Gerry Adams's Blog, page 83
June 15, 2011
Health service facing 'worst ever crisis'
This blog has had occasion to visit the Accident and Emergency unit in Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital in Drogheda. Each visit was as depressing as the previous.Patients, many of them elderly, were lying on hospital trolleys, others were sitting on chairs, and in one instance a patient was lying on the floor. Most had been there for two days or more.The staff were doing their best but were simply overwhelmed by the numbers of patients and the inadequate resources available to them.The collapse and subsequent death of Peter Sherlock several weeks ago in Drogheda, and the failure of the ambulance service to respond promptly to emergency calls, is additional evidence of the cracks in local health provision and in the state health system.And then there is the slow destruction of Louth County Hospital through the withdrawal of key health services, including the children's ward, the maternity ward and then the gynaecological unit. And last year the HSE closed the A&E and Acute Medical Services. A media report last week revealed that a confidential internal HSE submission, which looked at health services in Dublin and Louth, Meath and Monaghan, was warning that it might be necessary as a result of budget cuts to close down some hospitals as well as a large number of wards.These could include Louth County Hospital and Monaghan hospital.An additional grave difficulty to that posed by financial cuts, and poor management and bad planning by the government and the HSE, is the severe shortage of junior doctors within the health system.It is estimated that there are currently just over 100 vacancies for junior doctors but this figure will jump to at least 400 in July when current contracts come to an end and new ones have to be agreed.While 500 to 600 graduates are produced in this state each year many of these are leaving for Australia and elsewhere in the world.The health service is therefore dependent on hiring in junior doctors from India and Pakistan but the numbers needed this year far exceed those available.As one consultant described it there is a 'drought of non-consultant doctors.' So, there is a major crisis looming in health provision, particularly front line services, which will probably be the worst ever experienced by that state.The Irish Association for Emergency Medicine (IAEM) which represents consultants who work in emergency medicine, warned on Monday that many emergency departments 'face significant challenges in maintaining 24/7 cover.' And the IAEM said that the 'loss of medical staff both in emergency departments and front-line specialities, compounded by worsening ED overcrowding, will undoubtedly result in even more prolonged waiting for patients ... The IAEM fears that prolonged emergency department waiting times for patients will lead to delayed treatment and potential avoidable harm.'The outworking of all of this is that some Accident and Emergency units are at risk of closing; some hospitals and hospital wards are also facing closure and the future of some essential services, including the maternity and infant scheme, are also under threat.Having spoken to those working in the health service I believe that there are a number of hospitals which are especially at risk. These include, Drogheda, Cavan, Beaumont, Castelbar, Limerick, Letterkenny, the infirmary in Cork, Portiuncula, Tullamore, Roscommon, Portlaoise, Midwestern Regional Hospital in Limerick and Waterford.I raised this matter during leaders questions in the Dáil yesterday morning and asked the Taoiseach 'to take immediate action to assess what the impact on services will be on the 11 July.'I also asked the Taoiseach to come back to make a statement to the House on what plans the Government will put in place to rectify this situation.Regrettably, the Taoiseach did not answer my question. His response was vague and there is a clear absence of the kind of clarity and leadership that is urgently needed on this issue. The Taoiseach tried to dismiss my concerns around the shortage of junior doctors as something that arises each summer. This is disingenuous. The reality is that this year's short fall is significantly greater than ever before and the consequence of that for the Health Service will be profound.Our public hospitals are completely dependent on Junior Doctors. As I have noted earlier on July 11, following the changeover in job rotations, the number of vacant junior doctor posts will be at least 400.This will be substantially worse situation than anything seen before and will have a devastating effect on the provision of services within the healthcare system. I have been told that in the Louth and Meath area there are at least 50 junior doctors fewer than needed. The curtailment of emergency services and longer waiting lists will result.Frontline services, including anaesthetics, emergency medicine and trauma paediatrics, are under so much pressure that they may not be able to maintain an emergency service.One consultant described the scene in the Mater hospital in Dublin on Monday as like a 'war zone'. This was because there were so many patients on trolleys and ambulances waiting to discard their patients into the A&E.Failure by the government to get to grips with this crisis means that more and more of our hospitals are going to face similar scenes in the time ahead.
Health service facing 'worst ever crisis'
This blog has had occasion to visit the Accident and Emergency unit in Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital in Drogheda. Each visit was as depressing as the previous.
Patients, many of them elderly, were lying on hospital trolleys, others were sitting on chairs, and in one instance a patient was lying on the floor. Most had been there for two days or more.
The staff were doing their best but were simply overwhelmed by the numbers of patients and the inadequate resources available to them.
The collapse and subsequent death of Peter Sherlock several weeks ago in Drogheda, and the failure of the ambulance service to respond promptly to emergency calls, is additional evidence of the cracks in local health provision and in the state health system.
And then there is the slow destruction of Louth County Hospital through the withdrawal of key health services, including the children's ward, the maternity ward and then the gynaecological unit. And last year the HSE closed the A&E and Acute Medical Services.
A media report last week revealed that a confidential internal HSE submission, which looked at health services in Dublin and Louth, Meath and Monaghan, was warning that it might be necessary as a result of budget cuts to close down some hospitals as well as a large number of wards.
These could include Louth County Hospital and Monaghan hospital.
An additional grave difficulty to that posed by financial cuts, and poor management and bad planning by the government and the HSE, is the severe shortage of junior doctors within the health system.
It is estimated that there are currently just over 100 vacancies for junior doctors but this figure will jump to at least 400 in July when current contracts come to an end and new ones have to be agreed.
While 500 to 600 graduates are produced in this state each year many of these are leaving for Australia and elsewhere in the world.
The health service is therefore dependent on hiring in junior doctors from India and Pakistan but the numbers needed this year far exceed those available.
As one consultant described it there is a 'drought of non-consultant doctors.'
So, there is a major crisis looming in health provision, particularly front line services, which will probably be the worst ever experienced by that state.
The Irish Association for Emergency Medicine (IAEM) which represents consultants who work in emergency medicine, warned on Monday that many emergency departments 'face significant challenges in maintaining 24/7 cover.'
And the IAEM said that the 'loss of medical staff both in emergency departments and front-line specialities, compounded by worsening ED overcrowding, will undoubtedly result in even more prolonged waiting for patients ... The IAEM fears that prolonged emergency department waiting times for patients will lead to delayed treatment and potential avoidable harm.'
The outworking of all of this is that some Accident and Emergency units are at risk of closing; some hospitals and hospital wards are also facing closure and the future of some essential services, including the maternity and infant scheme, are also under threat.
Having spoken to those working in the health service I believe that there are a number of hospitals which are especially at risk. These include, Drogheda, Cavan, Beaumont, Castelbar, Limerick, Letterkenny, the infirmary in Cork, Portiuncula, Tullamore, Roscommon, Portlaoise, Midwestern Regional Hospital in Limerick and Waterford.
I raised this matter during leaders questions in the Dáil yesterday morning and asked the Taoiseach 'to take immediate action to assess what the impact on services will be on the 11 July.'
I also asked the Taoiseach to come back to make a statement to the House on what plans the Government will put in place to rectify this situation.
Regrettably, the Taoiseach did not answer my question. His response was vague and there is a clear absence of the kind of clarity and leadership that is urgently needed on this issue.
The Taoiseach tried to dismiss my concerns around the shortage of junior doctors as something that arises each summer. This is disingenuous. The reality is that this year's short fall is significantly greater than ever before and the consequence of that for the Health Service will be profound.
Our public hospitals are completely dependent on Junior Doctors.
As I have noted earlier on July 11, following the changeover in job rotations, the number of vacant junior doctor posts will be at least 400.
This will be substantially worse situation than anything seen before and will have a devastating effect on the provision of services within the healthcare system.
I have been told that in the Louth and Meath area there are at least 50 junior doctors fewer than needed. The curtailment of emergency services and longer waiting lists will result.
Frontline services, including anaesthetics, emergency medicine and trauma paediatrics, are under so much pressure that they may not be able to maintain an emergency service.
One consultant described the scene in the Mater hospital in Dublin on Monday as like a 'war zone'. This was because there were so many patients on trolleys and ambulances waiting to discard their patients into the A&E.
Failure by the government to get to grips with this crisis means that more and more of our hospitals are going to face similar scenes in the time ahead.
Patients, many of them elderly, were lying on hospital trolleys, others were sitting on chairs, and in one instance a patient was lying on the floor. Most had been there for two days or more.
The staff were doing their best but were simply overwhelmed by the numbers of patients and the inadequate resources available to them.
The collapse and subsequent death of Peter Sherlock several weeks ago in Drogheda, and the failure of the ambulance service to respond promptly to emergency calls, is additional evidence of the cracks in local health provision and in the state health system.
And then there is the slow destruction of Louth County Hospital through the withdrawal of key health services, including the children's ward, the maternity ward and then the gynaecological unit. And last year the HSE closed the A&E and Acute Medical Services.
A media report last week revealed that a confidential internal HSE submission, which looked at health services in Dublin and Louth, Meath and Monaghan, was warning that it might be necessary as a result of budget cuts to close down some hospitals as well as a large number of wards.
These could include Louth County Hospital and Monaghan hospital.
An additional grave difficulty to that posed by financial cuts, and poor management and bad planning by the government and the HSE, is the severe shortage of junior doctors within the health system.
