Gerry Adams's Blog, page 76

Symphysiotomy – righting a grievous wrong

The public gallery was abnormally packed for a Thursday morning in the Dáil. It's not unusual to have groups of young people from schools visiting to watch proceedings but almost all of those present this morning were elderly women.

Another large group of women were in an adjacent room where they were watching proceedings on tv.

These are the survivors of a barbaric medical practice called symphysiotomy. I had never heard of symphysiotomy and pubiotomy until just over a year ago when this blog made the shift to Louth. It was brought to my attention by two very brave women Olivia Kearney and Catherine Naughton. Women of great grace and courage.

Since then I have met other victims and survivors, including the advocacy groups. They are all remarkable people. Last night a group of survivors, Matilda Behan, Ellen Moore, Helen Kennealy, and Anne Ward who spoke on behalf of her mother Mary MacDonogh's, gave witness and harrowing testimony to the hurt and trauma of symphysiotomy.

Their accounts were deeply distressing and upsetting for those who gave them and for us who listened in silence.

Symphysiotomy amounts to institutional abuse. It involves acts of butchery against women citizens.

It is a painful, dangerous operation that unhinges the pelvis to facilitate childbirth or in the case of pubiotomy the sawing of the public bones.

Some have sought to claim that it was a standard practice internationally but the facts contradict this. The French medical profession abandoned its use in 1798, over 200 years ago. It was regarded as too dangerous to mother and child, many of whom died. The French opted for caesarean section. It took the British another 70 years to catch on to its dangers.

But in the Irish state symphysiotomy was the method of choice between the 1940's and early 80's.

During that time it is thought that up to 1500 women were victim of this procedure, mostly without their consent. It was also inflicted on women who were used as teaching aids for doctors and nurses and students. One hospital that used it extensively was Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital in Drogheda which was run by the Medical Missionaries of Mary who exported the use of this practice to Africa and India.

Those who have campaigned on this issue for many years attribute its use by the medical profession in the south to Catholic Church dogma. The Catholic Church vehemently opposed birth control methods and the use of caesarean sections limited the number of children a woman could have. It was generally accepted that the maximum number of these that could be used on a woman was four.

The use of symphysiotomy was one way of ensuring that women didn't look to birth control.

Today there are probably no more than 200 or so survivors of symphysiotomy. They are elderly and frail citizens who carry the physical and emotional scars of this barbaric practice. Those courageous women who spoke to us last night have all suffered long term ill-health and disability as a consequence of what was done to them.

One woman who called to see me in Drogheda to tell me of her experience was Lilly McDonnell. Lilly was a victim of symphysiotomy 60 years ago. Lilly told me how her child was killed in the course of this procedure and of the physical damage done to her. She showed me the child's birth certificate.

Like the other survivors Lilly lives daily with the harrowing consequences of what was done to her.

The state should be deeply ashamed of what it allowed to happen to these women in my view because of the influence of conservative religious fundamentalism.

It should also be ashamed about its inadequate and at times heartless response to the demands of the victims for redress and truth.

In their efforts to highlight what was done to them the victims frequently met a wall of disinformation and institutionalised obstruction. Records were destroyed or 'lost' and the aftercare which they deserve was denied if they could not prove, by the presentation of medical records, what had been done to them.

The Dáil and Seanad and the government has a duty to ensure that this deep wrong is finally brought to a conclusion and in a way that is acceptable to the victims.

In a real republic the rights of these citizens would have been protected and the survivors of symphysiotomy would have had justice many years ago.

The current Minister for Health Deputy James Reilly gave his full support to the demand for a public inquiry at an Oireachtas committee hearing in 2009. Now he's the Minister with the responsibility and the power to finally make it happen.

He can authorise a full public inquiry into these events. Nothing else will suffice. Nothing else will do. Without this the campaigning but more importantly the hurt, the anguish, the grief, the bereavement for the victims will go on.

Looking up at the public gallery this morning the faces looking down were of women, grievously treated and ignored for decades and who are now mostly in their late 70s and early 80s. As each Teachta Dála stood and spoke during the debate they listened intently. Following the Ministers opening remarks Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, who is the leader of the all-party group on this issue, and who has championed this campaign for many years, was the first to speak.

There was a spontaneous applause from the public gallery when he finished. And he speaker after that was applauded. Those who have been marginalised and whose pain was ignored were responding warmly to their issue finally being debated in the Dáil.

And when it was all over Caoimhghín sought the indulgence of the Leas Ceann Comhairle and asked those TDs present to stand and applaud the women. It was a rare emotional moment of unanimity in a chamber normally given over to the cut and thrust of verbal political battle.

But it can't end here. The Dáil and the government has to deliver for the victims and their families. I believe that with political will it can be done.

I am also convinced that a number of other justice campaigns can be resolved in this term of the Dáil.

They include Justice for the Maggies, for other victims of institutionalised abuse, including in Bethany Home, and in our Lady of Lourdes Hospital Drogheda, and victims of symphysiotomy.

All these causes are crying out for justice. We can do something about it. These women as citizens deserve our support, our love and they particularly deserve to have their wrong righted.

Standing up for Ireland

If you want to know who is taking the real decisions about the economy of the Irish state then you need look no further than EU Commissioner Olli Rehn.

