Damian Shiels's Blog, page 7

Podcast: The Untold Civil War and the Irish Experience of the Civil War

We (Catherine, Brendan and Damian) recently had the opportunity to have a chat with the Untold Civil War Podcast about the Irish experience of the American Civil War, part of their 2022 St Patrick’s Day Special. We covered different aspects of the Irish experience, as well as a bit about what sparked our own interest in the topic. You can catch up with our episode of the podcast by clicking here.

The Andersonville Irish Project on RTE’s History Show

Ireland’s national broadcaster RTE’s flagship radio history show last week dedicated a portion of their programme to the work of the Andersonville Irish Podcast. I chatted with the show’s host Myles Dungan about the prison and the Irish experience there, along with what the project is revealing about wider emigration. One of the letters we discovered associated with the Andersonville Irish was also read out by an actor. The segment has now been released as a podcast, so if you have a few minutes to spare, you can check it out by clicking here or at the link below!

https://www.rte.ie/radio/podcasts/22073443-the-andersonville-irish-project/

Witnesses to History: A New Letter from the Irish Brigade

The return of the Witnesses to History series sees long-time friend of the site Gary Chiaramonte share news of a new acquisition by the The American Military Heritage Museum of North Carolina. Gary has spent many years researching and collecting material relating to the Irish experience of the American Civil War, and has identified a letter written by Irish Brigade soldier John Curran. Gary takes up the story: 

New to the museum is this letter, composed by John Curran of “I” Co. 88th Regiment New York Volunteers (Irish Brigade) The letter reads:

Camp Near Falmouth, Virginia
April 13th 1863

Dear Aunt,

I take my pen in hand before I leave for the Summer Campaign to let you know I am in good health. As I hope this will find you also. I have wrote to you before, but I got no answer to it.

We are now under marching orders. We will be into a fight before two days. So I send you my likeness. It is not a good one. But it’s as good as can be expected in Virginia.

When you get this, write to me and let me know how you and all friends are. I wonder why you never wrote to me. I hope nothing serious is the matter with you. I have not much time to write as I am packing up to be off.

So good bye for a while.

I remain yours till death,
John Curran

Company I, 88th Regiment New York Volunteers

Washington, DC or elsewhere

Address as above and let it be soon.

[image error] The John Curran Letter (Gary Chiaramonte)

John Curran was born in Ireland in 1843. (1) Curran would arrive in America and become a butcher. Soon after the outbreak of the American Civil War John heard the call. He would enlist in New York City on September 27th, 1861. (2) John would be mustered into “I” Co. 88th New York Infantry part of the famed Irish Brigade that same day. On the muster roll John Curran is listed as a Private.

He was described as being five feet eight inches tall, with light hair, grey eyes, and a fair complexion. In December Curran and the 88th left for The Capital. They would remain to defend Washington till April of 1862, when the regiment participated in the siege of Yorktown. The 88th and Private Curran would be engaged at White Oak Swamp, Battle of Fair Oaks, The Seven days before Richmond, and Battle of Antietam. Here the 88th New York:

“crossed Antietam Creek (9:30 a.m.) at Pry’s Ford. As it formed at the edge of a cornfield Father William Corby, Chaplain rode along the line, giving absolution to the soldiers. The 88th New York crossing the cornfield, the command encountered a rail fence which was torn down under severe fire an opposing Confederate column advanced within 300 paces of the brigade. After several volleys, the Irish Brigade charged with fixed bayonets. At 30 paces it poured buck and ball into General George B. Anderson’s Brigade (2nd, 4th, 14th and 30th North Carolina Infantry Regiments) which fell back to “Bloody Lane”. After fierce combat its ammunition exhausted the Irish Brigade was relieved.” (3)

The next engagement Private Curran would be involved in would be the Battle of Fredericksburg. Before the battle:

“The men of the Irish Brigade placed sprigs of boxwood in their caps in honor of their Irish heritage. Later in the day, they took part in the futile assaults against confederate positions on Marye’s Heights. After the battle, the Union dead closest to the Confederate positions wore sprigs of boxwood in their caps.” (4)

At the time of this letter Private Curran and the 88th were posted in Falmouth Virginia. In the letter he states “We are now under marching orders. We will be into a fight before two days” This is a reference to the upcoming “Mud March”, and the Chancellorsville Campaign. During the Battle of Chancellorsville the regiment lost 5 men killed or mortally wounded, 4 officers and 18 men wounded, and 19 men missing. (5) In July of 1863 Private Curran would fight at Gettysburg:

“The brigade entered the battle under command of Colonel Patrick Kelly 530 strong, of which this contingent, composing three battalions of two companies each, numbered 240 men. The original strength of these battalions was 3,000 men. The brigade participated with great credit to itself and the race it represented”. (6)

Campaigning and the toll of battle must have weighed heavily on Private Curran. According to a letter, written by Assistant Surgeon William Parkinson Moon in October of 1863. (7) Curran was on kitchen duty at Mower Hospital in the Chestnut Hill neighborhood of Philadelphia. It is unclear why he was there, however since Curran was not listed as wounded one can assume he was admitted for either disease, or “soldier’s heart” (The 1860s term for PTSD).