It is estimated that there are currently just over 100 vacancies for junior doctors but this figure will jump to at least 400 in July when current contracts come to an end and new ones have to be agreed.
While 500 to 600 graduates are produced in this state each year many of these are leaving for Australia and elsewhere in the world.
The health service is therefore dependent on hiring in junior doctors from India and Pakistan but the numbers needed this year far exceed those available.
As one consultant described it there is a 'drought of non-consultant doctors.'
So, there is a major crisis looming in health provision, particularly front line services, which will probably be the worst ever experienced by that state.
The Irish Association for Emergency Medicine (IAEM) which represents consultants who work in emergency medicine, warned on Monday that many emergency departments 'face significant challenges in maintaining 24/7 cover.'
And the IAEM said that the 'loss of medical staff both in emergency departments and front-line specialities, compounded by worsening ED overcrowding, will undoubtedly result in even more prolonged waiting for patients ... The IAEM fears that prolonged emergency department waiting times for patients will lead to delayed treatment and potential avoidable harm.'
The outworking of all of this is that some Accident and Emergency units are at risk of closing; some hospitals and hospital wards are also facing closure and the future of some essential services, including the maternity and infant scheme, are also under threat.
Having spoken to those working in the health service I believe that there are a number of hospitals which are especially at risk. These include, Drogheda, Cavan, Beaumont, Castelbar, Limerick, Letterkenny, the infirmary in Cork, Portiuncula, Tullamore, Roscommon, Portlaoise, Midwestern Regional Hospital in Limerick and Waterford.
I raised this matter during leaders questions in the Dáil yesterday morning and asked the Taoiseach 'to take immediate action to assess what the impact on services will be on the 11 July.'
I also asked the Taoiseach to come back to make a statement to the House on what plans the Government will put in place to rectify this situation.
Regrettably, the Taoiseach did not answer my question. His response was vague and there is a clear absence of the kind of clarity and leadership that is urgently needed on this issue.
The Taoiseach tried to dismiss my concerns around the shortage of junior doctors as something that arises each summer. This is disingenuous. The reality is that this year's short fall is significantly greater than ever before and the consequence of that for the Health Service will be profound.
Our public hospitals are completely dependent on Junior Doctors.
As I have noted earlier on July 11, following the changeover in job rotations, the number of vacant junior doctor posts will be at least 400.
This will be substantially worse situation than anything seen before and will have a devastating effect on the provision of services within the healthcare system.
I have been told that in the Louth and Meath area there are at least 50 junior doctors fewer than needed. The curtailment of emergency services and longer waiting lists will result.
Frontline services, including anaesthetics, emergency medicine and trauma paediatrics, are under so much pressure that they may not be able to maintain an emergency service.
One consultant described the scene in the Mater hospital in Dublin on Monday as like a 'war zone'. This was because there were so many patients on trolleys and ambulances waiting to discard their patients into the A&E.
Failure by the government to get to grips with this crisis means that more and more of our hospitals are going to face similar scenes in the time ahead.
June 12, 2011
An Independent International Truth Commission
The legacy of the past is one of the big issues which remains to be resolved in the outworking of the peace process. This includes the truth about formal and informal collusion and the wider desire of many victims and families for an effective truth recovery process. Ten years ago, in 2001, the British and Irish Governments committed, at peace process talks at Weston Park, to adopt the recommendations of an International Judge in relation to a number of specific cases of collusion. Canadian Judge Peter Cory was asked to look at the killing of Pat Finucane; Robert Hamill; Rosemary Nelson; Billy Wright; Judge Gibson and his wife; and RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan. Cory worked diligently and in 2003 he handed his reports over to the two governments. The Canadian Judge concluded that there was no basis for an inquiry into the deaths of the Gibsons. He proposed that one should be held into the killing of the two RUC officers.The Irish government published Cory's recommendations in December 03 and announced that it would set up an inquiry, but the British stalled until April 04 before publishing his reports to them.Seven years later of all the six cases investigated by Judge Cory only the Pat Finucane Inquiry has yet to commence. It is the opinion of this blog that the British government is deeply worried by the enormous political implications of the Finucane case which is known to involve substantial institutional collusion between British state forces and the UDA. This concern was evident in the introduction by the British government in June 2005 of the Inquiries Act 2005. This legislation deliberately limits the scope of the inquiries proposed by Cory who criticised the British move saying it "...would make a meaningful inquiry impossible."Meanwhile, the Smithwick Tribunal was established by Resolutions passed by Dáil and Seanad on the 23rd and 24th March 2005. It allows for immunity for witnesses.Its purpose is to inquire "into suggestions that members of An Garda Síochána or other employees of the State colluded in the fatal shootings of RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan on the 20th March, 1989."In May 2006 I was asked to meet the Smithwick Tribunal. This meeting took place a few weeks later in June.The Tribunal asked if Sinn Féin could facilitate an engagement with the IRA about the killing of the two RUC men and claims that this action was possible because of collusion took place with members of the Gardaí.We undertook to do our best. But we were mindful that the situation had changed significantly as a consequence of the IRA's July 2005 statement in which the IRA leadership had "formally ordered an end to the armed campaign" and said that "all IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All Volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means."The IRA restated its goal of achieving a united Ireland and in its statement it acknowledged that it believed that "there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country. It is the responsibility of all Volunteers to show leadership, determination and courage."The consequence of this was that the IRA had left the stage and there could be no engagement with it. However, we were advised that former volunteers might be prepared to engage with the Smithwick Tribunal on a voluntary basis.The Sinn Féin leadership spent some time putting in place a process which would facilitate this. When this was achieved Sinn Féin stepped back and the process moved forward. This week the Smithwick Tribunal opened for its first substantive public hearings. In her opening remarks Maura Laverty SC, a member of the Tribunal's legal team, revealed that the Tribunal had met with former IRA volunteers. She described it as a 'very significant development' and as an 'unprecedented development' and described how three members of the Tribunal's legal team had met with three former members of the IRA. She said: "Those former members included former leadership at both national and local (south Armagh) level. One of the three former personnel had first-hand knowledge of the IRA operation of March 20th, 1989, and had a command role in that operation. The former personnel gave a detailed account of the events leading to the deaths of Chief Supt Breen and Supt Buchanan and replied to questions posed by the three members of the Tribunal's legal team."The Sinn Féin leadership helped to facilitate this engagement because we sincerely believe there is a responsibility to assist families bereaved in the conflict if and when we can, though this may not be possible in all cases.Republicans are very conscious of the hurt and suffering which has been caused through conflict in our country. Sinn Féin believes that there needs to be an effective process for dealing with all legacy issues. Weston Park only dealt with six cases. But there are many more families who seek truth and closure.Therefore, the British and Irish governments should invite a reputable and independent international body to establish an Independent International Truth Commission.Sinn Féin has been consistent on this issue. Our proposition would be independent of any state, combatant groups, political parties, civil society and economic interests. It should have a remit to inquire into the extent and pattern of past violations as well as their causes and consequences and would be dependent on the full co-operation of all the relevant parties.Of course, such a process would not be easy. There are vested interests who do not want the truth and who will oppose the creation of a meaningful truth recovery process. It will also be a difficult and painful process and experience, particularly for bereaved families. It must therefore be conducted in a sensitive and generous way. And there can be no hierarchy of victims. All victims must be treated on the basis of equality.The closure which victims, victim's families and survivors deserve, demands that those who contributed to the conflict have to pledge ourselves to tell and to listen to the truth about the past. Over time this will contribute to genuine national reconciliation and an inclusive healing process. For my part I would actively encourage republicans to co-operate with such a process. Building a united harmonious society demands that these difficult issues are dealt with in an inclusive way as a necessary part of putting the past behind us. Looking after victims and victims' families and survivors is a significant and important part of this.
An Independent International Truth Commission
The legacy of the past is one of the big issues which remains to be resolved in the outworking of the peace process. This includes the truth about formal and informal collusion and the wider desire of many victims and families for an effective truth recovery process.
Ten years ago, in 2001, the British and Irish Governments committed, at peace process talks at Weston Park, to adopt the recommendations of an International Judge in relation to a number of specific cases of collusion.
Canadian Judge Peter Cory was asked to look at the killing of Pat Finucane; Robert Hamill; Rosemary Nelson; Billy Wright; Judge Gibson and his wife; and RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan.
Cory worked diligently and in 2003 he handed his reports over to the two governments. The Canadian Judge concluded that there was no basis for an inquiry into the deaths of the Gibsons. He proposed that one should be held into the killing of the two RUC officers.
The Irish government published Cory's recommendations in December 03 and announced that it would set up an inquiry, but the British stalled until April 04 before publishing his reports to them.
Seven years later of all the six cases investigated by Judge Cory only the Pat Finucane Inquiry has yet to commence. It is the opinion of this blog that the British government is deeply worried by the enormous political implications of the Finucane case which is known to involve substantial institutional collusion between British state forces and the UDA.
This concern was evident in the introduction by the British government in June 2005 of the Inquiries Act 2005. This legislation deliberately limits the scope of the inquiries proposed by Cory who criticised the British move saying it "...would make a meaningful inquiry impossible."
Meanwhile, the Smithwick Tribunal was established by Resolutions passed by Dáil and Seanad on the 23rd and 24th March 2005. It allows for immunity for witnesses.