Since Fianna Fáil crashed the economy and Fine Gael and Labour won last years election they have repeatedly asserted that there can be no deviation from the bailout conditions set down by the EU, European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

At the same time in an effort to tackle Europe's worsening economic recession and satisfy the 'markets' the EU has embarked on a series of measures which have mostly failed. The most recent, the European Fiscal Compact Treaty or more accurately the austerity treaty, is about imposing stringent fiscal control by the EU over state governments.

The Irish government was reluctantly forced to call a referendum on this austerity treaty because of its implications for the Irish constitution. Thus far the argument from the government has been that the treaty is necessary to impose what successive Ministers have described as greater fiscal discipline over EU member states.

The Treaty was signed two weeks ago but before the ink was dry on the page the Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, fresh from signing it, told his European colleagues that Spain would defy the fiscal targets being set by the Treaty. The austerity measures were just too severe for the Spanish people and economy, he said.

So, the Finance Ministers found a compromise. Spain doesn't have to cut as much as the EU was demanding and the Spanish state is allowed to breach the fiscal targets. Not an auspicious start for a treaty which is supposedly about strict discipline.

Meanwhile the Irish government, depending on which Minister is talking to the media, has been involved in some sort of negotiation with the EU over the payment of the promissory notes.

These notes are essentially IOUs which were entered into by the last Fianna Fáil government to plug the hole in the balance sheets of Anglo-Irish Bank and Irish Nationwide which arose as a result of the greed and bad practice of those banks.

This €31 billion debt requires that the government pay €3.1 billion to Anglo Irish Bank every year for the next 10 years. As this money is borrowed the state has additional payments to make accounting for up to at least another €18 billion.

It appears the government has been trying to negotiate an arrangement under which the €31 billion is still paid but over a longer period and with less interest.

Rescheduling will simply mean that our great grandchildren will have to pick up the tab.

And it is at this point that EU Commissioner Olli Rehn has stepped in. According to the EU Commissioner the motto "pacta sunt servanda" - respect your commitments and obligations – is a key tradition in EU law.

Asked about Ireland's promissory note payment he arrogantly and patronisingly declared that each and every member state has to respect the commitments it has undertaken and this is valid in the case of Ireland.

Of course this is a nonsense. Respecting commitments and obligations within the EU was never a strong point for either France or Germany who both regularly breached the stability and growth rules.

Germany breached the deficit rules in 1994: 1996 and between 2003 and 2006 and in each year since 2009. It has broken the debt to GDP rule every year since 2003.

France has broken the deficit rule every year since 2003 and has breached the debt rule every year since 2003.

And other states have equally poor records of compliance. But according to Mr. Rehn and the EU Commission the law as applied to the Irish state is to be applied rigidly.

This bullying and belligerent stance by the EU is inevitable given the weak and obsequious attitude of the Irish government. How often has the Taoiseach asserted; ' We never looked to a debt write down' or 'we are not going to have the name defaulter written across our foreheads' , or we will not impose losses on bondholders?

Why would the EU or IMF or European Central Bank take the government seriously in any negotiation when it begins every sentence by telling the Troika that it plans to do exactly what they want?

The Irish government should reject Mr. Rehn's self-serving advice, look to the Spanish example, and do what is in the interests of the Irish state and of Irish citizens and declare its inability to pay the promissory note.

Finally, there is a US delegation in Ireland this week led by former Congressional Democratic leader Nancy Pelosi. I met them on Tuesday afternoon and briefed them on the peace process and especially its outstanding issues, and on the current state of the economy north and south.



Congressional member Carolyn B Maloney; Congressional member Mike Doyle; this blog and Congressional member Nancy Pelosi.

Nuala Vallely

Anyone attending fixtures in Casement Park over the years will have noticed a tall dark haired woman steward amongst the cohort of mainly middle aged men who look after everything from collecting admission money, marshalling the crowds, minding the players and match officials and looking out for everyones' safety. They – volunteers all - do a great job in foul and fair weather, for big fixtures as well as tiny little ones.

The tall dark haired woman is Nuala Vallely. She died last week. Suddenly. She was forty one years of age. Nuala collapsed at work in the Upper Springfield Development Trust last Tuesday. Her family and friends, the people of West Belfast, her workmates and especially Belfast Gaels are in deep shock at the suddenness of Nuala's death.

She was a very active member of Gort Na Mona GAC and a founder member of Gort's camogie team. She also had a longstanding grá for Saint Agnes.

This blog agrees entirely with the sentiments of the statement from Gort na Mona which described Nuala as someone who epitomised everything that is good about the GAA. She was the backbone of Cumann Luthcleas Ghael and worked extremely hard – though she enjoyed it – for our community.

That was evident at her funeral. Neighbours strung bunting in the Antrim colours along Nuala's street in Dermott Hill. Me thought that was a wonderful gesture and when we reached the offices of the Upper Springfield Trust there was a loud and sustained round of applause for this much loved woman.

She was also a wonderful mother to Rachel and a daughter, an aunt and a sister. This blog extends condolences and solidarity to all Nuala's family but particularly to Rachel.

