Gerry Adams's Blog, page 75

The Failure of Labour

An Ipsos MRBI opinion poll in the Irish Times last Friday morning captured the media headlines with claims that support for both Fine Gael and Labour has dropped. Fine Gael is down by three points to 33%, and Labour by six points to 19%. Fianna Fáil is down 1% to 14%.

According to the poll Sinn Féin is up 6% to 21%. Interestingly the poll was taken at the start of this week immediately after the Labour Party annual conference.

Usually parties get a positive bounce after such events.

This blog has a jaundiced view of such polls. I’m not going to get over excited by an opinion poll claim that we are the second largest party in the state and the real opposition to the government in the Dáil – the government is after all implementing Fianna Fáil policy.

I know we are the real opposition. That is obvious each day in the Dáil chamber. As for the rest, opinion polls are at best a snapshot of public attitudes at a given moment in time. Not too much should be read into their conclusions in respect of individual parties. Although for political anoraks they are the stuff of life.

Whatever about the fortunes of the parties this blog believes that the real story in Friday’s poll is the clear rejection by the public of the government’s failing austerity policies. This reflects what Sinn Féin is hearing on the ground. Citizens are hurting and this government needs to listen.

The significant and painful cuts to public services, and the range of stealth taxes, including septic tank charges, the household charge, water charges which this government has decided to implement, are causing great hardship.

The dreadful social consequences of austerity are to be found in the numbers of citizens unemployed; the thousands of our young people who are emigrating; in every household struggling to pay rent and mortgages and household bills; on every main street where businesses are shutting down; and in every hospital and school where reduced resources are hurting the sick and the young. More than 100,000 households are currently in mortgage distress with 91 more joining that number each day.

This is unacceptable. The government is making the wrong political choices, including decisions to implement Fianna Fáil policy and its support for the Austerity Treaty.

Fine Gael is doing this because it is a conservative right wing party – though I am sure even some members of that party have reservations about the issues involved in this Treaty.

But Labour leaders know the truth. Not that long ago Labour MEPs voted against measures in the European Parliament that are now part of the Austerity Treaty. One described austerity as a ‘recipe for the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer.’ While another, Proinsias De Rossa, said these measures ‘will kill growth, destroy jobs and derail recovery.’

The failure of Labour to stand up for working people and its willingness to ally itself to an Irish Thatcherite strategy is why it has seen its position in the polls eroded. Labour TDs and Seanadoirí should vote with their conscience and in solidarity with working people against this Treaty.

Will they?? This blog doubts it.

In this the centenary of its foundation by Connolly and others, and mindful of next year’s centenary of the Dublin Lockout and that great ideological battle between left and right, Labour today should be standing with the working people and against austerity and against the William Martin Murphy-like conservatism of the 21st century.

Laws enacted by the Oireachtas shall be checked first with the Bundesbank

A friend in the USA emailed me a spoof of the Irish Constitution which appears to originate in the Irish Left Review. It purports to show what the Irish constitution will look like if the Austerity Treaty wins the referendum vote on May 31st.

It reads:

“The Ice Moon has contacts in the highest places and has been able to obtain a secret government memo with a full mockup of the new constitution as amended by the Fiscal Compact Referendum. The following are the relevant new articles:

Article 1

The Irish nation hereby abrogates its inalienable, indefeasible, and sovereign right to choose its own form of Government, to determine its relations with other nations, and to develop its life, political, economic and cultural, in accordance with its own genius and traditions and confers these rights on another crowd altogether.

Article 5

Ireland is a dependancy of the International Monetary Fund with a lot of really nice pubs.

Article 6

All powers of government, legislative, executive and judicial, derive, under the IMF, from the EU, whose right it is to designate the rulers of the State and, in final appeal, to decide all questions of national policy, according to the requirements of the ruling class at present constituted as multinational corporations.

Article 10

All natural resources, including the air and all forms of potential energy, within the jurisdiction of the Parliament and Government established by this Constitution and all royalties and franchises within that jurisdiction belong to the highest bidder.

Article 11

All revenues of the State from whatever source arising shall, without exception, form one fund, and shall be appropriated for the purposes of maintaining holders of bonds in Irish banks in the comfort to which they have become accustomed.

Article 28

The Government shall be responsible for nothing. The previous government shall be responsible for everything.

Article 29

Ireland affirms its devotion to the corporate ideal, capitalism, profit, co-operation with the USA, and denies any sense of solidarity with other nations especially Greece.

Article 34

Justice shall be administered in courts established by law by judges appointed in the manner provided by this Constitution, with extreme severity against the poor, the dissident and the weak, but shall not apply to the rich and powerful especially corrupt politicians, the bankers who bankrupted the country or the people who protected them.