Its purpose is to inquire "into suggestions that members of An Garda Síochána or other employees of the State colluded in the fatal shootings of RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan on the 20th March, 1989."
In May 2006 I was asked to meet the Smithwick Tribunal. This meeting took place a few weeks later in June.
The Tribunal asked if Sinn Féin could facilitate an engagement with the IRA about the killing of the two RUC men and claims that this action was possible because of collusion took place with members of the Gardaí.
We undertook to do our best. But we were mindful that the situation had changed significantly as a consequence of the IRA's July 2005 statement in which the IRA leadership had "formally ordered an end to the armed campaign" and said that "all IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All Volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means."
The IRA restated its goal of achieving a united Ireland and in its statement it acknowledged that it believed that "there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country. It is the responsibility of all Volunteers to show leadership, determination and courage."
The consequence of this was that the IRA had left the stage and there could be no engagement with it. However, we were advised that former volunteers might be prepared to engage with the Smithwick Tribunal on a voluntary basis.
The Sinn Féin leadership spent some time putting in place a process which would facilitate this. When this was achieved Sinn Féin stepped back and the process moved forward.
This week the Smithwick Tribunal opened for its first substantive public hearings. In her opening remarks Maura Laverty SC, a member of the Tribunal's legal team, revealed that the Tribunal had met with former IRA volunteers.
She described it as a 'very significant development' and as an 'unprecedented development' and described how three members of the Tribunal's legal team had met with three former members of the IRA. She said: "Those former members included former leadership at both national and local (south Armagh) level. One of the three former personnel had first-hand knowledge of the IRA operation of March 20th, 1989, and had a command role in that operation. The former personnel gave a detailed account of the events leading to the deaths of Chief Supt Breen and Supt Buchanan and replied to questions posed by the three members of the Tribunal's legal team."
The Sinn Féin leadership helped to facilitate this engagement because we sincerely believe there is a responsibility to assist families bereaved in the conflict if and when we can, though this may not be possible in all cases.
Republicans are very conscious of the hurt and suffering which has been caused through conflict in our country.
Sinn Féin believes that there needs to be an effective process for dealing with all legacy issues. Weston Park only dealt with six cases. But there are many more families who seek truth and closure.
Therefore, the British and Irish governments should invite a reputable and independent international body to establish an Independent International Truth Commission.
Sinn Féin has been consistent on this issue. Our proposition would be independent of any state, combatant groups, political parties, civil society and economic interests.
It should have a remit to inquire into the extent and pattern of past violations as well as their causes and consequences and would be dependent on the full co-operation of all the relevant parties.
Of course, such a process would not be easy. There are vested interests who do not want the truth and who will oppose the creation of a meaningful truth recovery process.
It will also be a difficult and painful process and experience, particularly for bereaved families. It must therefore be conducted in a sensitive and generous way. And there can be no hierarchy of victims. All victims must be treated on the basis of equality.
The closure which victims, victim's families and survivors deserve, demands that those who contributed to the conflict have to pledge ourselves to tell and to listen to the truth about the past. Over time this will contribute to genuine national reconciliation and an inclusive healing process.
For my part I would actively encourage republicans to co-operate with such a process.
Building a united harmonious society demands that these difficult issues are dealt with in an inclusive way as a necessary part of putting the past behind us. Looking after victims and victims' families and survivors is a significant and important part of this.
Ten years ago, in 2001, the British and Irish Governments committed, at peace process talks at Weston Park, to adopt the recommendations of an International Judge in relation to a number of specific cases of collusion.
Canadian Judge Peter Cory was asked to look at the killing of Pat Finucane; Robert Hamill; Rosemary Nelson; Billy Wright; Judge Gibson and his wife; and RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan.
Cory worked diligently and in 2003 he handed his reports over to the two governments. The Canadian Judge concluded that there was no basis for an inquiry into the deaths of the Gibsons. He proposed that one should be held into the killing of the two RUC officers.
The Irish government published Cory's recommendations in December 03 and announced that it would set up an inquiry, but the British stalled until April 04 before publishing his reports to them.
Seven years later of all the six cases investigated by Judge Cory only the Pat Finucane Inquiry has yet to commence. It is the opinion of this blog that the British government is deeply worried by the enormous political implications of the Finucane case which is known to involve substantial institutional collusion between British state forces and the UDA.
This concern was evident in the introduction by the British government in June 2005 of the Inquiries Act 2005. This legislation deliberately limits the scope of the inquiries proposed by Cory who criticised the British move saying it "...would make a meaningful inquiry impossible."
Meanwhile, the Smithwick Tribunal was established by Resolutions passed by Dáil and Seanad on the 23rd and 24th March 2005. It allows for immunity for witnesses.
Its purpose is to inquire "into suggestions that members of An Garda Síochána or other employees of the State colluded in the fatal shootings of RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan on the 20th March, 1989."
In May 2006 I was asked to meet the Smithwick Tribunal. This meeting took place a few weeks later in June.
The Tribunal asked if Sinn Féin could facilitate an engagement with the IRA about the killing of the two RUC men and claims that this action was possible because of collusion took place with members of the Gardaí.
We undertook to do our best. But we were mindful that the situation had changed significantly as a consequence of the IRA's July 2005 statement in which the IRA leadership had "formally ordered an end to the armed campaign" and said that "all IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All Volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means."
The IRA restated its goal of achieving a united Ireland and in its statement it acknowledged that it believed that "there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country. It is the responsibility of all Volunteers to show leadership, determination and courage."
The consequence of this was that the IRA had left the stage and there could be no engagement with it. However, we were advised that former volunteers might be prepared to engage with the Smithwick Tribunal on a voluntary basis.
The Sinn Féin leadership spent some time putting in place a process which would facilitate this. When this was achieved Sinn Féin stepped back and the process moved forward.
This week the Smithwick Tribunal opened for its first substantive public hearings. In her opening remarks Maura Laverty SC, a member of the Tribunal's legal team, revealed that the Tribunal had met with former IRA volunteers.
She described it as a 'very significant development' and as an 'unprecedented development' and described how three members of the Tribunal's legal team had met with three former members of the IRA. She said: "Those former members included former leadership at both national and local (south Armagh) level. One of the three former personnel had first-hand knowledge of the IRA operation of March 20th, 1989, and had a command role in that operation. The former personnel gave a detailed account of the events leading to the deaths of Chief Supt Breen and Supt Buchanan and replied to questions posed by the three members of the Tribunal's legal team."
The Sinn Féin leadership helped to facilitate this engagement because we sincerely believe there is a responsibility to assist families bereaved in the conflict if and when we can, though this may not be possible in all cases.
Republicans are very conscious of the hurt and suffering which has been caused through conflict in our country.
Sinn Féin believes that there needs to be an effective process for dealing with all legacy issues. Weston Park only dealt with six cases. But there are many more families who seek truth and closure.
Therefore, the British and Irish governments should invite a reputable and independent international body to establish an Independent International Truth Commission.
Sinn Féin has been consistent on this issue. Our proposition would be independent of any state, combatant groups, political parties, civil society and economic interests.
It should have a remit to inquire into the extent and pattern of past violations as well as their causes and consequences and would be dependent on the full co-operation of all the relevant parties.
Of course, such a process would not be easy. There are vested interests who do not want the truth and who will oppose the creation of a meaningful truth recovery process.
It will also be a difficult and painful process and experience, particularly for bereaved families. It must therefore be conducted in a sensitive and generous way. And there can be no hierarchy of victims. All victims must be treated on the basis of equality.
The closure which victims, victim's families and survivors deserve, demands that those who contributed to the conflict have to pledge ourselves to tell and to listen to the truth about the past. Over time this will contribute to genuine national reconciliation and an inclusive healing process.
For my part I would actively encourage republicans to co-operate with such a process.
Building a united harmonious society demands that these difficult issues are dealt with in an inclusive way as a necessary part of putting the past behind us. Looking after victims and victims' families and survivors is a significant and important part of this.
June 6, 2011
Vodafone Sackings - The unacceptable face of globalisation
The announcement by Vodafone that it plans to cut over 130 jobs from its workforce in the 26 counties and 'outsource' them to India and Egypt has outraged the Communications Workers Union and led to condemnation from Sinn Féin and others.