Eight people had the gift of a better life because Nuala had the generosity and foresight to become an organ donor. The rest of us could learn a lot from her example. Go ndeanfaidh Dia trocaire uirthi.

NUALA VALLELY.

Anyone attending fixtures in Casement Park over the years will have noticed a tall dark haired woman steward amongst the cohort of mainly middle aged men who look after everything from collecting admission money, marshalling the crowds, minding the players and match officials and looking out for everyones' safety. They – volunteers all - do a great job in foul and fair weather, for big fixtures as well as tiny little ones.

The tall dark haired woman is Nuala Vallely. She died last week. Suddenly. She was forty one years of age. Nuala collapsed at work in the Upper Springfield Development Trust last Tuesday. Her family and friends, the people of West Belfast, her workmates and especially Belfast Gaels are in deep shock at the suddenness of Nuala's death.

She was a very active member of Gort Na Mona GAC and a founder member of Gort's camogie team. She also had a longstanding grá for Saint Agnes.

This blog agrees entirely with the sentiments of the statement from Gort na Mona which described Nuala as someone who epitomised everything that is good about the GAA. She was the backbone of Cumann Luthcleas Ghael and worked extremely hard – though she enjoyed it – for our community.

That was evident at her funeral. Neighbours strung bunting in the Antrim colours along Nuala's street in Dermott Hill. Me thought that was a wonderful gesture and when we reached the offices of the Upper Springfield Trust there was a loud and sustained round of applause for this much loved woman.

She was also a wonderful mother to Rachel and a daughter, an aunt and a sister. This blog extends condolences and solidarity to all Nuala's family but particularly to Rachel.

Eight people had the gift of a better life because Nuala had the generosity and foresight to become an organ donor. The rest of us could learn a lot from her example. Go ndeanfaidh Dia trocaire uirthi.

There will be a border poll

Gulladuff is a small picturesque village in south County Derry. It's home to an impressive Republican Garden of Remembrance, Lavey GAC grounds and one of the best Sinn Féin centres in Ireland.

I travelled there this morning for the Annual General Meeting of the party's Cuige organisation. Scores of party activists came to discuss recent developments and strategise on party plans for the next year.

It was a very good meeting on the back of what has been a good year for the party. Since the Cuige last met the party has fought a general election in the south, as well as Seanad, Assembly, Local Government and Presidential elections and the Dublin West by-election.

Most political parties would fell stressed after fighting one election! But the Sinn Féin organisation rose to the challenge and by any standards we have had a good year electorally. And now we're preparing for the referendum contest on the European austerity treaty.

We are also moving into the second phase of a new approach to party membership which is all about opening up our structures and facilitating a growth in membership and participation in Sinn Féin activities by ever greater numbers of people.

We have established new structures to manage the day-to-day running of party activity and have also re-organised our youth structures.

At the same time the last year has also held a series of major conferences promoting our united Ireland objective.

We are entering a period in which the anniversaries of a series of seminal events in Irish history that culminated in the partition of Ireland will be commemorated.



This provides a unique opportunty to examine the legacy of partition and to initiate a public debate on the desirablilty and viability of a new, united Ireland that can serve the interests of all our people.

During the week the British Secretary of State Owen Patterson entered that debate by dismissing the possibility of a border poll.

He has also blocked an enquiry into the killing of Human Rights lawyer Pat Finucane despite this being part of an inter-governmental agreement at Weston Park.
He is also blocking a Bill of Rights.

And he has been less than helpful on other matters like the Irish language.
And his imprisonment of Marion Price is entirely stupid and unjust.

But Mr. Patterson would not be one the most adroit or skillful British Secretaries of State to have been imposed on us. His remarks on the border poll have to be seen in this context.

Mr. Patterson is also a supporter of the Union. That is the position of his government at this time. Sinn Féin is not naive about this. The Tory party had to be pulled kicking and squealing into the peace process.

But now under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement the Tory/lib Dem government has specific obligations.

Despite the foot dragging that has characterised its attitude to this agreement and other agreements so far, Sinn Féin has no intention of acquiescing to British Tory game playing. Owen Patterson is but one of a long line of political overlords that Irish republicans have had to deal with, with great patience in the past.

Obviously there are elements of the Good Friday Agreement that Owen Patterson is unhappy about but he should not presume to arrogantly dictate to people here how we will conduct our affairs. Those days are over.

There will be a united Ireland. By definition that will come when the people of our island have formed a cordial union of Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter.

When a border poll is held Owen Patterson will have no vote on that issue. That is as it should be, entirely a matter for the people of Ireland.

The political landscape in the North has been transformed in recent years and there is growing support for a united Ireland.

A border poll is inevitable. Mr Patterson knows this. It is only a matter of timing. The united Ireland that Sinn Féin seeks is inclusive.

All elements of society on the island of Ireland must be comfortable and secure in the system of governance that is agreed.

It is essential that everyone has the fullest expression of their identity without intruding on the rights and entitlements of others. Diversity, equality and tolerance is the key to this.

Sinn Féin wants a united Ireland. Both governments are obliged to legislate for this. And as we continue building towards a united Ireland, Sinn Féin must also offer solutions to the problems faced by citizens in the here and now.

We want a New Republic rooted in citizens rights and people centred.

That also means the right to a decent quality of life, a job and social protections.