Article 50

Laws enacted by the Oireachtas shall be checked first with the Bundesbank’

It may be a parody but there is much truth in its conclusions about the likely impact on Irish sovereignty, freedom, democracy and poverty if the Austerity Treaty is passed.

A Complex and difficult issue

In a vote in the Dáil on Thursday a Private Members Bill: Medical Treatment (Termination of Pregnancy in Case of Risk to Life of Pregnant Woman) was defeated. The vote came at the end of two days of debate and significant lobbying by all of the many interested groups connected to this issue.

The background to this debate is that in 1992 a 14 year old girl became pregnant as a result of rape and was suicidal. The government refused to allow the girl and her parents to travel abroad for an abortion. The case – known as the X-case - went to court and the Supreme Court ruled that ‘a termination of pregnancy is lawful if it can be shown that there is a real and substantial risk to the lift, as distinct from the health, of the mother.’

A subsequent decision in 2010 by the European Court of Human Rights also made it clear that there is an onus on the State to legislate under the terms of the 1937 Constitution and the decision in the X-Case.

The Socialist Party TD Clare Daly told the Dáil that she was putting forward this Bill because of a failure by successive governments to legislate on this issue.

It is a fact that there are strongly and sincerely held views on all sides in the Dáil, including within Sinn Féin, and across Irish society on this issue. The Irish people know that this is not a black and white issue but a difficult and complex decision faced by women in very serious circumstances.

The people spoke in referendum and firmly placed the responsibility upon their Oireachtas representatives to deal with the issue by means of legislation.

In our contribution to the debate Sinn Féin TDs made clear our opposition to abortion and our belief that all possible means of education and support services should be put in place. However in the case of rape, incest or sexual abuse, or where a woman’s life and mental health is at risk or in grave danger Sinn Féin accepts that the final decision rests with the woman.

Sinn Féin analysed the Bill. A number of serious concerns were raised about aspects of it, concerns which were also raised by the government in the course of the Dáil debate. These are issues which need to be discussed properly in a considered manner and with maximum cross party consensus to produce legislation.

Sinn Féin believes that the Bill should have gone to committee stage where it could have been discussed further and been amended.

The government has given an assurance that their Expert Group will deal expeditiously with the very complex issues involved and it is their intention to bring forward its own legislation without delay. This is welcome.

It is time for legislation to be finally put in law to protect the rights of women as decided by the Supreme Court in 1992. This should be done in a reasoned, tolerant and considered manner and with maximum cross party consensus.

In my contribution to the Dáil debate on Wednesday evening I said:

“I want to thank an Teachta Clare Daly for bringing forward this Private Members' Bill.

It deals with an extremely difficult issue for all concerned, particularly women faced with the kind of situation that this Bill is trying to deal with.

There are strongly and sincerely held views from all sides in this Dáil, including within Sinn Féin, and across society on this issue.

For my part, I personally am not in favour of abortion.

That is my strongly held view.

I am also strongly opposed to any attempt to criminalise or to be judgmental of women who have had abortions.

No woman wants to be in that position, but it is a reality faced by Irish women.

Irish women are citizens.

I, like all other Teachtaí Dála, am here to serve citizens.

I am here as a legislator, so I have to set aside my personal position and face up to my responsibilities.

I have to deal with the dreadful reality, highlighted by pregnant women confronted with life threatening illnesses, who have had to cope with this awful dilemma.

As a legislator I have to deal with the untenable situation for the medical profession, which has been tasked with making medical judgments without legal protection for medical practitioners.

We have to ask ourselves as elected representatives and legislators if we really want to leave Irish women or the medical profession in the awful predicament caused by the current absence of legislation.

Can any of us even begin to understand or imagine how unfair and unjust this is for a woman or a young girl?

The background to this debate, the X case, provides some painful insights.

It is also an indictment of the way this State treats women and children. Sinn Féin is not in favour of abortion.

We believe that all possible means of education and support services should be put in place.

However, in the case of rape, incest or sexual abuse, or where a woman's life and mental health is at risk or in grave danger, Sinn Féin accepts that the final decision rests with the woman.

Sinn Féin has analysed this Bill and a number of serious concerns have been raised about aspects of it.

These include the issue of consent, which needs to be discussed in some detail.

I note the Minister's remarks about this. I have just returned to the Chamber from Deputy Doherty's father's funeral in Donegal, so I have not had the chance to study the Minister's remarks.

I note that he has also raised issues in respect of this, as has our group.

The Government has stated its intention to bring forward its own legislation, but successive Governments have failed to deal with this issue for 20 years.