Meeting Vodafone workers in DundalkMost of the jobs are expected to go in Louth. The impact on those affected will be traumatic. The affect on the local economy, which is already reeling from the imposition of the Universal Social Charge and austerity cuts to government programmes and public services, will be incalculable.Last week I met the Deputy General Secretary of the CWU Terry Delaney and on Friday four local workers from the call centre in Dundalk met me to explain their concerns and to express their determination to fight this decision by Vodafone.The decision to axe these jobs is typical of the approach multi-national companies take toward local investments. Multinationals primarily take decisions based on costs and profits. If they can produce the same service or product elsewhere in the world at a cheaper price and for a greater profit they will follow the money. It's called globalisation.They have no loyalty to the local community. They have no loyalty to their workforce. A good case in point is the Visteon Corporation which was set up by the Ford Motor Corporation to run a number of factories previously directly owned by the Ford company. In March 2009 the directors of Visteon UK put their company into administration. That day, 210 men and women employed at the Belfast plant of Visteon were told that their jobs ceased to exist. That information came by letter from the management of Visteon UK. The statutory 90 day consultation was not afforded to the workers. No information was given to them about their rights and entitlements. They were denied any right of reply. Moreover, their right to Ford terms and conditions, including the lifetime protection of their discretionary pension in payment increases, contained in the 'Agreement governing the separation of the Ford Visteon organisation', was binned by Visteon.This was unacceptable and contemptible behaviour by the management of these two companies.In light of this the workers rightly and courageously took over the plant and refused to leave until Ford and Visteon negotiated a satisfactory agreement on redundancy and pensions.They refused to be cowed or intimidated by threat of legal action and lobbied and fought for their rights. And their actions encouraged their union colleagues in Britain.Like Ford, Vodafone is a huge multi-national. Through its investments in Ireland it controls over 40% of the mobile phone market and has almost two and half million subscribers.Last year Vodafone made profit here of €122.3 million and paid an additional €125 million in a dividend back to its parent company. In total Vodafone in Ireland has contributed over €2.2 billion to the profits of this multi-national.So, Vodafone receives grants and tax breaks to set up in the south of Ireland – I am currently waiting the Minister coming back to me with detail of this – they make huge profits but then arbitrarily sack 130 workers and move their jobs to a cheaper location.No loyalty to the workers who contributed to those profits. No loyalty to the Irish people who subscribe to Vodafone.This attitude emerges clearly in the minute of a meeting the CWU had with Vodafone Management. The Union representatives questioned Vodafone about the jobs it plans to axe directly from Vodafone and those that will be lost from Rigney Dolphin which supplies employees to Vodafone.The Union asked:Q Why is Vodafone offshoring these jobs?A Cost and QualityQ Does Vodafone accept that customers currently receive an excellent customer service from employees in the area?A YesQ What will happen to Rigney Dolphin employees who are loosing their jobs – will they be redeployed in Vodafone?A NoQ What will be the terms of redundancy for Rigney Dolphin employees?A This is noting to do with Vodafone. It is a matter for Rigney Dolphin.Q Does Vodafone accept that they have a responsibility to Rigney Dolphin employees working in Vodafone?A Vodafone only has a responsibility to the business contract between Rigney Dolphin and Vodafone. Q The Union requests that Vodafone postpone this decision to enable all parties to engage in discussions with a view to finding alternatives that will save jobsA No Q Can Vodafone guarantee the Union that further work/jobs will not be outsourced? A No Q What are the cost savings involved in off shoring these jobs? A Don't knowThis is the unacceptable face of globalisation. But it is not a new phenomena. I'm sure readers can think of other businesses, for example, shipbuilding and breweries and shirt and clothes manufacturers and others which have over the years left this island and moved their base of production to other climes.Those who support globalisation claim that this movement of capital and production benefits those poorer countries that can offer cheaper labour costs. But the facts suggest otherwise. The evidence thus far is of the income gap between the rich and poor countries widening in recent decades. No state can grow economically without some measure of international investment. But every state has the right to ensure that such investment is responsible and that there are contractual agreements in place to ensure this.
Meeting Vodafone workers in DundalkMost of the jobs are expected to go in Louth. The impact on those affected will be traumatic. The affect on the local economy, which is already reeling from the imposition of the Universal Social Charge and austerity cuts to government programmes and public services, will be incalculable.Last week I met the Deputy General Secretary of the CWU Terry Delaney and on Friday four local workers from the call centre in Dundalk met me to explain their concerns and to express their determination to fight this decision by Vodafone.The decision to axe these jobs is typical of the approach multi-national companies take toward local investments. Multinationals primarily take decisions based on costs and profits. If they can produce the same service or product elsewhere in the world at a cheaper price and for a greater profit they will follow the money. It's called globalisation.They have no loyalty to the local community. They have no loyalty to their workforce. A good case in point is the Visteon Corporation which was set up by the Ford Motor Corporation to run a number of factories previously directly owned by the Ford company. In March 2009 the directors of Visteon UK put their company into administration. That day, 210 men and women employed at the Belfast plant of Visteon were told that their jobs ceased to exist. That information came by letter from the management of Visteon UK. The statutory 90 day consultation was not afforded to the workers. No information was given to them about their rights and entitlements. They were denied any right of reply. Moreover, their right to Ford terms and conditions, including the lifetime protection of their discretionary pension in payment increases, contained in the 'Agreement governing the separation of the Ford Visteon organisation', was binned by Visteon.This was unacceptable and contemptible behaviour by the management of these two companies.In light of this the workers rightly and courageously took over the plant and refused to leave until Ford and Visteon negotiated a satisfactory agreement on redundancy and pensions.They refused to be cowed or intimidated by threat of legal action and lobbied and fought for their rights. And their actions encouraged their union colleagues in Britain.Like Ford, Vodafone is a huge multi-national. Through its investments in Ireland it controls over 40% of the mobile phone market and has almost two and half million subscribers.Last year Vodafone made profit here of €122.3 million and paid an additional €125 million in a dividend back to its parent company. In total Vodafone in Ireland has contributed over €2.2 billion to the profits of this multi-national.So, Vodafone receives grants and tax breaks to set up in the south of Ireland – I am currently waiting the Minister coming back to me with detail of this – they make huge profits but then arbitrarily sack 130 workers and move their jobs to a cheaper location.No loyalty to the workers who contributed to those profits. No loyalty to the Irish people who subscribe to Vodafone.This attitude emerges clearly in the minute of a meeting the CWU had with Vodafone Management. The Union representatives questioned Vodafone about the jobs it plans to axe directly from Vodafone and those that will be lost from Rigney Dolphin which supplies employees to Vodafone.The Union asked:Q Why is Vodafone offshoring these jobs?A Cost and QualityQ Does Vodafone accept that customers currently receive an excellent customer service from employees in the area?A YesQ What will happen to Rigney Dolphin employees who are loosing their jobs – will they be redeployed in Vodafone?A NoQ What will be the terms of redundancy for Rigney Dolphin employees?A This is noting to do with Vodafone. It is a matter for Rigney Dolphin.Q Does Vodafone accept that they have a responsibility to Rigney Dolphin employees working in Vodafone?A Vodafone only has a responsibility to the business contract between Rigney Dolphin and Vodafone. Q The Union requests that Vodafone postpone this decision to enable all parties to engage in discussions with a view to finding alternatives that will save jobsA No Q Can Vodafone guarantee the Union that further work/jobs will not be outsourced? A No Q What are the cost savings involved in off shoring these jobs? A Don't knowThis is the unacceptable face of globalisation. But it is not a new phenomena. I'm sure readers can think of other businesses, for example, shipbuilding and breweries and shirt and clothes manufacturers and others which have over the years left this island and moved their base of production to other climes.Those who support globalisation claim that this movement of capital and production benefits those poorer countries that can offer cheaper labour costs. But the facts suggest otherwise. The evidence thus far is of the income gap between the rich and poor countries widening in recent decades. No state can grow economically without some measure of international investment. But every state has the right to ensure that such investment is responsible and that there are contractual agreements in place to ensure this.
Vodafone Sackings - The unacceptable face of globalisation
The announcement by Vodafone that it plans to cut over 130 jobs from its workforce in the 26 counties and 'outsource' them to India and Egypt has outraged the Communications Workers Union and led to condemnation from Sinn Féin and others.
Meeting Vodafone workers in Dundalk
Most of the jobs are expected to go in Louth. The impact on those affected will be traumatic. The affect on the local economy, which is already reeling from the imposition of the Universal Social Charge and austerity cuts to government programmes and public services, will be incalculable.
Last week I met the Deputy General Secretary of the CWU Terry Delaney and on Friday four local workers from the call centre in Dundalk met me to explain their concerns and to express their determination to fight this decision by Vodafone.
The decision to axe these jobs is typical of the approach multi-national companies take toward local investments.
Multinationals primarily take decisions based on costs and profits. If they can produce the same service or product elsewhere in the world at a cheaper price and for a greater profit they will follow the money. It's called globalisation.
They have no loyalty to the local community. They have no loyalty to their workforce.
A good case in point is the Visteon Corporation which was set up by the Ford Motor Corporation to run a number of factories previously directly owned by the Ford company. In March 2009 the directors of Visteon UK put their company into administration.
That day, 210 men and women employed at the Belfast plant of Visteon were told that their jobs ceased to exist. That information came by letter from the management of Visteon UK.
The statutory 90 day consultation was not afforded to the workers. No information was given to them about their rights and entitlements. They were denied any right of reply.
Moreover, their right to Ford terms and conditions, including the lifetime protection of their discretionary pension in payment increases, contained in the 'Agreement governing the separation of the Ford Visteon organisation', was binned by Visteon.
This was unacceptable and contemptible behaviour by the management of these two companies.
In light of this the workers rightly and courageously took over the plant and refused to leave until Ford and Visteon negotiated a satisfactory agreement on redundancy and pensions.
They refused to be cowed or intimidated by threat of legal action and lobbied and fought for their rights. And their actions encouraged their union colleagues in Britain.
Like Ford, Vodafone is a huge multi-national. Through its investments in Ireland it controls over 40% of the mobile phone market and has almost two and half million subscribers.
Last year Vodafone made profit here of €122.3 million and paid an additional €125 million in a dividend back to its parent company. In total Vodafone in Ireland has contributed over €2.2 billion to the profits of this multi-national.