Ní neart go cur le chéile - Unity is strength

In Vita Cortex Factory

This blog travelled to Cork to meet with workers from the Vita Cortex company early on Thursday morning. Thirty two workers were paid off just before Christmas. They have occupied the factory since then. Eighty four days in all. Some of the workers showed me around. It's an old plant. Cold and drafty and very basic but for some of the workers it was their livelihood for 40 years.

The owner Jack Ronan and the management committed to paying a redundancy package of 2.9 weeks, that is, two weeks statutory and 0.9 gratis per year of employment.



Other Vita Cortex workers in Navan in 2007 and Dublin in 2008 and workers laid off in Cork previously were paid this amount. But not this group of workers. The owner claims he can't afford it. The workers don't believe him. Neither do I.

The workers sit-in has attracted widespread support in Cork, across the island and from overseas.

There have been efforts to resolve the dispute, including with the Labour Relations Commission, but thus far without success.

The state has paid the two weeks statutory payment. But Labour Minister Joan Burton has warned that what money the workers get will be clawed back by her department as part payment of the two weeks redundancy that has been paid.



Last week the workers were offered half of the outstanding money due them from Vita Cortex. They rejected that, and discussions between their union and the shareholders continues.

Regular readers of this blog will be reminded of the Visteon dispute in west Belfast in March 2009. At that time Visteon, which was established by Ford and supplied parts to the company, closed its west Belfast and two others in Britain with the loss of hundreds of jobs.

Visteon workers in west Belfast, with the support of the local community, successfully took a stand against the injustice of the closure and the efforts of a huge multi-national company to steal from them many of the pension and other rights they were entitled to under hard fought for agreements.

Six weeks after they began their occupation the workers marched out of the plant united and proud. They understood the importance of - Ní neart go cur le chéile - Unity is strength. Because of that they secured from the Visteon Corporation a compensation package, which while not as fair as it should have been was much, much better than Visteon intended it to be.

Serious questions still remain about the behaviour of the Ford Motor Company and of the Visteon Management about the transfer of pension schemes and company assets. The campaign for justice for Visteon workers, and the effort to uncover the full facts surrounding the decisions taken by the company which led to the closure of the plant, goes on.

So there was a sense of déjà vu when I sat down with the Vita Cortex workers and listened to their account of years of dedicated service to the company and then the manner in which the company then treated them.




One worker – Helen Crowley – proudly showed me the large piece of foam which she sleeps on each night she stays in the factory. I told her it reminded me of the mattresses the men in the H Blocks slept on during the protest.

The local shinners have been hugely supportive of the workers and they acknowledge that. I was there to extend our solidarity and support.

It is shameful the way the Vita Cortex workers are being treated and what they and their families are going through to get what are very modest entitlements.

At the same time it's very uplifting to see the spirit of the workers and to know that they have significant support in Cork, across the island and abroad.

Vita Cortex owner Jack Ronan is behaving in a most unpatriotic way. He should honour his pledge to these workers. I don't begrudge him his wealth but it was created by people like those who are in occupation of the Vita Cortex factory. And they deserve their rights and entitlements.

I also think it is vitally important that what is happening here never happens again to any other workforce. It is very clear that there is not sufficient legislative protection for workers in this state.

While Sinn Féin TDs Jonathon O Brien and Peadar Toibin are looking at bringing in legislation this is really a matter for the government. And we intend to press them on that.

In the meantime if you have a minute write a letter of support to the workers. They will put it up on the walls of their temporary canteen to join the many other messages of solidarity they have received.

Send it to Protesting Workers, Vita Cortex factory, Kinsale Road. Cork.

lá na Gaeilge sa Dáil

Seo muid ag caint tré ghaeilge inniu agus fáiltíom roimh an t-am atá againn ins an Dáil agus molaim an Teachta Dála, Aengus Ó Snodaigh de bharr an rún seo a mholadh mar chuid de Sheachtain na Gaeilge.

Bhí an chuid is mó d'imeachtaí den Chéad Dáil tré mheán na Gaeilge agus ba chóir dúinn leanúint le seo mar ábhar nádúrtha agus rialta.

Buíochas ar son iad siúd a d'oibrigh in amannta deacra agus teaghlaigh a chur an Ghaeilge chun cinn. Molaim Raidio na Gaeltachta, TG4, Raidio Fáilte agus Raidió na Life ina measc.

Beatha teanga í a labhairt. Caitear seod nuair atá muid ag iarraidh an seod sin a thaispeáint ach caithfear an seod sin a chaomhnú mar sheod chultúrtha agus é a chaitheamh go bródúil.

Dúirt mise:
"Mar is eol don Aire, is ábhar suim faoi leithe í an Ghaeilge agam.
Beatha teanga í a labhairt agus cuireann sé an-sásaimh orm an borradh atá tagtha i líon na Gaeilgeoirí sa tír, cuid mhaith dó sin de dheascadh gluaiseacht na gaeilscoileanna, na naoinraí agus tuismitheoirí dílis.

Cuireann sé gliondair croí orm amharc ar an méid daoine óga go háirithe atá suim acu sa ghaeilge, agus atá páirteach in eagraíochtaí ar nós Conradh na Gaeilge.

