is reflexive of the country at large. John Roberts got snotty, asking, "“What ‘unique perspective’ does a minority student bring to a physics class?” It's interesting how he assumes the purpose in having black students is not to educate those students, but only if they can bring a "unique perspective" for the benefit of white students. But of course, the purpose of universities, especially land grant colleges like UT Austin, is not just about giving white people a good college experience. It's about improving society, as a whole. And that whole includes black people, who are currently underrepresented in higher education. UT Austin found a way to balance its duty to provide education to improve lives for people, all kinds of people, with their duty to maintain a level of educational excellence. Let's hope the Supreme Court doesn't chuck that in favor of a system whose only purpose is to elevate white mediocre students like Abigail Fisher over promising students of color.From transcript, what Scalia said today on whether black people would be better served at "less advanced" schools pic.twitter.com/ikYGnjqM5p
— Irin Carmon (@irin) December 9, 2015







S.E. Cupp and Trump spokeswoman brawl over Muslim immigration ban: “So what? They’re Muslim!”











Sean Hannity’s searing hypocrisy: Having conservative beliefs is only OK if you’re a Christian
So there is a cultural divide. If somebody from a country that practices sharia, wants to come to America, do we have a right to know and to vet whether or not they are bringing values that are contradictory to our constitutional republic? Do they want the breathe of freedom and a better life for themselves, their daughters, their family? Or do they want to bring their values with them? And how do you ascertain that? And is asking that question really so over the top? If those values are brought with them, are they going to treat American women this way, or treat women in their own families this way? Or gays and lesbians in their own family this way? Why is there such a denial about how sharia law contradicts everything that we believe in our constitutional republic?Hannity no doubt thinks this is a way to wiggle out of the unconstitutional calls for a religious test on immigrants. But of course, this is still a religious test. Hannity isn't going to support laws requiring Christians to prove their liberal bona fides in order to earn the right to live here. If we did have laws like that, of course, Hannity would have to relinquish his citizenship and hope that Saudi Arabia takes him. That's because Hannity, like nearly all conservatives these days, is a strong believer in the Christian version of "sharia law," i.e. forcing conservative religious beliefs on the non-believers by law. Hannity's theocratic yearnings are particularly strong when it comes to destroying the lives of women and LGBT people. On the topic of women's sexuality, Hannity loves to rail about how "modern feminism" is all about "abortion" and "free birth control," sounding quite a bit like some fundamentalist imams issuing dire warnings about women's liberation and promiscuity. Hannity may be pretending right now to be concerned about the wellbeing of LGBT people, but as soon as his faux concern stops being a useful shield, he has nothing but hate for queer people. He advocates for the "right" of parents to shame their gay children under the guise of teaching "values." He also hustles hard to deny transgender people the ability to use the bathroom in peace. No doubt Hannity's argument is that his support for forced childbirth, mistreatment of LGBT children, and public harassment of transgender people is OK, because it isn't as bad as fundamentalist Muslim views on these issue. "I must sound like the liberal here, because I'm one of the ones standing up for women and women's rights," he preened Tuesday during his show. This is because, as he goes on to lay out, he opposes beating women to death for having unauthorized sex. How very generous of him. Sure, he wants to make contraception harder for you to get and force you to give birth if you get pregnant, all while he sneeringly implies you're a slut on the radio, but hey, he'll allow you to live. So he's like practically a liberal, right? That's why these "gotcha" arguments that conservatives roll out about Muslims don't make a lick of sense. You're not going to find many liberals who think that anyone, Muslim or Christian, should be able to invoke religion in order to wiggle out of laws offering broad protections against domestic violence and child abuse. Hannity claims to be worried about the safety of Muslim women at the hands of their fundamentalist relatives. If so, why would you want them to continue living in countries that have fewer protections instead of moving to countries, like ours, that, at least in theory, take crimes like domestic violence more seriously? The "sharia law" hysteria on the right that Hannity is fueling here is a classic example of right-wing projection. Liberals (outside of a idiots who have a simplistic view of multiculturalism) don't think conservative hostility to women and LGBT people is only wrong if it comes from Christians but somehow ennobling if it comes from Muslims. We just simply put a value on religious freedom and believe that everyone, even creeps like Sean Hannity, should be allowed to believe their stupid, hateful beliefs are justified by God, so long as they follow the laws and don't impose their views on others. The big difference between conservative Muslims and Christians in this country is that only the latter have a massive, organized movement that is backed by an entire political party to force their theocratic views on the non-believers. I may disagree with the religious views of conservative Muslims, but by and large, they aren't trying to force me to wear a burqua or to turn the local high school graduation ceremonies into a Muslim prayer service. You can't say the same about conservative Christians like Sean Hannity, however. Hannity would force someone like me to have a baby against my will, all because his God says so. Conservative Christians are forever trying to hijack government events and services and turn them into proselytization opportunities for their religion, often by pretending their "religious freedom" is being constrained if they are asked not to use taxpayer dollars to impose their religion on others. Most kids can expect to go to their biology classroom without having Muslim-penned religious materials being passed off on them as if they were "science," but in huge swaths of America today, public school science classes are being used to pass off Christian theology under the guise of "teaching the controversy." Similarly, kids in health classes in America don't have to worry very much about having Islam-constructed views of human sexuality taught in lieu of evidence-based sex ed, but substituting Christian ideology for real sex ed is the norm in this country these days, not the exception. Liberals understand that the price you pay for religious freedom is some people adopt views that you disagree with, whether they call those views "Muslim" or "Christian." The problems really begin when you try to impose those views on others by force, and in that department, Muslims have a long way to go in the U.S. before they can even begin to catch up to Christians.