[image error] William P Moon letter to Mary Curran (Gary Chiaramonte)

Private Curran would re-enlist in the 88th on March 22nd, 1864. He would participate in the following engagements: the Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, Po River, and the assault on the Salient or “Bloody Angle”. He would desert while on furlough on May 16th, 1864. (8)

After seeing all that death, one cannot blame Private Curran for his desertion. He served his adopted country honorably till his desertion. One could surmise that a lack of knowledge about the psychological toll of combat, and its treatment damaged Private Curran in an irreparable manner. His story ends here since no further records can be found.

References

(1) “New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts,” Fold3, accessed January 7, 2022.

(2) Ibid.

(3) “88th New York Infantry Regiment,” The Civil War in the East, May 28, 2019.

(4) Ibid.

(5) Ibid.

(6) Ibid.

(7) Moon, William Parkinson. Letter to Mary Jane Curran. “William Parkinson Moon RE: John Curran.” Chestnut Hill, Pennsylvania: Mower Hospital, October 23, 1863.

(8) “New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts.” Fold3. Accessed January 7, 2022.

[image error]

Virtually Speaking: Civil War Irish Songs

Back on 25th January last Catherine gave an online presentation to the Morris Center for Lowcountry Heritage in South Carolina on the topic of Civil War Irish Songs. The talk was recorded and is available via Facebook Live- although we are biased, we think it’s well worth checking out! It will be of particular interest for those of you who want to learn more about the meaning behind the music- it also features some great images of contemporary Irish sheet music! You can find Catherine’s talk here or by clicking on the image below.

[image error]

Forgotten Patriot: ‘Paddy’ Owen and the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteer Regiment- Part Two

In the second of his two-part guest post about the Welsh-born Irish 69th Pennsylvania General Joshua T. Owen, Aled Jones (Swansea University) explores more about Owen’s troubled Civil War career and image. In this second post, Owen defends his conduct in the wake of doubts over his leadership abilities. You can catch-up on Part 1 here . You can follow Aled on Twitter , and contact him via Swansea University at a.h.jones.947840@swansea.ac.uk . Aled’s guest posts were written in response to our call for guest post submissions – and we welcome interest and submissions from anyone interested in writing for us. For more details and guidelines on guest post submissions, please read our dedicated section on the website. The editors want to thank Aled again for his posts on the fascinating wartime life of Joshua Owen and his 69th Pennsylvania.

There is nothing like brave Owens, And his Irish Volunteers (1)

So wrote Arthur Fadden of Company B, 69th Pennsylvania Volunteer Regiment in his ballad composition ‘Col. Owens’ Gallant Irish Volunteers.’ This excerpt subtly encapsulates how Owen, contrary to the allegations of cowardice attached to him by General Gibbon (as discussed in Part 1), was in fact brave, thoroughly competent, and beloved by his men. My previous blog post vindicated his reputation as Brigadier General of the Philadelphia Brigade with the eye-witness accounts of his soldiers. In this post, I will showcase how Owen’s own letters combated his defamation in the press, presenting us with a cautious, but disciplined and talented commander.

[image error] Title detail of Arthur McFadden’s ballad ‘Col. Owens’ Gallant Irish Volunteers’ (Philadelphia, c.1863), via Library of Congress.

Of the innumerable scholarly works on the Civil War, only two truly stand out as defenders of Owen’s character and performance as a combat leader; Francis O’Reilly and Gordon Rhea. The former explored Owen’s leadership of his brigade at the Battle of Fredericksburg in December 1862, where he concluded that Owen was cautious yet utterly competent, as well as fearless. He observed Owen leading his brigade in house-to-house fighting, even flanking the Confederate position in the dark, conforming to the Union ideal wanted by volunteers. Indeed, O’Reilly called him ‘Feisty Joshua Owen.’(2) Then, when pinned down by enfilading fire from the stone wall, Owen held a tight control over his men, refusing to let them fire. His decision kept the brigade from wasting bullets, although it disillusioned many of his soldiers. Howard, on the other hand, marvelled at the staying power of Owen’s brigade, dubbing them the Stonewall brigade. (3)

Owen’s command at Cold Harbor in June 1864, where he earned Gibbon’s ire, was examined by Gordon Rhea, who concluded similarly that Owen was competent, courageous, and above all considerate of his men. Gibbon wanted the Philadelphia Brigade to attack in column, and he made that point explicit. Owen was to “assault the enemy’s works with his brigade in column in rear of the right of Colonel Smyth’s brigade.” Owen started out as directed, massing his brigade in eight lines and pushing ahead behind Smyth’s right flank. (4)

[image error] On the Union right can be seen Gibbon’s division, flanked by Smith and Warren. The woods and swamps are immediately in front of their positions, showing how formidable a challenge Owen faced at Cold Harbor.  Source: Robert Knox Sneden, Plan of the Battle of Cold Harbor, June 3rd. [to 1865, 1864] Map. Retrieved from the Library of Congress.

When Owen reached the swampy terrain on Smyth’s right however, he decided on another tack. Instead of advancing as ordered, he inclined sharply southwest through woods, emerging in line on Smyth’s left flank. (5) Gibbon was furious that Owen did not support Smyth’s assault, and subsequently pressed charges against him, resulting in his mustering out of service in Mid-July 1864. This links to why Gibbon accused him of cowardice, an accusation that stemmed from a strong personal dislike that escalated and finally provided an excuse to get rid of his subordinate. However, Rhea argued that, in truth, Owen’s decision to shift left of Smyth had been an opportune move. Contrary to Gibbon’s assertion, Smyth and McMahon had made no lodgement, and throwing Owen’s brigade into the Boatswain Creek sector would only have increased Union casualties. (6) He agreed that Owen was a competent officer who led from the front and cared deeply for his men.