Ach ní mór dúinn a bheith airdeallach nach dtiocfaidh meathú ar bhfás an teanga, ach go háirithe leis an mhéid sin duine atá ina ndeoraí thar sáile.

Beidh impleachtaí ollmhóra ag na ciorruithe oideachas a bhí sa bhuiséad ar ghlúnta de pháistí gaeltachta, is todhchaí an teanga má chailltear múinteoirí iontu.

Tá ról tabhachtach ó thaobh cur chun cinn an Ghaeilge, agus ó thaobh maoirseacht An Acht na dTeangacha Oifigúla ag an gCoimisinéir Teanga.

Níl aon fianaise go mbeadh aon sábhail airgead ann idir ann chomhnascadh le h-oifig an Ombudsman.

Iarraim ar an t-Aire, an bhfuil sé d'intinn aon aird a thabhairt ar na h-aighneachtaí ar athbhreithniú acht na teangacha oifigiúla go gcoimeadfar oifig an choimisinéira mar oifig neamhspleách?

Ni mór dom a rá freisin, go bhfuil tabhacht faoi leith ag na Gaeltachtaí ó thaobh caomhnú agus ó thaobh blas agus saibhreas na teanga.

Ar an ábhar sin, ba mhaith liom iarraidh ar an tAire, cathain a bheidh na "Heads of Bill" do Bille na Gaeltachta aontaithe ag an rialtas, agus cathain a bheidh sé á fhoilsiú?

Tuigim go bhfuil post príomhfheidhmeannach an Údarás fógraithe faoi dheireadh, ach tá go leor imní ar phobail an Ghaeltacht nach mbeidh an seans acu Boird an Údarás a thoghadh go daonlathach arís, mar a mba chóir go mbeadh i ndán dóibh.

An mbeadh an t-Aire sásta ráiteas a dheánamh ar conas mar a thoghfar, nó a roghnófar an bhoird as seo amach?

Tá a fhios agam gur ábhar imní é chomh maith go bhfuil go leor ciorraithe ar bhuiseád capiteal an údarás.

De bharr ciorraithe ar bhuiséad caipteal an údarás d'fhéadfadh go mbeadh an tionchar aige sin ag feidhmiúcháin an údaráis mar eagraíocht fiontair. Tá gá le h-ionadaí don Údarás a bheith tofa go daonlathach i dtoghcháin seachas a bheith ceaptha.

Ar ábhar an samhail nua maoinithe dona heagraíochtaí bun mhaoinithe Gaeilge is léir gur gá don Aire oibriú i gcomhpháirtaíocht leis an Aire Cultúr agus Fóillíochta sa gchomhthionóil, Caral Ní Chuilin, chun an imní atá orthu siúd in earnáil phobail na gaeilge agus an taithí atá ag cuid mhaith acu a thogáil ar boird.

Chomh maith le sin iarraim ar an t-Aire tacaíocht a thabhairt don obair atá á dheánamh sa gchomhthionóil chun an Ghaeilge a chur chun cinn. Tá Feachtas Líofa 2015 a fógraíodh le tamall anuas ina measc agus molaim Clár Líofa 2015 a scaipeadh trasna an stat seo fosta. Is cuis áthais é dom go bhfuil daoine ón dá thraidisiún tar éis síniú suas don feachtas Líofa 2015.

Iarraim ar an rialtas anseo a fhógru go seasóidh siad le geallúint Rialtas na Breataine leis an gheallúint Acht Teanga iomlán-mhaoinithe agus ceartbhunaithe a thabhairt isteach.

Chomh maith le tacaíocht substantiúil a thaispeáint i dtreo aitheantas oifigiúil agus stádas a thabhairt don Ghaeilge i gcúirteanna na sé chontae.

Glacaim an tseans seo le Bród.ie a mholadh ina bhfuil Bernard Dunne agus daoine ón earnáil poiblí a tabhairt dea shampla dúinn uile.

Tá straitéis 20 bliain ag Sinn Féin don Ghaeilge. Oibreoimid go dícheallach chun é a chuir i bhfeidhm i réimsí Turasóireachta, Cultúir, Spórt, Pobail, Oideachas agus Gaeltachta.

Tacaíonn Sinn Féin le Cultúrlann, atá mar 'Hubanma Gaelacha' a bheith ar fáil i mBaile Átha Cliath, agus áiteacha eile ina measc mar ionaid lárnach le h-imeachtaí sóisialta a bheith ar fail d'achan aois."

Stand together. Stand united. Rural Ireland fighting back

This blog is coming to you today from Castlebar in Mayo. We travelled over yesterday evening. It was a long journey from Dublin. Once off the motorway we travelled through one deserted small town and village after another.

At a time when rural Ireland is under attack Sinn Féin has decided that it's time for a fightback. But it can't be a fightback dictated by people in Dublin or Belfast. It must have its roots firmly in rural Ireland.

So that's what we have decided to do – to go into rural Ireland and speak to those most affected by the policies of austerity which are stripping local communities of essential services – of schools, of guidance counsellors, hospitals, post-offices and Garda stations. The government is also adding new stealth taxes like the Universal Social Charge, the Household Charge, VAT increases, motor tax increases and septic tank charges.