So, Vodafone receives grants and tax breaks to set up in the south of Ireland – I am currently waiting the Minister coming back to me with detail of this – they make huge profits but then arbitrarily sack 130 workers and move their jobs to a cheaper location.
No loyalty to the workers who contributed to those profits. No loyalty to the Irish people who subscribe to Vodafone.
This attitude emerges clearly in the minute of a meeting the CWU had with Vodafone Management. The Union representatives questioned Vodafone about the jobs it plans to axe directly from Vodafone and those that will be lost from Rigney Dolphin which supplies employees to Vodafone.
The Union asked:
Q Why is Vodafone offshoring these jobs?
A Cost and Quality
Q Does Vodafone accept that customers currently receive an excellent customer service from employees in the area?
A Yes
Q What will happen to Rigney Dolphin employees who are loosing their jobs – will they be redeployed in Vodafone?
A No
Q What will be the terms of redundancy for Rigney Dolphin employees?
A This is noting to do with Vodafone. It is a matter for Rigney Dolphin.
Q Does Vodafone accept that they have a responsibility to Rigney Dolphin employees working in Vodafone?
A Vodafone only has a responsibility to the business contract between Rigney Dolphin and Vodafone.
Q The Union requests that Vodafone postpone this decision to enable all parties to engage in discussions with a view to finding alternatives that will save jobs
A No
Q Can Vodafone guarantee the Union that further work/jobs will not be outsourced?
A No
Q What are the cost savings involved in off shoring these jobs?
A Don't know
This is the unacceptable face of globalisation. But it is not a new phenomena.
I'm sure readers can think of other businesses, for example, shipbuilding and breweries and shirt and clothes manufacturers and others which have over the years left this island and moved their base of production to other climes.
Those who support globalisation claim that this movement of capital and production benefits those poorer countries that can offer cheaper labour costs. But the facts suggest otherwise. The evidence thus far is of the income gap between the rich and poor countries widening in recent decades.
No state can grow economically without some measure of international investment. But every state has the right to ensure that such investment is responsible and that there are contractual agreements in place to ensure this.
Meeting Vodafone workers in Dundalk
Most of the jobs are expected to go in Louth. The impact on those affected will be traumatic. The affect on the local economy, which is already reeling from the imposition of the Universal Social Charge and austerity cuts to government programmes and public services, will be incalculable.
Last week I met the Deputy General Secretary of the CWU Terry Delaney and on Friday four local workers from the call centre in Dundalk met me to explain their concerns and to express their determination to fight this decision by Vodafone.
The decision to axe these jobs is typical of the approach multi-national companies take toward local investments.
Multinationals primarily take decisions based on costs and profits. If they can produce the same service or product elsewhere in the world at a cheaper price and for a greater profit they will follow the money. It's called globalisation.
They have no loyalty to the local community. They have no loyalty to their workforce.
A good case in point is the Visteon Corporation which was set up by the Ford Motor Corporation to run a number of factories previously directly owned by the Ford company. In March 2009 the directors of Visteon UK put their company into administration.
That day, 210 men and women employed at the Belfast plant of Visteon were told that their jobs ceased to exist. That information came by letter from the management of Visteon UK.
The statutory 90 day consultation was not afforded to the workers. No information was given to them about their rights and entitlements. They were denied any right of reply.
Moreover, their right to Ford terms and conditions, including the lifetime protection of their discretionary pension in payment increases, contained in the 'Agreement governing the separation of the Ford Visteon organisation', was binned by Visteon.
This was unacceptable and contemptible behaviour by the management of these two companies.
In light of this the workers rightly and courageously took over the plant and refused to leave until Ford and Visteon negotiated a satisfactory agreement on redundancy and pensions.
They refused to be cowed or intimidated by threat of legal action and lobbied and fought for their rights. And their actions encouraged their union colleagues in Britain.
Like Ford, Vodafone is a huge multi-national. Through its investments in Ireland it controls over 40% of the mobile phone market and has almost two and half million subscribers.
Last year Vodafone made profit here of €122.3 million and paid an additional €125 million in a dividend back to its parent company. In total Vodafone in Ireland has contributed over €2.2 billion to the profits of this multi-national.
So, Vodafone receives grants and tax breaks to set up in the south of Ireland – I am currently waiting the Minister coming back to me with detail of this – they make huge profits but then arbitrarily sack 130 workers and move their jobs to a cheaper location.
No loyalty to the workers who contributed to those profits. No loyalty to the Irish people who subscribe to Vodafone.
This attitude emerges clearly in the minute of a meeting the CWU had with Vodafone Management. The Union representatives questioned Vodafone about the jobs it plans to axe directly from Vodafone and those that will be lost from Rigney Dolphin which supplies employees to Vodafone.
The Union asked:
Q Why is Vodafone offshoring these jobs?
A Cost and Quality
Q Does Vodafone accept that customers currently receive an excellent customer service from employees in the area?
A Yes
Q What will happen to Rigney Dolphin employees who are loosing their jobs – will they be redeployed in Vodafone?
A No
Q What will be the terms of redundancy for Rigney Dolphin employees?
A This is noting to do with Vodafone. It is a matter for Rigney Dolphin.
Q Does Vodafone accept that they have a responsibility to Rigney Dolphin employees working in Vodafone?
A Vodafone only has a responsibility to the business contract between Rigney Dolphin and Vodafone.
Q The Union requests that Vodafone postpone this decision to enable all parties to engage in discussions with a view to finding alternatives that will save jobs
A No
Q Can Vodafone guarantee the Union that further work/jobs will not be outsourced?
A No
Q What are the cost savings involved in off shoring these jobs?
A Don't know
This is the unacceptable face of globalisation. But it is not a new phenomena.
I'm sure readers can think of other businesses, for example, shipbuilding and breweries and shirt and clothes manufacturers and others which have over the years left this island and moved their base of production to other climes.
Those who support globalisation claim that this movement of capital and production benefits those poorer countries that can offer cheaper labour costs. But the facts suggest otherwise. The evidence thus far is of the income gap between the rich and poor countries widening in recent decades.
No state can grow economically without some measure of international investment. But every state has the right to ensure that such investment is responsible and that there are contractual agreements in place to ensure this.
June 1, 2011
Controlling the 'narrative'
It used to be all about 'spin'. That is getting the message out and influencing, to the point of controlling, how the media covered a particular story. Alaistair Campbell was credited with being the master of spin for the former Labour government in Britain. 'Spin' was the new word used in the 90's to describe a very old aspect of politics and business – sell the message to the public in a believable and attractive manner; hammer the opposition, and win support for your position. And if you make mistakes? Limit the damage through briefings and more 'spin', which if necessary means dumping on whoever is responsible for the problem. Governments have been spinning their way in and out of trouble for millennia. The British never claimed they were invading Ireland to steal the land and impoverish and exploit its people – in their own words they came to civilise the barbarians!The west claimed that it invaded Iraq to save us from Saddam's weapons of mass destruction. They didn't exist but the oil fields do. Today 'spin' has given way to a new description. According to one journalist I listened to on RTE it's now about 'controlling the narrative'. A nice turn of phrase but the goal is the same. This week Fine Gael is trying to limit the damage done to its credibility and economic strategy by the comments of Fine Gael Transport Minister Leo Varadkar. He spoke out of school and told the Sunday Times that the Irish state might not be able to return to the bond markets next year. And worse than that it may have to seek a second bailout.The Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Finance Minister all rushed to reject this position. Mr. Varadkar was contradicted and his remarks were described by his department as a 'hypothetical answer' to a 'hypothetical question'. But of the Minister himself there has been no sign.The importance of all this is that Fine Gael and Labour have spent all their short time in government claiming to know what they are doing, defending the EU/IMF deal and stating that the state is on target to meet the bailout requirements imposed by the EU and IMF and will be able to return to the bond markets next year. That's the narrative.Minister Varadkar's remarks undermine this position. Hence, the rush by his boss and more senior colleagues to publicly deny him and retake control of their 'spin' the narrative around the bailout. But this isn't the first time Varadkar has put his foot in it. During the election campaign he declared that not another red cent would be given to the banks.Within weeks of being in government the banks got more than a red cent – they got €24 billion.But to be fair to Leo he isn't the first coalition Minister to make a faux pas when it comes to the issue of the bailout. Two weeks ago Labour Minister Brendan Howlin spoke of the desirability of renegotiating the bailout loan and extending the period over which the state would pay it back. The Minister of Finance immediately stepped forward, rubbished the suggestion and firmly stated that the only item of the agenda in negotiations with the EU/IMF and ECB is a reduction in the interest rate.The 'narrative' for Fine Gael and Labour is to claim that the state is bound by the huge debts that have now been accumulated, and that it will pay all of these back.Any claim or suggestion to the contrary must be stamped on quickly and ruthlessly.The problem for the government is that the evidence of failure and of flawed economic policies is to be found in the daily experience and distress of citizens.RTE's Primetime on Monday night exposed the extent to which government cuts are driving carers further and further into debt and the enormous poverty that this is causing.It has also emerged that 4604 elderly citizens are waiting for approval for nursing home places but that the government refuses to release the funds.And to add to the misery of millions the Minister for the Environment has confirmed that an interim household charge – property tax – is to be introduced early next year, with water meters in place the following year.The 'narrative' is that the money raised by the household charge will be ring-fenced to provide money for local services. You would almost think that the Minister is doing householders a favour by ensuring that the provision of local services is protected.The truth is that the state is obliged under the EU/IMF deal to introduce both a property tax and water charges.Moreover, the money raised by these taxes will not be additional to the money currently spent on local services. The cuts will continue and the money saved will be used to pay off the EU/IMF bailout. So, in reality the property and water tax is being used to pay the EU/IMF bailout.But that's not the government's 'spin', 'line', 'narrative', 'story'.Yesterday when I challenged the Taoiseach on all of this I reminded him that 100 years ago exactly – on May 31st 1911 – the unsinkable Titanic was launched in Belfast. She too had a Captain who steered straight for the iceberg. He at least had some excuse. It wasn't spotted until the last minute. The bailout and debt mountain iceberg that this government has the state sailing straight for is clearly visible and the alarm has been sounded. But on the basis of the 'narrative' coming from Government Buildings this captain is not for turning.Finally, a brief note on the launch and sinking of the Titanic. Over 1500 people lost their lives in April 1912 when it sank. In the years since much has been written and there have been two successful movies made about the event. Next year a £97 million Titanic Belfast Building will be opened to co-incide with the sinking. But there is a part of the story that is rarely told and which it is important to remember. Harland and Wolff shipyard was a by-word for discrimination. Catholics were only ever employed in very small numbers. Frequently, during the frequent sectarian pogroms that afflicted Belfast they, and any progressive Protestant workers, were among the first to be forced from their jobs. The Titanic was a human tragedy. So is generational sectarian discrimination.