Owen’s own official battlefield reports reinforce this supposition. In his descriptions of his conduct under enemy fire, Owen appeared to follow each order to the letter, yet was capable enough to adapt to an unfavourable situation to avoid his men becoming unnecessary casualties. By no means did he appear a coward; only a competent officer who refused to adhere to full frontal assaults on well-defended Confederate positions. His report of his brigade’s conduct at the Battle of Antietam on the 20th September 1862 is insightful in this regard. Owen mentioned taking heavy fire from the enemy’s positions, yet he successfully reasserted discipline and kept his men in line. He witnessed the left flank of Sedgwick’s division fleeing in panic, followed by General Sumner ordering a withdrawal:

‘As speedily as possible I restored the brigade to order and assumed a position in support of the reserve batteries. This position proved to be a most formidable one, and the enemy did not dare to attack it, except with artillery and at a great distance, and with ultimate defeat. I take great pleasure in saying from my personal observation that the regimental commanders and field officers behaved with great coolness and courage, and that the line officers, with rare exceptions, acquitted themselves with credit.’ (7)

Owen reiterated that he had been specifically ordered to withdraw, rather than due to a lack of nerve or courage. Moreover, he questioned the orders he received, indicating he was a competent officer who was able to use his own initiative and refused to adhere to orders with blind obedience. In this function as a critical thinker, he conducted himself much like a typical citizen soldier. His report on Fredericksburg similarly revealed his tendency for questioning orders. His eyewitness testimony of the bloody assault on Marye’s Heights speak volumes as to his character as a competent officer. Early on, his horse was shot from under him:

‘I threw myself in front of the line, and called upon the brigade to come on, which they instantly did, when, from behind a stone wall at the base of the steep declivity; from rifle-pits on the face of the hill; from two batteries on either side of a large brick house at the top of a hill; from traverses on the right and left flanks of my line, and from a line of infantry drawn up on top of the hill, a most terrific fire was opened upon us.’ (8)

Seeing the forward troops he was supposed to be supporting being annihilated, he ignored his orders and made his men lie on the ground. He subsequently engaged the rebels in the houses on his flanks with his skirmishers, then ordered a disciplined withdrawal after a prolonged firefight. (9) He concluded his report with the following:

‘I desire also to speak of the conduct of this veteran brigade, which has borne a distinguished part in nine general engagements. It is entitled to, and I trust will receive, that consideration which its long service and uniform good conduct merits.’ (10)

Owen clearly felt the need to emphasise his men’s dogged professionalism under fire, especially as they had ultimately failed in their objective. He needed to defend his men’s reputation, for they had not failed as a result of their cowardice, but rather by being placed in an impossible situation. He was aware that he had abstained from rushing up the slope in massed formation like other units, which explained why his brigade took comparatively few casualties. From his on the ground testimony, his cautious decision was commendable, yet it is obvious how it could have been construed as willful disobedience of orders by his rivals. Nonetheless, his concern appears not to be with his own reputation, but that of his men, giving further insight into his nature as a respected commander.

[image error] Title detail and first verse – including reference to Colonel Owen – of ‘Irish volunteers. Penn’a’s gallant 69th’ sung to the air of ‘McKenney’s dream’, published by Johnson, Philadelphia (1863), via Library of Congress

After he was mustered out, Owen returned to his home in Philadelphia and resumed his law practice. In 1871 he founded the New York Daily Register, a law journal, which became the official publication of the New York courts in 1873. He served as a member of the journal’s editorial staff until his death at his home in Chestnut Hill on 7th November 1887. (11)

It is not known precisely why Owen and Gibbon had such an antagonistic relationship, and while I have speculated fairly at the contrast between the free-thinking, rugged volunteer and the rigid, professional soldier, more research is needed to ascertain a more accurate picture. While it is similarly fair to infer that Owen’s absence from the Welsh narrative was because of his skewed reputation and association with the Irish, further research may shed more light on the issue. Regardless of the veracity of Gibbon’s claims, Joshua Owen’s wartime service in defence of his country has been marred and potentially greatly misconstrued. More than anything, Owen displayed all the characteristics of a man scorned by the newspapers but loved by his men. He very well may have given a strong example of American patriotism to the Irishmen of his 69th Pennsylvania Regiment and the Philadelphia Brigade who, like him, were fighting for a country not of their birth. But to his fellow Welsh countrymen, not many from outside the vicinities of Philadelphia would have heard of his gallant service. In hindsight, he certainly deserved to be, and hopefully this article will contribute to restoring the reputation of someone that was undoubtedly a Welsh-American patriot.