Businesses, shops and pubs in rural towns and villages are closing. Small indigenous businesses, including small farmers, with no real support from the government or credit from the banks, are going under. Our fishing communities are devastated.

All of this and the absence of equality of access to public services threatens the quality of life of people living in rural Ireland.

Castlebar is the first of a series of meetings Sinn Féin will be holding across the state as part of a consultation process with rural Ireland. This morning this blog, Martin Ferris TD and Senators Trevor Ó Clochartaigh and Kathryn Reilly launched the party's "Love Rural Ireland" campaign. Michael Colreavy TD from Leitrim also came along to add his voice to the campaign.


The room was packed. It was standing room only. Over a hundred people came out on a Friday morning to listen to our contributions and to ask questions and make suggestions.

Martin and Trevor have been appointed the parties spokespersons on rural Ireland and they will be travelling the length and breadth of the state getting the views, opinions, suggestions and ideas of rural communities.

We thought Mayo was an appropriate place to launch this campaign. It is the Taoiseach's county. It is his policies, as well as those of the last Fianna Fáil one, which are contributing to the crisis in rural Ireland. It is also timely in that this morning the Taoiseach is in Brussels signing up to the austerity treaty.

But Mayo is also Michael Davitt's county. He founded the Land League in this town in 1879.The Land League led the fightback against the exploitation of rural Ireland and the eviction of farmers and their families.

Davitt's slogan was: 'the land of Ireland for the people of Ireland.' He believed that if people stand together there is nothing they cannot accomplish. That lesson is as relevant and necessary today as it was 130 years ago. So, Mayo the birthplace of Michael Davitt is a good place to start the fightback for rural communities which have been betrayed by the government.

Rural Ireland is under attack. Especially here in the west. A whole generation of young people are forced to leave. This GAA generation is playing our gaelic games in Brisbane, Birmingham and Baltimore instead of their own parish. As the social fabric of rural Ireland is undermined there is a growth in isolation, loneliness and suicide.

And this will worsen if the austerity treaty is ratified in the referendum. The Taoiseach signed that Treaty this morning. He wants to hand significant new powers over to the European Court of Justice and the European Commission.

Mr. Kenny is allowing these institutions to impose Thatcherite economic policies on democratically elected governments and to impose heavy fines where they believe these policies have not been adhered to.

And as part of this the Government plans to cut a further €8.6 Billion from the economy in the next three years to meet the Troika Deficit target of 3%. Enda Kenny's and Eamonn Gilmore's austerity treaty demands that this deficit be reduced to a 0.5% target.



This means that up to a further €6 billion in cuts and new taxes will be imposed! But thankfully the Irish people will have their say. The Irish people cannot afford this Treaty. Sinn Féin will campaign for a No vote. That is the democratic option.
The septic tank issue is one example of the indifference of the government and of policy makers to the needs of rural communities. The Government's septic tank proposals are unfair to rural householders.

This mess belongs to Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour. They have all been in power over the last 35 years and did nothing to resolve it. Rural dwellers funded their own septic tanks while urban dwellers have a state funded service.

Now to add to this unfairness and in the midst of a recession the government demands that septic tank owners bear the potentially huge cost for upgrading these tanks.



Sinn Féin supports the upgrading of septic tanks. Ground water and the environment must be protected. But to be fair to rural families they cannot bear the cost of this. Grants up to the full cost of upgrading must be available to the households affected.

Enda Kenny gave his word that no citizen would be denied access to public services because of where they live. Then he closed the A&E at Roscommon Hospital. Health services everywhere and public nursing beds are being cut.

Older people and those living on their own or in isolated areas do not feel secure in their homes as gardaí become less visible in rural areas. Poor public transport has always been a problem but the increase in the price of petrol and diesel have made matters worse. Rural roads are getting worse as the funding to local authorities is cut.

There is no doubt that the €30 million being cut from the rural transport scheme will impact on services which many people in rural Ireland, especially our older citizens, depend on.

School transport is being slashed and the cost almost doubled. The small local school is at the heart of most local communities. Rural schools and schools in Gaeltacht areas and Gaeltachtai those specialising in the teaching of the Irish language should be protected and our children's educational future guaranteed. They also are under threat from government policy.

In many ways this is history repeating itself. The Dublin establishment abandoned the people of the north at the time of partition. They also abandoned the people west of the Shannon. Gerry Murray lent me John Healy's 'Nobody shouted stop' book which chronicles that betrayal.



But people here were not broken by that policy. They survived. In 2012 in the run in to 2016 the Irish people deserve better. This is not the Ireland Davitt envisioned. This is not the Ireland proclaimed in the 1916 Proclamation.

This blog wants to commend the people of Mayo and the west who have taken to the streets in defense of their rights. Sinn Féin will stand with them. Sinn Féin will stand up for rural Ireland.

Our vision for our countryside and its people is inseparable from our vision for a new Ireland that embraces all of our people, in all parts of this island, and on the basis of equality.

Republicans are for a new Republic in which citizens have rights – the right to a job; to a home; to a decent standard of education and of health care; the right to live in a safe environment; to equality in the Irish language; and to participate fully in the democratic process.

Many of the values which shape our national character – community, heritage, culture – are drawn from our rural roots.