Controlling the 'narrative'
It used to be all about 'spin'. That is getting the message out and influencing, to the point of controlling, how the media covered a particular story.
Alaistair Campbell was credited with being the master of spin for the former Labour government in Britain.
'Spin' was the new word used in the 90's to describe a very old aspect of politics and business – sell the message to the public in a believable and attractive manner; hammer the opposition, and win support for your position. And if you make mistakes? Limit the damage through briefings and more 'spin', which if necessary means dumping on whoever is responsible for the problem.
Governments have been spinning their way in and out of trouble for millennia.
The British never claimed they were invading Ireland to steal the land and impoverish and exploit its people – in their own words they came to civilise the barbarians!
The west claimed that it invaded Iraq to save us from Saddam's weapons of mass destruction. They didn't exist but the oil fields do.
Today 'spin' has given way to a new description. According to one journalist I listened to on RTE it's now about 'controlling the narrative'. A nice turn of phrase but the goal is the same.
This week Fine Gael is trying to limit the damage done to its credibility and economic strategy by the comments of Fine Gael Transport Minister Leo Varadkar. He spoke out of school and told the Sunday Times that the Irish state might not be able to return to the bond markets next year. And worse than that it may have to seek a second bailout.
The Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Finance Minister all rushed to reject this position. Mr. Varadkar was contradicted and his remarks were described by his department as a 'hypothetical answer' to a 'hypothetical question'. But of the Minister himself there has been no sign.
The importance of all this is that Fine Gael and Labour have spent all their short time in government claiming to know what they are doing, defending the EU/IMF deal and stating that the state is on target to meet the bailout requirements imposed by the EU and IMF and will be able to return to the bond markets next year. That's the narrative.
Minister Varadkar's remarks undermine this position. Hence, the rush by his boss and more senior colleagues to publicly deny him and retake control of their 'spin' the narrative around the bailout.
But this isn't the first time Varadkar has put his foot in it. During the election campaign he declared that not another red cent would be given to the banks.
Within weeks of being in government the banks got more than a red cent – they got €24 billion.
But to be fair to Leo he isn't the first coalition Minister to make a faux pas when it comes to the issue of the bailout. Two weeks ago Labour Minister Brendan Howlin spoke of the desirability of renegotiating the bailout loan and extending the period over which the state would pay it back.
The Minister of Finance immediately stepped forward, rubbished the suggestion and firmly stated that the only item of the agenda in negotiations with the EU/IMF and ECB is a reduction in the interest rate.
The 'narrative' for Fine Gael and Labour is to claim that the state is bound by the huge debts that have now been accumulated, and that it will pay all of these back.
Any claim or suggestion to the contrary must be stamped on quickly and ruthlessly.
The problem for the government is that the evidence of failure and of flawed economic policies is to be found in the daily experience and distress of citizens.
RTE's Primetime on Monday night exposed the extent to which government cuts are driving carers further and further into debt and the enormous poverty that this is causing.
It has also emerged that 4604 elderly citizens are waiting for approval for nursing home places but that the government refuses to release the funds.
And to add to the misery of millions the Minister for the Environment has confirmed that an interim household charge – property tax – is to be introduced early next year, with water meters in place the following year.
The 'narrative' is that the money raised by the household charge will be ring-fenced to provide money for local services. You would almost think that the Minister is doing householders a favour by ensuring that the provision of local services is protected.
The truth is that the state is obliged under the EU/IMF deal to introduce both a property tax and water charges.
Moreover, the money raised by these taxes will not be additional to the money currently spent on local services.
The cuts will continue and the money saved will be used to pay off the EU/IMF bailout. So, in reality the property and water tax is being used to pay the EU/IMF bailout.
But that's not the government's 'spin', 'line', 'narrative', 'story'.
Yesterday when I challenged the Taoiseach on all of this I reminded him that 100 years ago exactly – on May 31st 1911 – the unsinkable Titanic was launched in Belfast. She too had a Captain who steered straight for the iceberg. He at least had some excuse. It wasn't spotted until the last minute. The bailout and debt mountain iceberg that this government has the state sailing straight for is clearly visible and the alarm has been sounded. But on the basis of the 'narrative' coming from Government Buildings this captain is not for turning.
Finally, a brief note on the launch and sinking of the Titanic. Over 1500 people lost their lives in April 1912 when it sank. In the years since much has been written and there have been two successful movies made about the event. Next year a £97 million Titanic Belfast Building will be opened to co-incide with the sinking.
But there is a part of the story that is rarely told and which it is important to remember. Harland and Wolff shipyard was a by-word for discrimination. Catholics were only ever employed in very small numbers. Frequently, during the frequent sectarian pogroms that afflicted Belfast they, and any progressive Protestant workers, were among the first to be forced from their jobs.
The Titanic was a human tragedy. So is generational sectarian discrimination.
Alaistair Campbell was credited with being the master of spin for the former Labour government in Britain.
'Spin' was the new word used in the 90's to describe a very old aspect of politics and business – sell the message to the public in a believable and attractive manner; hammer the opposition, and win support for your position. And if you make mistakes? Limit the damage through briefings and more 'spin', which if necessary means dumping on whoever is responsible for the problem.
Governments have been spinning their way in and out of trouble for millennia.
The British never claimed they were invading Ireland to steal the land and impoverish and exploit its people – in their own words they came to civilise the barbarians!
The west claimed that it invaded Iraq to save us from Saddam's weapons of mass destruction. They didn't exist but the oil fields do.
Today 'spin' has given way to a new description. According to one journalist I listened to on RTE it's now about 'controlling the narrative'. A nice turn of phrase but the goal is the same.
This week Fine Gael is trying to limit the damage done to its credibility and economic strategy by the comments of Fine Gael Transport Minister Leo Varadkar. He spoke out of school and told the Sunday Times that the Irish state might not be able to return to the bond markets next year. And worse than that it may have to seek a second bailout.
The Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Finance Minister all rushed to reject this position. Mr. Varadkar was contradicted and his remarks were described by his department as a 'hypothetical answer' to a 'hypothetical question'. But of the Minister himself there has been no sign.
The importance of all this is that Fine Gael and Labour have spent all their short time in government claiming to know what they are doing, defending the EU/IMF deal and stating that the state is on target to meet the bailout requirements imposed by the EU and IMF and will be able to return to the bond markets next year. That's the narrative.
Minister Varadkar's remarks undermine this position. Hence, the rush by his boss and more senior colleagues to publicly deny him and retake control of their 'spin' the narrative around the bailout.
But this isn't the first time Varadkar has put his foot in it. During the election campaign he declared that not another red cent would be given to the banks.
Within weeks of being in government the banks got more than a red cent – they got €24 billion.
But to be fair to Leo he isn't the first coalition Minister to make a faux pas when it comes to the issue of the bailout. Two weeks ago Labour Minister Brendan Howlin spoke of the desirability of renegotiating the bailout loan and extending the period over which the state would pay it back.
The Minister of Finance immediately stepped forward, rubbished the suggestion and firmly stated that the only item of the agenda in negotiations with the EU/IMF and ECB is a reduction in the interest rate.
The 'narrative' for Fine Gael and Labour is to claim that the state is bound by the huge debts that have now been accumulated, and that it will pay all of these back.
Any claim or suggestion to the contrary must be stamped on quickly and ruthlessly.
The problem for the government is that the evidence of failure and of flawed economic policies is to be found in the daily experience and distress of citizens.
RTE's Primetime on Monday night exposed the extent to which government cuts are driving carers further and further into debt and the enormous poverty that this is causing.
It has also emerged that 4604 elderly citizens are waiting for approval for nursing home places but that the government refuses to release the funds.