(1) Col. Owens’ Gallant Irish Volunteers, Tune – “Irish Volunteers”, J.H. Johnson, No.7 North Tenth Street, Phila. Monographic. Online Text. Retrieved from the Library of Congress; (2) Francis Augustin O’Reilly, The Fredericksburg Campaign: Winter War on the Rappahannock, (Baton Rouge, 2003), p.96; (3) Ibid, 328; (4) You can read more about Smyth and his wartime career on our site here and here; (5) Gordon C. Rhea, Cold Harbor: Grant and Lee, May 6-June 3, 1864, (Baton Rouge, 2002), p.339; (6) Ibid, p.340; (7) ‘Col Joshua T. Owen’s Official Report: Report of September 20, 1862 on the 2nd Brigade, Sedgwick’s Division,’ Antietam on the Web; (8) ‘Report of Col. Joshua T. Owen, Sixty-ninth Pennsylvania Infantry, Commanding Second Brigade.’ Civil War Home; (9) Ibid.; (10) Ibid.; (11) Warner, Generals in Blue, p.354;

References

Col. Owens’ Gallant Irish Volunteers, Tune – “Irish Volunteers”, J.H. Johnson, No.7 North Tenth Street, Phila. Monographic. Online Text. Retrieved from the Library of Congress.

O’Reilly, F.A. The Fredericksburg Campaign: Winter War on the Rappahannock, (Baton Rouge, 2003).

Rhea, G.C. Cold Harbor: Grant and Lee, May 6-June 3, 1864, (Baton Rouge, 2002).

‘Col Joshua T Owen’s Official Report: Report of September 20, 1862 on the 2nd Brigade, Sedgwick’s Division,’ Antietam on the Web.

‘Report of Col. Joshua T. Owen, Sixty-ninth Pennsylvania Infantry, Commanding Second Brigade.’ Civil War Home.

Warner, E.J. Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders, (Baton Rouge, 1964).

Video: The Irish in the Civil War and at Andersonville with Emerging Civil War

When I got the opportunity to undertake some research at Andersonville towards the end of last year I also met up with historian Sheritta Bitikofer of Emerging Civil War. We chatted about a range of Irish-related topics, from my own story, to the Irish in America generally, to Irish service and of course on the Irish at Andersonville. While the first half of the interview was in Georgia, due to technical issues we wrapped it up remotely, when I was back in a windswept and wintery Ireland! The resultant video has recently gone live on the Emerging Civil War YouTube Channel, and you can watch it there or below. I hope you enjoy it!

Andersonville Irish: The First 600 Infographic

The Andersonville Irish Project has now reached the milestone of 600 identified men and families. To mark it, a new project infographic has been produced, the third in the series. You can explore the infographic in detail by clicking on the image below to enlarge it. In addition, the interactive project map and full database have been fully updated on the Project Homepage, and you can explore them here. As always, thanks to the Irish Consulate General of Atlanta, Andersonville National Historic Site and Professor Nicholas Allen of the Willson Center for Humanities and Arts for their ongoing support of the project, and to those who have contributed to the database to date.

[image error]

Forgotten Patriot: ‘Paddy’ Owen and the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteer Regiment- Part One

We are very pleased to publish our first guest post following our call for blog submissions on aspects of Irish American Civil War history. This fascinating analysis about the career, character, and cultural views of Welsh-born Irish 69th Pennsylvania commander Joshua T. Owen has been written by doctoral student Aled Jones, and is the first of two posts exploring the history of Owen and his relationship with the 69th Pennsylvania. Aled is currently working on his PhD at Swansea University, where he is researching the experiences of Welsh soldiers in the Union Army during the Civil War. This work helps showcase the newest scholarship being undertaken which looks more in-depth at wartime stories and other immigrant histories connected broadly to the Irish in the Civil War. We welcome Aled���s contribution in helping shed light on such an intriguing figure, who shares many comparisons with more familiar Celtic general brethren like Thomas Francis Meagher. If you want to follow in Aled���s footsteps, please note that our call for guest post submissions is open ��� guidelines and details can be found here.

You can follow Aled on Twitter here and contact him via Swansea University at  a.h.jones.947840@swansea.ac.uk.

The relationship between Irish-Americans and Welsh-Americans was, in a word, complicated, during the nineteenth-century. The Welsh-American diaspora was predominantly abolitionist, unlike much of the Northern population, yet their affection for African-Americans was far greater than their feelings for their Irish neighbours. Consequently, the Civil War years were crucial in forging bonds of brotherhood between these two distinct cultural groups, as thousands now found themselves fighting side by side in Union uniform for the Stars and Stripes. Both parties defined themselves as American citizens by their military service, and their sacrifices bound them together in a shared identity defined by their status as veterans. A paramount case-study of this new dynamic was embodied in the example of the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteer Regiment. In an exceptional turn of events, this predominantly Irish unit was commanded by a Welshman ��� Joshua T. Owen, nicknamed ���Paddy Owen��� by his subordinates. 

Owen was born in Carmarthen, later emigrating to Baltimore in 1835, and eventually settled in Philadelphia, where he became a man of local note and stature. In 1845, he graduated from Jefferson College in Canonsburg, Pennsylvania; he then engaged in teaching with his brother in the Chestnut Hill Academy and in the practice of Law. He was a member of the Pennsylvania legislature from 1857 until 1859, and was a private in the 1st City Troop militia of Philadelphia. After commanding the nine-month 25th Pennsylvania Regiment, on the 19th August 1861, Owen raised and subsequently took over command of the predominantly Irish 69th Pennsylvania Regiment in the Philadelphia Brigade, which he also eventually rose to command as Brigadier General. (1)

[image error]Joshua T. Owen during the American Civil War (Library of Congress)

Owen is an incredibly rare example, as most Welshmen in the Union Army never attained a rank higher than that of Captain. Strangely, however, his name does not appear in any of the Welsh language American papers; Y Cenhadwr Americanaidd, Y Drych, Y Seren Orllewinol and Y Cyfaill o���r Hen Wlad. (2) Ardent patriotism was the norm, which the Welsh press was pivotal in setting the precedent. It would be expected, therefore, that such a high-ranking individual would be a poster-boy of patriotic propaganda for the Welsh-American community, yet his experience is completely excluded. 