The Irish republican concept of Comhar na gComharsan, which is based on native Irish traditions going back many centuries, was given expression in the 20th century by a Mayo man, Seamus Ó Mongain of Doohoma, a life long republican and social activist and his friend and comrade Cathal Quinn from Killala. Comhar na gComharsan is about co-operation. It's about people working together in common purpose for a better life.

An older tradition – Meitheal – captures this spirit of good neighbours, especially those in farming communities, coming together in support of each other to cut the hay, or turf, or bring in the crops.

As the seanfhocal says, 'Ar scáth a chéile a mhaireas na daoine' – People live in one another's shelter. Thinking people value this way of life that is unique to rural Ireland.



Everyone who loves Ireland needs to stand together in defense of rural Ireland and of your right to equal access to health, education and public services.

Sinn Féin believes that sustainable rural economies, that can offer employment to young people, can be built. We want to ensure that emigration should not be the future for your children.

There needs to be:
• A fair deal for rural households.
• Job opportunities in rural Ireland.
• Protection for rural schools.
• Equal access to health services
• Support for Gaeltacht areas.

In the last Dáil Sinn Féin produced three major Oireachtas reports focusing on rural Ireland:

• Awakening the West – Overcoming Social and Economic Inequality;
• A Report on the Future of Farming and Fishing in the West;
• and a report on Creating Greater Employment in the Agri-food Sector.

In the North we have taken responsibility for the Agriculture and Rural Development Ministry on two occasions.

That is the measure of our commitment to rural Ireland.

So, while it is a time of adversity it is also a time of opportunity.

A lesser people confronted by centuries of colonization, of hardship and occupation, of division and emigration, would have collapsed under the weight of this burden.
The Irish people are made of sterner stuff. We have risen above all of that. And we will not allow this current crisis to break us. We will not allow the golden circle of bankers and bondholders, of developers and corrupt politicians to break us.

We are no mean people. There is a genius in the Irish people. And standing together – like Michael Davitt and the land league before us – we will prevail.

Stand together. Stand united. And there is nothing we cannot achieve.

The People will have their Say

So, now we know. After months of trying to avoid a referendum on the austerity Treaty – the Fiscal Compact Treaty to the bureaucrats in Brussels – the Taoiseach and the Tanaiste slipped into the Dáil yesterday and told us that there would be a referendum.

This blog wasn't surprised. Sinn Féin had sought our own legal advice. We were told that a referendum was needed. Had the government tried to avoid its responsibilities on this we would have been taking it to court.

It would have been nice to have had more notice about the announcement. The government was apparently told by the Attorney General at the Cabinet meeting that the treaty is a unique instrument outside the EU Treaty architecture and that on balance a referendum is needed to ratify it.

But instead of sharing that information with opposition leaders and setting aside an adequate period of time in the Dáil for this matter to be discussed they phoned around the offices of the opposition leaders shortly before the announcement was made in the chamber at 3pm. We were told that a statement was to be made but not what it would be about.

The government parties had set their faces against a referendum. Media reports out of the EU had confirmed that the government was trying to avoid a referendum and the Tánaiste, speaking at the Joint Oireachtas Committee on European Union Affairs, had also admitted that the government negotiators were actively trying to weaken the text and to put in the words "preferably constitutional" in order to avoid the requirement that it be put to the people.

Having failed on this score the government wanted to make sure that it got its spin in first. Both Kenny and Gilmore had their well prepared scripts available and delivered to the media while opposition spokespersons were responding to the news in the Dáil chamber.

This is another example of the arrogant and discourteous manner in which opposition parties our treated by this government.

The Treaty is due to be signed in Brussels on Thursday. At the end of last November the government nailed its colours to this project and accepted that it was willing to hand over significant new powers to the European Court of Justice and European Commission.

The austerity treaty confers significant new powers on the European Commission and European Court of Justice to compel member states to alter their fiscal and budgetary policies or face significant fines.

This blog believes that the Treaty is anti-growth and anti-jobs and it will impose austerity policies on this state for years to come. This will be bad for those on low and middle incomes and disadvantaged communities. But it is in keeping with a government approach that supports cuts to public services and the privatisation of state assets.

Sinn Féin had consistently argued that there is a democratic imperative on the government to hold a referendum. That will now happen. The people will have their say.

The question is: will the government accept the outcome? Or given the experience with the Lisbon and Nice Treaties will the government refuse to accept a rejection of the Treaty and arrange the usual re-run? Will the government phrase the question in such a way so the people will be able to have an informed debate as opposed to bullying tactics that have been used in the past?

We know that Fianna Fáil will support this. Fianna Fáil and Labour and Fine Gael were all part of the cosy consensus for cuts and this government is dutifully implementing the economic policies of the last Fianna Fáil led government.

I think it is crucially important that the campaign be informed and informative, that the details of the Treaty and its implications for the people of this state and the island be fully discussed and debated.

Sinn Féin is against this Treaty. We have to wait to see the question that will be put. We're against austerity. We don't think it's fair. We don't think it's right.
We don't think it's proper that working people have to pay for the greed and corruption and bad government that led to the economic crisis or the debts created by the golden circle, the big bankers and the bondholders and developers.