December 8, 2015
Get ready to argue: This optical test is our new “the dress,” but for politics










Lane Bryant’s epic Twitter chat fail: “Their brand is to make fat people feel like they are our only choice”






Donald Trump’s no leader — he’s just the voice that the ugliest Americans have been dying for








Jeb Bush suggests that Trump’s campaign is a Democratic false flag conspiracy after The Donald flirts with a third party bid, again






Enough with the starry-eyed “Imagine” nostalgia: Let’s remember John Lennon without the illusions
In the days after Mark David Chapman shot John Lennon on Dec. 8, 1980, the area around the gates of the Dakota, Lennon’s apartment building in New York City, quickly turned into a makeshift memorial. Flowers and signs from fans quoting Beatles lyrics were displayed alongside the more official remembrances, as world leaders made their way to honor an artist whose life had been ended too early.Lennon was one of the greatest musicians in the history – easily one of the most talented singers and songwriters of the rock era – and he was a key part of what may’ve been the greatest rock band ever. His loss at age 40 was devastating to a lot of us, not least because he seemed to be coming back up for air after a long period of public retreat. But that dark day looks a bit different now than it did in 1980. To understand Lennon’s death, it’s worth looking at what we’ve learned since. It makes his life and death seem a bit more complicated -- even to someone like me who spent his childhood worshiping him. First, the heart of the Beatles legacy – the Lennon/McCartney songwriting partnership – was not quite the happy marriage we once imagined. Or rather, it ceased to be after 1964 and maybe earlier. There’s some disagreement on just how close or far the two were on songs once considered collaborations. “The truth may never be established,” Ian MacDonald wrote in the 1997 edition of “Revolution in the Head,” one of the most detailed looks at the band’s music. “Each a self-sufficient writer, McCartney and Lennon saw their working relationship as one of mutually interested (and, at their happiest, mutually enthusiastic) business partners,” with, he writes, 1965 as a period of profound tension. In the book’s song-by-song description, MacDonald documents recording sessions to which Lennon did not even show. These days, it’s less shocking to say that there are “John songs.” But in 1980 – despite some discussion of the songwriters’ autonomy – many more informed people considered the creative partnership a fully collaborative, if tension-filled one. (The writer Joshua Wolf Shenk, by the way, argues in his book “Powers of Two” that despite some ruptures, Lennon and McCartney kept working together until the very end.) Second, Lennon was AWOL during the last few years of the band, and much of the band’s adventurous side – from the interest in contemporary art to the influence of experimental music – came from McCartney. Many of us thought of Paul as the square Beatle, and John as the arty one. But much of what’s come out since Lennon’s death shows how crucial McCartney was to pushing the band forward. John, meanwhile, was nursing a drug habit in the suburbs for some of that time. “Here, There and Everywhere,” the 2006 book by the Beatles’ recording engineer, Geoff Emerick, makes clear that McCartney kept the band together during the last few years. It was John, much more than Yoko, who introduced most of the strain. The rise of respect for George Harrison’s contributions – and his championing by musicians like Elliott Smith – have come at John’s expense as well, since Lennon played a role in keeping Harrison marginalized as a songwriter on the band’s albums. Third, Lennon could be a good friend and a lot of fun; he could also be an awful human being. It’s not polite to speak ill of the dead, but Lennon’s transgressions have been well-documented since his death, and his son Julian has been especially hard on him for effectively abandoning him when he was a child. Lennon had a painful childhood that left him deeply scarred. But it doesn’t entirely excuse the way he treated the people close to him. Lennon was, then, a very hard guy to make simple sense of, especially as more history has come out. Finally, it seemed in 1980 that Lennon’s murder by a deranged fan with a handgun would lead to a serious, sustained, and consequential movement for gun control. Those hopes – despite great effort -- don’t seem to have gone as far as a lot of us hoped. You can lament, as I do, Lennon’s sins and shortcomings -- and want to remember him without illusions – and also wish we were a bit further along on this one. Rest in peace, John Lennon.On the 35th anniversary of John Lennon’s murder in New York City, social media is raging. Pictures of Lennon in his Beatles moptop or his shaggier ‘70s state are appearing by the thousands; the lyrics from “Imagine” are easy to find on Twitter today. There are photos of Strawberry Fields in New York Central Park, and descriptions of how his shooting was reported that night. You can find plenty of reminiscences of the murder and its aftermath, like this from Time:
In the days after Mark David Chapman shot John Lennon on Dec. 8, 1980, the area around the gates of the Dakota, Lennon’s apartment building in New York City, quickly turned into a makeshift memorial. Flowers and signs from fans quoting Beatles lyrics were displayed alongside the more official remembrances, as world leaders made their way to honor an artist whose life had been ended too early.Lennon was one of the greatest musicians in the history – easily one of the most talented singers and songwriters of the rock era – and he was a key part of what may’ve been the greatest rock band ever. His loss at age 40 was devastating to a lot of us, not least because he seemed to be coming back up for air after a long period of public retreat. But that dark day looks a bit different now than it did in 1980. To understand Lennon’s death, it’s worth looking at what we’ve learned since. It makes his life and death seem a bit more complicated -- even to someone like me who spent his childhood worshiping him. First, the heart of the Beatles legacy – the Lennon/McCartney songwriting partnership – was not quite the happy marriage we once imagined. Or rather, it ceased to be after 1964 and maybe earlier. There’s some disagreement on just how close or far the two were on songs once considered collaborations. “The truth may never be established,” Ian MacDonald wrote in the 1997 edition of “Revolution in the Head,” one of the most detailed looks at the band’s music. “Each a self-sufficient writer, McCartney and Lennon saw their working relationship as one of mutually interested (and, at their happiest, mutually enthusiastic) business partners,” with, he writes, 1965 as a period of profound tension. In the book’s song-by-song description, MacDonald documents recording sessions to which Lennon did not even show. These days, it’s less shocking to say that there are “John songs.” But in 1980 – despite some discussion of the songwriters’ autonomy – many more informed people considered the creative partnership a fully collaborative, if tension-filled one. (The writer Joshua Wolf Shenk, by the way, argues in his book “Powers of Two” that despite some ruptures, Lennon and McCartney kept working together until the very end.) Second, Lennon was AWOL during the last few years of the band, and much of the band’s adventurous side – from the interest in contemporary art to the influence of experimental music – came from McCartney. Many of us thought of Paul as the square Beatle, and John as the arty one. But much of what’s come out since Lennon’s death shows how crucial McCartney was to pushing the band forward. John, meanwhile, was nursing a drug habit in the suburbs for some of that time. “Here, There and Everywhere,” the 2006 book by the Beatles’ recording engineer, Geoff Emerick, makes clear that McCartney kept the band together during the last few years. It was John, much more than Yoko, who introduced most of the strain. The rise of respect for George Harrison’s contributions – and his championing by musicians like Elliott Smith – have come at John’s expense as well, since Lennon played a role in keeping Harrison marginalized as a songwriter on the band’s albums. Third, Lennon could be a good friend and a lot of fun; he could also be an awful human being. It’s not polite to speak ill of the dead, but Lennon’s transgressions have been well-documented since his death, and his son Julian has been especially hard on him for effectively abandoning him when he was a child. Lennon had a painful childhood that left him deeply scarred. But it doesn’t entirely excuse the way he treated the people close to him. Lennon was, then, a very hard guy to make simple sense of, especially as more history has come out. Finally, it seemed in 1980 that Lennon’s murder by a deranged fan with a handgun would lead to a serious, sustained, and consequential movement for gun control. Those hopes – despite great effort -- don’t seem to have gone as far as a lot of us hoped. You can lament, as I do, Lennon’s sins and shortcomings -- and want to remember him without illusions – and also wish we were a bit further along on this one. Rest in peace, John Lennon.