This is particularly puzzling, for as we delve deeper in our analysis it does not appear to be merely an egregious error on the part of the Welsh periodicals. It seems the reason he saw no national recognition is because his name was shrouded in controversy. It is reasonable to suggest that it was because of his Irish connection. The 69th Pennsylvania lacked the nucleus of Welsh recruits that would have written to Welsh press, contributing to Owen���s lack of national recognition. Yet Philadelphia had a strong Welsh presence, so the story of a Carmarthen-born high-ranking officer should have made its way to the Welsh media. Consequently, there is an implication that his association with Irish volunteers proved distasteful to his national compatriots, whose relationship with their Gaelic neighbours was highly complicated. As the war progressed, his controversy only grew.Owen had a major stain against his military reputation because he was arrested by his Divisional Commander, General John Gibbon, shortly before the Gettysburg Campaign. 

[image error]General John Gibbon (Library of Congress)

The contemporary claim was that Owen was arrested for cowardice and negligence of duty, yet from a closer examination the real reason behind his arrest is not entirely transparent. At the time Gibbon attested it to his penchant for drinking, but strangely made no mention of it in his memoirs. It is perhaps more than likely that his style of leadership was incompatible with Gibbon���s stricter control issues, being not only a West Pointer but also an popular military manual. (3) Consequently, Owen was disgraced and missed out on commanding his brigade at the decisive battle of Gettysburg in July 1863. Moreover, his conduct during the rest of the war was marred by his enmity with Gibbon, which manifested itself in something resembling a smear campaign. There is even evidence that Owen put in a request to be transferred, such was the disagreement between the two. 

Owen proved a controversial figure throughout the war. There are some revealing articles in American newspapers about his conduct as Colonel of the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteers. For example, in November 1862 the Wood County Reporter wrote that Colonel Owen had been court-martialled for ���conduct prejudicial to good order and military discipline, and unbecoming an officer and a gentleman.��� (4) The report claimed that Colonel Owen had been very much intoxicated and, rather than being stationed with his regiment, he had been found late in the afternoon in the streets of Harpers Ferry, engaged in a scandalous quarrel and collision with the Lieutenant Colonel of his own regiment, by whom he was pulled from his horse and thrown violently to the ground. After this point, he was arrested by the provosts. (5) He was found guilty and sentenced to be dismissed from the army. Fortunately, the sentence was rescinded on the basis of his previous good character and distinguished services during the war. 

Owen���s apparent fondness for drink may have endeared him more to the soldiers under his command, being seen in this manner as more of an officer with the common touch rather than an aloof, more conservative ���Gentleman Officer.��� The consumption of alcohol played an important role in developing bonds between officers and enlisted men, so Owen���s non-traditional attitude towards joviality may be indicative of a more populist approach to leadership. 

[image error]Banes’ History of the Philadelphia Brigade (Lippincott & Co.)

This is vindicated by approaching Charles H. Banes��� History of the Philadelphia Brigade. He had served previously as Lieutenant Colonel in the brigade, and as such his eye-witness testimony of Owen���s character and reputation as an officer is highly useful in redeeming his name. The first impression of Owen that we are presented with is that he was ���well calculated by his generous and genial spirit in camp and his bearing in action.��� (6) Furthermore, Banes argued that the Sixty-Ninth regiment, under Colonel Owen, became rivals of the other regiments in the brigade in acquiring the knowledge of the duties of a soldier, being noted for its faithfulness on guard and for the tenacity of its men in following orders. (7) Our vision is thus reminiscent of McClellan���s standing within the army of the Potomac, as a popular and competent trainer of men, a far cry from the previous perception of his incompetence and misconduct. 

Unfortunately, he remained controversial in the public perception. As if to show even more that Owen was no friend of the newspapers, he was mistakenly reported as killed in action twice by the American press. On the 18th May 1864 the Portland Daily Press reported he had fallen near Spotsylvania at the head of his brigade. (8) The next day the Nashville Daily Union also claimed he had been killed in the battle near Spotsylvania Court House. (9) Moreover, according to the Stroudsburg Jeffersonian, he lost a finger as a result of combat. (10) Fortunately, the mistake of his death-reporting was rectified by the Washington Evening Star (11): 

[image error]Evening Star (Washington D.C.) 16th May 1864.