So let's have a good debate. Let's have an informed debate. And let's secure a resounding rejection of austerity policies and the hardship they bring with them.

The Constitutional Convention – a route to Uniting Ireland?

Last year, as part of the agreed Programme for Government between Fine Gael and Labour, the two parties agreed to establish a Constitutional Convention to recommend constitutional reform.

Since then this blog has raised this issue regularly in the Dáil with the Taoiseach. I have told him that the Irish diaspora must be represented in the Convention and that part of its agenda must be to discuss extending voting rights in Irish Presidential elections to the diaspora.

In the course of these exchanges the Taoiseach undertook to consult with the opposition parties. He also agreed that the extension of the franchise in Presidential elections to citizens in the north would be part of the convention's agenda.

Despite frequent requests by me to hold the consultation with opposition parties and the Taoiseach's repeated assurances that he would - no meetings were held. In an effort to assist this process I wrote to the Taoiseach on February 7th setting out Sinn Féin's view of the convention and of some of the matters we believed it needed to deal with.

Last week the late evening news on RTE carried a position from the government announcing, without any prior notice to the opposition parties, that the Cabinet had agreed to go ahead with the Convention and that it would consist of 100 members, made up of 66 citizens and 33 political representatives and a chairperson.

The government statement said that the first issues to be discussed would be the reduction of the Presidential term and the voting age, and it then set out a list of other issues to be discussed.

What value a consultation when the government has already decided on the format and terms of reference for the convention?

Fine Gael and Labour spoke often of transparency and accountability and criticised the Fianna Fáil/Green government's way of doing business and then they do the same thing.

The government's unilateral announcement on the Constitutional Convention was cynical. It was an effort by it to set the agenda of the convention and maintain control over it. It is not about inclusiveness and an open debate on the future shape of the constitution but about control.

Similarly with the announcement of the sell-off of state assets, which took place a few days later outside the Dáil, this government is in the business of media spin and control and not concerned with political accountability.

The Taoiseach's office rang my office after the government's announcement and suggested a meeting next week. This is a very unsatisfactory way of discussing this important issue. I will attend but it should be about consultation not merely notification.

Sinn Féin welcomed the proposal to convene a Constitutional Convention, with a view to comprehensive constitutional reform.

In the Dáil and in a letter I wrote to Taoiseach on February 7th I set out Sinn Féin's view of the convention and of those issues which we believe it must address if it is to make a constructive contribution to the Ireland of the 21st century.

In my letter I said that the 'Convention's Terms of Reference must therefore at a minimum both acknowledge and take account of the relevant prior commitments under the Agreement, including provisions regarding the convening of an All-Ireland Parliamentary Forum, an All-Ireland Consultative Civic Forum, and especially the agreement of an All-Ireland Charter of Rights.'

It must also 'consider whether and how the Convention could contribute to the fulfilment of these obligations.'

I also suggested that the Constitutional Convention should be 'able to consider recommending a new constitution for the 21st century which is inclusive, reflects the desire for Irish unity that is shared by the majority of citizens on this island and which protects the rights of citizens, including our unionist neighbours.

The Convention's Terms of Reference must also ensure that the outcome of this current process of constitutional reform does not prejudice any future process of agreeing an all-Ireland constitution - post a referendum on unity as set out in the Good Friday Agreement.'

Sinn Féin believes that the Convention should have specific priorities.

It must be fully inclusive in its composition and its participatory process. This means it must involve in particular; 'the economically disadvantaged; the socially marginalised; citizens from all provinces including northern citizens; ordinary unionists and their official representatives; citizens in the diaspora; and our newest citizens – in addition to the political parties, civil society representatives and those with relevant academic and legal expertise – and ensuring the equal representation of women on the Convention.

The Convention's process must also be fully public, transparent and accountable, from discussion of terms of reference to appointments, and from the debates to conclusion of recommendations. In particular there must be clarity in the Convention's Terms of Reference as to the expected form and effect of its conclusions in relation to the final text, and the process by which this eventually comes before the people in a referendum.'

The Convention should examine the 'need for express guarantees of economic and social rights, the extension of voting rights for northern citizens and citizens in the diaspora, and the architecture necessary to establish a more robustly inclusive, fully representative and accountable democracy with mechanisms for direct participation, in addition to those matters and areas already identified by the Government, which we welcome'.

It is essential that there is the; 'Maximum human rights guarantees. We believe that the inclusion of enumerated rights is absolutely essential for any future constitution, and that it must contain all the modern equality and human rights protections that reflect the full spectrum of our international obligations and any others that are necessary to establish a rights-based society'.

And finally; ' Mindful of the Good Friday Agreement obligation to ensure at minimum the equivalence of human rights protections north and south, but also of the freedom to draft guarantees that exceed the existing standard, the Convention must in its work consider and make a complementary contribution towards an All-Ireland Charter of Rights.'

Embarking on a process of comprehensive constitutional reform is a most serious undertaking which provides a huge opportunity to build the sort of inclusive, equality and rights based society envisaged by the architects of the 1916 Proclamation.

It must not be squandered because of a lack of vision or narrow party political positions.

There is the potential, if managed properly and democratically, to create a durable outcome that can advance reconciliation and peace and prosperity on the island of Ireland and between our people.