And to add to the misery of millions the Minister for the Environment has confirmed that an interim household charge – property tax – is to be introduced early next year, with water meters in place the following year.
The 'narrative' is that the money raised by the household charge will be ring-fenced to provide money for local services. You would almost think that the Minister is doing householders a favour by ensuring that the provision of local services is protected.
The truth is that the state is obliged under the EU/IMF deal to introduce both a property tax and water charges.
Moreover, the money raised by these taxes will not be additional to the money currently spent on local services.
The cuts will continue and the money saved will be used to pay off the EU/IMF bailout. So, in reality the property and water tax is being used to pay the EU/IMF bailout.
But that's not the government's 'spin', 'line', 'narrative', 'story'.
Yesterday when I challenged the Taoiseach on all of this I reminded him that 100 years ago exactly – on May 31st 1911 – the unsinkable Titanic was launched in Belfast. She too had a Captain who steered straight for the iceberg. He at least had some excuse. It wasn't spotted until the last minute. The bailout and debt mountain iceberg that this government has the state sailing straight for is clearly visible and the alarm has been sounded. But on the basis of the 'narrative' coming from Government Buildings this captain is not for turning.
Finally, a brief note on the launch and sinking of the Titanic. Over 1500 people lost their lives in April 1912 when it sank. In the years since much has been written and there have been two successful movies made about the event. Next year a £97 million Titanic Belfast Building will be opened to co-incide with the sinking.
But there is a part of the story that is rarely told and which it is important to remember. Harland and Wolff shipyard was a by-word for discrimination. Catholics were only ever employed in very small numbers. Frequently, during the frequent sectarian pogroms that afflicted Belfast they, and any progressive Protestant workers, were among the first to be forced from their jobs.
The Titanic was a human tragedy. So is generational sectarian discrimination.
May 28, 2011
Irish America - Is Féidir Linn – Yes, we can
President Obama's visit was even shorter than anticipated. The President touched down at 9.30 am last Monday morning and by 9.30 pm Airforce One was taking off from Dublin airport enroute to London.
A 24 hour visit became half that due to fears that dust and ash from the erupting Grimsvotn volcano in Iceland might ground all aircraft as happened last year, and delay the President's departure to Britain.
After first meeting President McAleese and then Taoiseach Enda Kenny, President Obama and his wife Michelle flew to Moneygall in County Offaly where an estimated 3,000 people lined its one main street.
The Obama's were given a tumultuous welcome. For most of the morning it had rained and as they arrived the sun came out.
The President met his distant relatives and spent a considerable amount of time meeting and greeting local people, signing bits of paper, shaking hands, and then into Ollie Hayes pub for a pint of Guinness.
Moneygall is like many small towns and villages across Ireland. It was from there in 1850 that President Obama's great, great, great, grandfather, Falmouth Kearney, a shoemaker, emigrated to the USA.
This was in the immediate aftermath of An Gorta Mór – the Great Hunger - just three years after Black 47 when hundreds of thousands died. This was a time when within a decade an estimated 2 million citizens fled Ireland as a result of starvation or eviction or hardship.
Later in Dublin, in front of a capacity crowd in College Green the US President referred to this period in Irish history and the impact it had on the USA: " But standing there in Moneygall, I couldn't help but think how heartbreaking it must have been for that great-great-great grandfather of mine, and so many others, to part. To watch Donegal coasts and Dingle cliffs recede. To leave behind all they knew in hopes that something better lay over the horizon."
Falmouth Kearney was one among millions. Today their descendents occupy pivotal positions in society in the USA. In both political parties, the Democrats and Republicans you will find Irish Americans in leadership; in the Boardrooms, in the news media and the entertainment business; in fact in every strata of US society there are Irish Americans.
President Obama is now one of these and around him is a group of Irish Americans including Vice President Joe Biden; his Chief of Staff Bill Daley; his National security Adviser Tom Donilon and many more. I have met Vice President Biden and Bill Daley. They are enormously proud of their Irish roots and of the contribution Irish America has made to the peace process in Ireland.
This contribution was evident on Monday when we were all reminded by President Obama that he was not the first US President to address thousands in College Green. It was there in December 1995 that President Bill Clinton received a huge welcome from an enthusiastic Dublin crowd. His reception was in large part due to the positive contribution he made at a critical point in the peace process.
And that's an important lesson for Irish America as we seek to move forward toward our goal of uniting Ireland. 16 years ago the strength of Irish America brought a US President to Ireland to help inject much needed momentum into a peace process that was faltering.
That strength is still evidenced in the decision of President Obama to make his lightning visit earlier this week.
And as Sinn Féin increases our efforts to right the historic wrong of partition and unite the people of this island we will need Irish America to use that strength again.
A 24 hour visit became half that due to fears that dust and ash from the erupting Grimsvotn volcano in Iceland might ground all aircraft as happened last year, and delay the President's departure to Britain.
After first meeting President McAleese and then Taoiseach Enda Kenny, President Obama and his wife Michelle flew to Moneygall in County Offaly where an estimated 3,000 people lined its one main street.
The Obama's were given a tumultuous welcome. For most of the morning it had rained and as they arrived the sun came out.
The President met his distant relatives and spent a considerable amount of time meeting and greeting local people, signing bits of paper, shaking hands, and then into Ollie Hayes pub for a pint of Guinness.
Moneygall is like many small towns and villages across Ireland. It was from there in 1850 that President Obama's great, great, great, grandfather, Falmouth Kearney, a shoemaker, emigrated to the USA.
This was in the immediate aftermath of An Gorta Mór – the Great Hunger - just three years after Black 47 when hundreds of thousands died. This was a time when within a decade an estimated 2 million citizens fled Ireland as a result of starvation or eviction or hardship.
Later in Dublin, in front of a capacity crowd in College Green the US President referred to this period in Irish history and the impact it had on the USA: " But standing there in Moneygall, I couldn't help but think how heartbreaking it must have been for that great-great-great grandfather of mine, and so many others, to part. To watch Donegal coasts and Dingle cliffs recede. To leave behind all they knew in hopes that something better lay over the horizon."
Falmouth Kearney was one among millions. Today their descendents occupy pivotal positions in society in the USA. In both political parties, the Democrats and Republicans you will find Irish Americans in leadership; in the Boardrooms, in the news media and the entertainment business; in fact in every strata of US society there are Irish Americans.
President Obama is now one of these and around him is a group of Irish Americans including Vice President Joe Biden; his Chief of Staff Bill Daley; his National security Adviser Tom Donilon and many more. I have met Vice President Biden and Bill Daley. They are enormously proud of their Irish roots and of the contribution Irish America has made to the peace process in Ireland.
This contribution was evident on Monday when we were all reminded by President Obama that he was not the first US President to address thousands in College Green. It was there in December 1995 that President Bill Clinton received a huge welcome from an enthusiastic Dublin crowd. His reception was in large part due to the positive contribution he made at a critical point in the peace process.
And that's an important lesson for Irish America as we seek to move forward toward our goal of uniting Ireland. 16 years ago the strength of Irish America brought a US President to Ireland to help inject much needed momentum into a peace process that was faltering.
That strength is still evidenced in the decision of President Obama to make his lightning visit earlier this week.
And as Sinn Féin increases our efforts to right the historic wrong of partition and unite the people of this island we will need Irish America to use that strength again.
Irish Language Debate in the Dáil
Thursday saw a debate in the Dáil, initiated by Sinn Féin, on the 20 year strategy for the Irish language.
There are aspects of Fine Gael policy that are totally contrary to the proposals contained in the 20 year strategy. For example they want to make Irish an optional subject for the leaving certificate, they want to end the 'Irish Speaker's Scheme' and change the rules in relation to the establishment of new Gaelscoileanna which will make it much more difficult for Gaelscoileanna to become established in the future.
These proposals fly in the face of everything contained in the 20 Year Strategy.
Unless the Government adopts a radically different attitude its policies will have a serious detrimental affect on the Irish language.
In my contribution to the debate I said:
"Cuirim fáilte roimh an díospóireacht seo. Tá sé tábhachtach go bhfuil sé ag dul ar aghaidh. Tá súil agam go mbeidh i bhfad níos mó plé anseo faoin Ghaeilge agus i bhfad níos mó gnó eile déanta trí Ghaeilge amach anseo. Sin an fís a bhí ag na daoine a bhunaigh an pharlaimint seo.
Tá súil agam go mbeidh an díospóireacht ina spreagadh do Ghaeilgeoirí, do fhoghlaimeoirí agus do dhaoine amuigh ansin atá báúil don Ghaeilge, thuaidh agus theas.
Ag tús an phróiséas síochána agus i rith na cainteanna roimh Comhaontú Aoine an Chéasta chuir Sinn Féin ceist na Gaeilge sa Tuaisceart, agus ar an oileán ar fad, ar an chlár. As sin tháinig aitheantas don Ghaeilge, agus Foras na Gaeilge, agus don chéad uair tacaíocht don Ghaeilge ins na Sé chondae. Tháinig feabhas mór ar stadas ár dteanga náisiúnta sna Sé Chontae ó shin.
Ní aithníonn an Ghaeilge aon teorann ar an oileán seo. Is teanga uile-Éireann í má ta muid chun í a athshlanú is ar bhonn uile-Éireann a dheantar é. Tá tábhachtach le Foras agus le tacaíocht leanúnach ón dá thaobh den teorann chun cuidiú lena chuid oibre.