If Owen had indeed survived two horses being shot from under him, it demonstrates that he was not a man to shy away from combat. It was somewhat expected for Union officers to lead from the front during battle and it appears that Owen certainly adhered to this practice. Consequently, it appears that Gibbon���s accusations of cowardice towards Owen may have been embellished. While not definitive, a possible explanation behind Gibbon���s false allegations may have been jealousy. It may have been control issues with Owen���s style of leadership, or it may simply have been a personal enmity based on Gibbon���s envy of the latter���s gallantry and popularity.Indeed, Samuel Bates in his History of Pennsylvania Volunteers presented Owen as a more than competent combat officer, displaying no indication of an unwillingness to fight or any lapse in duty. His conduct at the battle of Charles City Crossroads on the sixth day of the Seven Days Campaign was exemplary by all accounts, and much praised by his colleagues. Bates described how the 69th Regiment was brought up to halt the rebel advance. To give his men assurance Colonel Owen had ordered them to kneel. He waited until the rebel line emerged from the woods within fifty yards, then brought it to a halt by a musket volley:

���The order to fix bayonets and charge was given, and springing to their feet the men rushed on in the most daring and impetuous manner, driving the enemy in utter rout, pursuing him beyond his original ground, and holding it undisturbed until midnight, and until withdrawn.��� (12)

Bates initial impression of Owen is one of simple yet effective competence. More revealing of Owen���s standing among military circles was General Hooker���s official report of the engagement. Hooker���s account was full of praise for Owen���s conduct at the head of his regiment:

���After great loss the enemy gave way and were instantly followed with great gallantry by Grover���while the Sixty-ninth Pennsylvania heroically led by Owen, advanced in the open field on their flank, with almost reckless daring���As Colonel Owen has rendered me no report of the operations of his regiment I can only express my high appreciation of his services.��� (13)

[image error]The bayonet charge of the 69th Pennsylvania at Glendale as portrayed in McDermott’s “Brief History” of the 69th Pennsylvania

These accounts give the perception of a measured, competent and assured commander. This view is shared by Charles Banes in his History of the Philadelphia Brigade, similarly praising Owen���s leadership in battle. He described his experience of the Battle of Fredericksburg, December 1862 in vivid terms, describing that, in the face of the Confederate barrage, ���without hesitating, the brigade followed its gallant leader, General Owen, and, crossing the bridge, formed front in line of battle on the open field.��� (14) This comment shows that Owen was in fact leading the brigade from the front and was one of the first men across the bridge. Thus, he exposed himself to the same dangers as befell his men, showing not only his coolness in battle, but how his example inspired the men under his command. 

Consequently, the image we are presented of Owen does not conform whatsoever with Gibbon���s nor the press��� portrayal of him. Not only did the men of the 69th Pennsylvania attest to this qualities as an officer, but his superior officers similarly recognised his gallantry and competence as a field commander. Joshua Owen comprehensively conformed to the ideal image of a Union volunteer ��� patriotic, fearless, cool under fire, and totally devoted to his men.

(1) Ezra J. Warner, Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders, (Baton Rouge, 1964), p.353; (2) In English, these Welsh-American newspaper titles translate as: The American Missionary/Messenger, The Mirror, The Western Star, The Friend from the Old Country; (3) Gordon C. Rhea, The Battle of the Wilderness: May 5-6, 1864, (Baton Rouge, 1994), p.205; (4) ���Gen. McClellan on Delinquent Officers��� in The Wood County Reporter, November 15 1862; (5) Ibid.; (6) Charles H. Banes, History of the Philadelphia Brigade: Sixty-ninth, Seventy-first, Seventy-second, and One Hundred and Sixth Pennsylvania Volunteers (Philadelphia, 1876), p.14; (7) Ibid., p.34; (8) ���The Death of Gen. Owen��� in The Portland Daily Press, May 18 1864; (9) ���Gen Owen��� in The Nashville Daily Union, May 19 1864; (10) ���Gen. Joshua T. Owen��� in The Jeffersonian, May 19 1864; (11) ���Gen. Joshua T. Owen��� in The Evening Star, May 16 1864; (12) Samuel P. Bates, History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5 (1869) Making of America Books, p.699; (13) Ibid., p.700; (14) Banes, History of the Philadelphia Brigade, p.141. 

References

���Gen. McClellan on Delinquent Officers��� in The Wood County Reporter, November 15 1862.

���The Death of Gen. Owen��� in The Portland Daily Press, May 18 1864.

���Gen Owen��� in The Nashville Daily Union, May 19 1864.

���Gen. Joshua T. Owen��� in The Evening Star, May 16 1864.

���Gen. Joshua T. Owen��� in The Jeffersonian, May 19 1864.

Banes, C.H. History of the Philadelphia Brigade: Sixty-ninth, Seventy-first, Seventy-second, and One Hundred and Sixth Pennsylvania Volunteers, (Philadelphia, 1876).

Bates, S.P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5 (1869) Making of America Book.

Rhea, G.C. The Battle of the Wilderness: May 5-6, 1864, (Baton Rouge, 1994).

Warner, E.J. Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders, (Baton Rouge, 1964).

Discussing the Andersonville Irish with the Civil War Round Table of Central Louisiana

As some of you may be aware, I was away conducting some research at Andersonville National Historic Site as part of the Andersonville Irish Project. It was a really productive trip, and I’m looking forward to sharing some of the results with readers of the site over the coming months. While I was there I delivered a talk and led a cemetery program for the National Park Service, which will be made available on the Andersonville National Historic Site Facebook Page over the coming weeks. I was also delighted to meet up with fellow Civil War historian Sheritta Bitikofer at Andersonville. Many of you may have encountered her work previously over at the Emerging Civil War blog. Sheritta also undertakes Facebook Live programs for the Civil War Round Table of Central Louisiana, and it was great to chat to her about the Andersonville Irish while on the site. If you would like to catch up with our chat you can find it on the Round Table’s Facebook Page by clicking here or on the link below. Those who stay to the end will be rewarded with me battling an Andersonville insect that decided to fly down my throat as I waxed lyrical ���� I hope you enjoy it!

Facebook

No Description

“Might Have Had a Few Drinks:” Richard & John Ewing, Dublin Boys in Arms

The U.S. Bureau of Pensions was in a bind. They were unable to verify–or even approximate–the age of one Richard Ewing, a 21-year veteran of the U.S. Marine Corps who previously served two years in the 25th New York Volunteer Infantry and one year in the Navy during the Civil War. Every one of the numerous enlistment documents they had for him pointed toward a different year and/or month of birth. A native of Dublin, Ireland, Ewing tried in vain to track down a baptismal record that could narrow down his actual birth date. His brother John Ewing, himself a veteran, penned several letters to the Bureau and his local congressman in an ultimately successful effort to provide clarity and advocate for his sibling���s pension. Richard, he explained, ���might have had a few drinks in him��� each time he enlisted, causing him to provide inconsistent birth dates as a result. Whether this was the case or not, a dive through an array of records sheds light on the lives of the Ewing brothers and reveals another possible explanation as to the discrepancy–at the time of his first enlistment in the 25th New York Infantry, Richard Ewing was just fifteen years old, three years below the legal age of eighteen. (1)

���My father, William Ewing, who was born in Glasgow Scotland,��� wrote John Ewing, ���went from there, when a young man to the city of Dublin Ireland and was married to my mother, Mrs. Emily Ewing in Dublin Ireland���.There in that city, he built a large Iron foundry and done a lot of work for the Corporation of Dublin Ireland���.My father and mother came on some ship some merchant ship, from the city of Dublin Ireland, and landed at New York City, U.S.A., and me John Ewing, my Brother Richard Ewing, were the only two as near as I remember came with father and mother here from Ireland.��� He went on to explain that while neither brother could recall the name of the vessel or the year they arrived, Richard heard from their father ���that we came to this country while the mexican war was going on.��� (2)

[image error] Detail from the Passenger Manifest of the Queen of the West, August 1848 (National Archives)

A surviving ship manifest from the Queen of the West, which arrived in New York from Liverpool in August 1848, confirms the information John Ewing provided and reveals that Richard was about two years old at the time of his emigration, while John was merely an infant. John Ewing���s pension testimony also indicates that he and Richard had older siblings who initially stayed behind in Dublin, only to join the family in New York later on. As a skilled tradesman who had owned his own business, William Ewing was probably better off than most Famine Era emigrants. Nonetheless, the Ewings came to America to start their new life with just two items of baggage. And what of the life they left behind in Dublin? There are some surviving clues to that as well. (3)

[image error] Robert French photograph, c. 1865-1914, showing the interior of St Michan’s Church where the Ewing brothers were baptised. The baptismal foot is visible in the left background (National Library of Ireland) [image error] Baptismal Entry for Richard Ewing, St Michan’s Church, Dublin, 9 February 1846 (National Library of Ireland)

The Dublin Almanac and General Register of Ireland for the year 1847 contains an entry for William Ewing, showing he kept an iron foundry on 27 Church Street near Arran Quay along the River Liffey. Baptismal records confirm that the Ewing children were baptized into the Roman Catholic faith at nearby Saint Michan���s Church. John Ewing���s baptismal record is crisp and legible and dates to February 1848. His parents’ names are listed there as William Ewing and Emily Bennett. Considering how well-preserved this body of records is, I ventured to see if I could locate Richard Ewing���s missing entry at Saint Michan���s. Sure enough, a boy called Richard was baptized there in February 1846 to a William Eyan (sp) and Emelia Bennett. The capital ���E��� in Eyan appears to be smudged, giving the name the appearance of ���Lyan��� or ���Lyon.��� This little smudge, combined with the unusual spelling variant, likely accounts for why church officials were previously unable to locate Richard���s baptismal record. (4)

[image error] The Ewing family in the 1860 U.S. Federal Census (National Archives)

By the time of the 1860 US Census, the Ewings lived on East 12th Street in Manhattan���s Lower East Side. Richard and John were not attending school; it is possible they had already begun to work at the foundry alongside their father. In May 1861, at the outset of the Civil War, Richard Ewing enlisted for two years��� service as a private in Company A of the 25th New York Volunteer Infantry. The regiment���s rolls recorded his age as nineteen, though we now know he was only fifteen. The 25th New York, also known as Kerrigan���s Rangers or the Union Rangers, carried with it a reputation for rowdiness. One officer in its division wrote that the regiment was ���composed of New York roughs, Bowery boys, ���Dead Rabbits,��� etc.��� While this description is undoubtedly an overgeneralization, the original officer corps of the Rangers did include prominent New York underworld figures, including close associates of the notorious William ���Bill the Butcher��� Poole. Its commander, Colonel James E. Kerrigan, had been a suspect in Poole���s murder and was himself the former leader of an Irish American street gang called the Molly Maguires as well as a participant in the 1857 Dead Rabbit Riots. By the time of the Civil War, Kerrigan was a Democratic U.S. Congressman. (5)

[image error] Arthur Lumley sketch of the 25th New York Infantry in camp near Upton’s Hill, Virginia in September 1861. Like the Ewings, Arthur Lumley was a native of Dublin- for more on his career see here (Library of Congress)