Is linne uilig an teanga, pé creideamh ná dearcadh polaitiúil atá againn.
Caithfidh muid seo a chur ina luí ar Rialtas na Breataine agus go háirithe ar ár gcairde, na hAondactóirí. Tá gá le fís s'againne faoin Ghaeilge a mhíniú dóibh agus a leiriú nach bagairt dóibh forbairt na Gaeilge agus an cultúr Gaelaigh.
Ta muid ag iarraidh pobal na Gaeilge a thogail ins an Tuaisceart, pobal a bhfuil cainteoirí ann, scoilteacha lán-Ghaeilge, áiteacha sóisialta, clubanna óige, féidireachtaí gairme, mean cumarsáide agus dlithe chun na cearta sin a chosaint sna cúirteanna.
Tá Sinn Féin ag déanamh ár ndicheall sa Roinn Oideachais ó thuaidh chun an Ghaeloideachais a fhorbairt. Thiug Caitriona Ruane deontais do chlubanna óige Ghaeilge fríd an Tuaisceart. Leanfaidh muid ar aghaidh leis an obair sin.
Fuair Sinn Féin airgead ó Rialtas na Breataine i rith cainteanna Hillsborough i ndiaidh troid mór 's ag cuir a lan bru, fá choinne an Ciste Craoltóireachta agus fuair muid airgead chun Ciste Infheistíochta a bhunaigh a chuideodh le forbairt gréasán Cultúrlanna.
Tá Gaeilgeoirí ó thuaidh ag iarraidh Gaeltachtaí uirbeacha a chruthú agus an timpeallacht thart orainn a Ghaelú. Shin ceist. Bh'feidir ta nios mo daoine ag caint Gaeilge i Bheal Feirste achan la na in Bhaile Atha Cliath. Níl fhios agam. Taobh amuigh do Uachtaran Obama
Banrion na Shasana.
Faoi stiúradh Conor Murphy mar Áire Timpeallachta tá busanna ag gabháil suas Bóthar na bhFál le comharthaí Gaeilge orthu.
Tá gá leis na hiarrachtaí seo bheith á forbairt ar bhonn uile-Éireann agus comh-oibriú idir na hinstitiúdaí ar an dá chuid den oileán seo chun tuilleadh éifeacht bheith leis an obair seo.
Beidh Sinn Féin an sasta a bheith ag obair leis Áire Jimmy Dennihan. Go n'eirigh an t'adh leis. Agus leis Carál Ní Chuilín, Áire nua sns Thuaisceart fosta.Tá Acht na Gaeilge againn ó dheas. Caithfidh muid sin a úsáid agus a fhorbairt. Tá Acht a dhíth ó thuaidh.
Mar shampla, a penal law, The Administration of Justice (Language) Act Ireland of 1737 decrees that all proceedings within courts of justice (mar dhea) there shall be within the English language.
Tá an Ghaeilge mí-dleathach sna cuirteanna ó Thuaidh. Tá gá le deireadh a chur leis an dlí seo anois.
Agus mar a dúirt mé tá Acht na Gaeilge a dhíth ansin.
Acht atá bunaithe ar na Bunphrionsapail seo a leanas-
• Cearta Gaeilgeoirí ag croí an Achta
• Achmhainní oiriúnacha leis an Acht a chur i bhfeidhm
• Coimisinéir na Gaeilge leis an Acht a mhaoirsiú.
Ní cheart go mbeadh eagla chóiche ar duine ar bith roimh an Ghaeilge.
Is linne uilig an saibreas agus an dúchas atá taobh istigh den teanga Gaeilge agus is ansin a bfhaighfidh muid croí agus anam na tire seo.
There are aspects of Fine Gael policy that are totally contrary to the proposals contained in the 20 year strategy. For example they want to make Irish an optional subject for the leaving certificate, they want to end the 'Irish Speaker's Scheme' and change the rules in relation to the establishment of new Gaelscoileanna which will make it much more difficult for Gaelscoileanna to become established in the future.
These proposals fly in the face of everything contained in the 20 Year Strategy.
Unless the Government adopts a radically different attitude its policies will have a serious detrimental affect on the Irish language.
In my contribution to the debate I said:
"Cuirim fáilte roimh an díospóireacht seo. Tá sé tábhachtach go bhfuil sé ag dul ar aghaidh. Tá súil agam go mbeidh i bhfad níos mó plé anseo faoin Ghaeilge agus i bhfad níos mó gnó eile déanta trí Ghaeilge amach anseo. Sin an fís a bhí ag na daoine a bhunaigh an pharlaimint seo.
Tá súil agam go mbeidh an díospóireacht ina spreagadh do Ghaeilgeoirí, do fhoghlaimeoirí agus do dhaoine amuigh ansin atá báúil don Ghaeilge, thuaidh agus theas.
Ag tús an phróiséas síochána agus i rith na cainteanna roimh Comhaontú Aoine an Chéasta chuir Sinn Féin ceist na Gaeilge sa Tuaisceart, agus ar an oileán ar fad, ar an chlár. As sin tháinig aitheantas don Ghaeilge, agus Foras na Gaeilge, agus don chéad uair tacaíocht don Ghaeilge ins na Sé chondae. Tháinig feabhas mór ar stadas ár dteanga náisiúnta sna Sé Chontae ó shin.
Ní aithníonn an Ghaeilge aon teorann ar an oileán seo. Is teanga uile-Éireann í má ta muid chun í a athshlanú is ar bhonn uile-Éireann a dheantar é. Tá tábhachtach le Foras agus le tacaíocht leanúnach ón dá thaobh den teorann chun cuidiú lena chuid oibre.
Is linne uilig an teanga, pé creideamh ná dearcadh polaitiúil atá againn.
Caithfidh muid seo a chur ina luí ar Rialtas na Breataine agus go háirithe ar ár gcairde, na hAondactóirí. Tá gá le fís s'againne faoin Ghaeilge a mhíniú dóibh agus a leiriú nach bagairt dóibh forbairt na Gaeilge agus an cultúr Gaelaigh.
Ta muid ag iarraidh pobal na Gaeilge a thogail ins an Tuaisceart, pobal a bhfuil cainteoirí ann, scoilteacha lán-Ghaeilge, áiteacha sóisialta, clubanna óige, féidireachtaí gairme, mean cumarsáide agus dlithe chun na cearta sin a chosaint sna cúirteanna.
Tá Sinn Féin ag déanamh ár ndicheall sa Roinn Oideachais ó thuaidh chun an Ghaeloideachais a fhorbairt. Thiug Caitriona Ruane deontais do chlubanna óige Ghaeilge fríd an Tuaisceart. Leanfaidh muid ar aghaidh leis an obair sin.
Fuair Sinn Féin airgead ó Rialtas na Breataine i rith cainteanna Hillsborough i ndiaidh troid mór 's ag cuir a lan bru, fá choinne an Ciste Craoltóireachta agus fuair muid airgead chun Ciste Infheistíochta a bhunaigh a chuideodh le forbairt gréasán Cultúrlanna.
Tá Gaeilgeoirí ó thuaidh ag iarraidh Gaeltachtaí uirbeacha a chruthú agus an timpeallacht thart orainn a Ghaelú. Shin ceist. Bh'feidir ta nios mo daoine ag caint Gaeilge i Bheal Feirste achan la na in Bhaile Atha Cliath. Níl fhios agam. Taobh amuigh do Uachtaran Obama
Banrion na Shasana.
Faoi stiúradh Conor Murphy mar Áire Timpeallachta tá busanna ag gabháil suas Bóthar na bhFál le comharthaí Gaeilge orthu.
Tá gá leis na hiarrachtaí seo bheith á forbairt ar bhonn uile-Éireann agus comh-oibriú idir na hinstitiúdaí ar an dá chuid den oileán seo chun tuilleadh éifeacht bheith leis an obair seo.
Beidh Sinn Féin an sasta a bheith ag obair leis Áire Jimmy Dennihan. Go n'eirigh an t'adh leis. Agus leis Carál Ní Chuilín, Áire nua sns Thuaisceart fosta.Tá Acht na Gaeilge againn ó dheas. Caithfidh muid sin a úsáid agus a fhorbairt. Tá Acht a dhíth ó thuaidh.
Mar shampla, a penal law, The Administration of Justice (Language) Act Ireland of 1737 decrees that all proceedings within courts of justice (mar dhea) there shall be within the English language.
Tá an Ghaeilge mí-dleathach sna cuirteanna ó Thuaidh. Tá gá le deireadh a chur leis an dlí seo anois.
Agus mar a dúirt mé tá Acht na Gaeilge a dhíth ansin.
Acht atá bunaithe ar na Bunphrionsapail seo a leanas-
• Cearta Gaeilgeoirí ag croí an Achta
• Achmhainní oiriúnacha leis an Acht a chur i bhfeidhm
• Coimisinéir na Gaeilge leis an Acht a mhaoirsiú.
Ní cheart go mbeadh eagla chóiche ar duine ar bith roimh an Ghaeilge.
Is linne uilig an saibreas agus an dúchas atá taobh istigh den teanga Gaeilge agus is ansin a bfhaighfidh muid croí agus anam na tire seo.
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