It is unclear whether young Richard Ewing was affiliated with any New York street gangs, but he was not alone as an underage recruit. My research into this regiment has so far revealed that at least ten percent of its enlisted members (musicians excluded) were under the age of eighteen upon enlistment. Underage boys in the regiment included runaways from the nearby suburbs and countryside, a few of whom employed aliases to conceal their true identities. One boy traveled all the way from Ohio before enlisting in the Rangers. Other young enlistees were recent inmates at the New York House of Refuge and the Five Points House of Industry, petty thieves and vagrants caught sleeping out on the city���s streets and along its docks. (6)

Colonel Kerrigan was court martialed and dismissed from the service for a litany of offenses; by the spring of 1862, he and most of the original officer cadre had been pushed out due to the regiment���s lack of discipline and training. The new slate of officers were transfers from other New York regiments as well as promotions from the 25th���s rank-and-file. Led by Colonel Charles Adams Johnson, they quickly transformed the Rangers from a disorganized rabble to a well-drilled, efficient fighting force. Richard Ewing served with the regiment through its service in all the Army of the Potomac���s major campaigns of the war���s first two years, save a short period in which he was attached to the Ambulance Corps during the Second Bull Run Campaign. The teenager survived the bloody Battle of Hanover Court House, in which the Rangers suffered about 45% casualties. He faced John Bell Hood���s Texans at Gaines��� Mill, spent a harrowing night among the dead and wounded on the battlefield of Antietam, and charged Marye���s Heights at Fredericksburg as his regiment was cheered on by the survivors of the Irish Brigade���s own doomed assault. Ewing served faithfully through it all, and was promoted to the rank of corporal in January 1863. Following the Chancellorsville Campaign, the 25th returned to New York in July 1863, and Richard Ewing and the other surviving original volunteers were mustered out of service. (7)

[image error] John Ewing’s Muster Roll Abstract (National Archives)

Richard���s little brother John remained in New York during this time. It is likely the two boys kept in touch through letter writing, and perhaps John also tried to keep up with the 25th���s activities by following stories about them in the press. One can imagine that he and his parents scanned the published lists of dead and wounded with trepidation, fearing they might one day see Richard���s name. But all worries aside, it wasn���t long after Richard���s return that John decided to follow in his brother���s footsteps. On April 7th, 1864, he enlisted as a private in Company D of the 51st New York Infantry at the age of sixteen. He testified in his pension correspondence that ���his father gave his age to the recruiting officer as eighteen and took his bounty.��� At that time, he was recorded as being just 5���2 ����� tall, with blue eyes, auburn hair, and a light complexion. John Ewing was in the service for less than a month before he had his first taste of combat. The 51st New York was engaged in the Overland Campaign, incurring over 130 casualties in the battles of the Wilderness and Spotsylvania. It was again put through the wringer during the Siege of Petersburg, fighting in numerous engagements including the Crater, Fort Stedman, and the final assault of 2 April 1865. Ewing would have been present with the regiment for Lee���s surrender at Appomattox, and marched in the Grand Review at Washington the following month. (8)

[image error] Edwin Forbes sketch of the Battle of the Wilderness (Library of Congress)

While Richard Ewing probably had his fill of the Army after his time with the 25th New York, he chose to reenlist all the same, perhaps again under the influence of ���a few drinks.��� He signed up for a one year term of service as a landsman in the Navy at the New York Rendezvous less than three weeks after his little brother. He was then 5���6���, with gray eyes, light hair, and a light complexion. Naval records also document Richard���s tattoos–he bore a cross on his right arm and the number ���3��� on his left. While the significance of the ���3��� is not entirely clear, it is worth noting that a fire company, Forrest Engine Company 3, was headquartered on East Eleventh Street near the Ewings��� home. It is possible that Richard was a firefighter or a runner for this company either prior to the war or between his enlistments; it was common practice for New York City firemen to get tattoos of their company numbers (for more on this practice and the tattoos of New York Irish sailors, see previous posts here and here). He shipped aboard the USS Iuka and the USS Proteus, mostly performing blockade duty along the Gulf of Mexico and the southern Atlantic coastline. Two years after the close of the war, Richard found his way into the military yet again, this time as a U.S. Marine. He served on and off in the Marine Corps for the better part of the next 26 years, rising to the rank of sergeant, until his declining health earned him a disability discharge in 1893. (9)

[image error]SS Andalusia, which became the USS Iuka in 1864 (U.S. Naval Historical Center)

References

(1) US Navy Survivors��� Certificates.

(2) Ibid.

(3) Passenger Lists of Vessels Arriving at New York, New York, 1820-1897 (National Archives).

(4) Catholic Parish Records (National Library of Ireland).

(5) 1860 US Federal Census, New York Muster Roll Abstracts (National Archives), Oliver Wilcox Norton, Army Letters, 1861-1865, Tyler Anbinder, Five Points.

(6) 1860 US Federal Census, Civil War Pension Indexes.

(7) US Navy Survivors��� Certificates, New York Muster Roll Abstracts (National Archives).

(8) US Navy Survivors��� Certificates, New York Muster Roll Abstracts (National Archives).

(9) US Navy Rendezvous Reports, US Navy Muster Rolls (National Archives), US Navy Survivors��� Certificates.