In 2010, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that this State violates the rights of pregnant women by refusing to allow them to receive a lawful abortion in the event that a pregnancy could threaten their lives.

The decision by the European Court of Human Rights has made it clear that there is an onus on the State now to legislate under the terms of the 1937 Constitution and the decision in the X case.

What is for certain is that it is time for legislation to be finally put in law to protect the rights of women as decided by the Supreme Court in 1992.

This should be done in a reasoned, tolerant, considered matter, and with the maximum cross-party consensus.

In this spirit Sinn Féin believes that the Bill should be allowed to proceed to Committee Stage where, as I said, it would need to be amended to deal with the concerns raised in our party.

I take on board what the Minister said and will consider it overnight.

It is important that we approach this issue in its broadest social context.

The Government needs to examine whether its policies are pushing more and more women into positions of vulnerability.

Poor health services and inadequate preventative health programmes will increase the likelihood that women will not know of critical health problems - including cancer - in advance of pregnancy.

Tackling violence against women and upholding the right of every woman and young girl to be free from violence, and safe in their communities and in their own homes, must be a priority.

The Government has yet to even sign the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence.

We need to ensure that the State is properly caring for vulnerable young people, including those in care, but it has failed miserably in this regard.

On all of these issues this Dáil needs to stand up for and do what is right for Irish women.

LIFE AND DEATH.

I went to a lot of funerals over the Easter break. On Easter Saturday the life of Annie Stone, a stalwart from Ballymurphy and a hero of mine was to be celebrated at a service in Saint John’s Church on the Falls Road.

I was at a funeral on Good Friday, as well. Seamus Wilkinson a neighbour of ours and a decent man passed away in his ninety fifth year. I liked Seamus. He was a non pretentious man with a very wide welcoming smile, who loved gardening.

Of course there was more to him than that but by the time I met Seamus and his wife Theresa they were in their sixties. These were difficult times in Belfast and I was home even less often than in these more peaceful times. We would bring Seamus and Theresa the occasional pot of soup or some scone bread and apple cake. He was always very generous with biscuits and sweets for the girls. He and I would discuss his colourful- all- year- round garden, dogs, the weather or the fortunes or misfortunes of Antrim's senior teams.

So I was sad at Seamus' funeral. But there was a sense of completeness - of a full span - about it.

Annie Stone or Ma Stone's service was, as befitted her life, a cheerful affair. Born in South Armagh and married in Belfast Ma Stone was one of the earliest residents in Ballymurphy. She and her late husband reared a family of nine. It was the best of times and the worst of times. One of Ma Stone's sons Liam spoke at her service.

He did his mother proud. I am glad I was there as he reminded us of how his ma helped found the Ballymurphy Tenants Association. He described her as social as well as socialist. She stood up for her community and her gender. Full of craic, and ready for a singsong or a laugh, or to fight for a good cause Ma Stone's big touchstones were heritage, sense of place, fairness and identity.

'Seize life with both hands' she told her brood ' enjoy it! No matter how tough or hard it is make the most of it'.

Liam also told us not to take for granted that the young ones today understand what the women of Ballymurphy went through during the decades of grinding poverty and military occupation.

'Tell them,' he encouraged us ' tell their stories with pride'.

Outside before Annie journeyed up the Falls Road for the last time her family gathered around her tricolour draped coffin, unfurled the Armagh flag and uplifted us all with a rousing chorus of the Boys of the County Armagh.

"And where are the girls that can court them like the girls from the County Armagh?"

I left Annie that day as I left her on many other days when I bumped into her in the Murph. With a smile. Teary eyed because she has gone. But smiling nonetheless.

Easter Monday was a different affair. Young Rory, the fine and happy son of our friends Ciaran and Orlaith Staunton who I last saw in the White House with his father and before that on the streets of Drogheda during last year’s General Election. Ruairi, all twelve years of him, was back home from New York to be buried on Easter Monday with his Nana in the rich clay of County Louth.

So Monday's funeral was fraught and sad beyond measure, replete with hurt, bewilderment and grief and communal love and solidarity for Orlaith and Ciaran and Ruairi's sister Kathleen. The Taoiseach was there. So was Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness.

Rory fell in his school playground in the States. He cut his arm. Toxic poisoning set in soon afterwards and his poor wee body went into toxic shock. So this little boy born in New York to emigrant parents and reared between there and Mayo and Louth; this little boy, full of potential and possibility, this wee boy is gone. His family are desolate, beside themselves with the loss of their beloved son.

There is no rhyme or reason to it. Only hurt and anger and sadness.

And now this blog is heading through Meath on the way home from the funeral of Barney McKenna, a founder member of the legendary Dubliners was laid to rest in the town of Trim. Barney of the tenor banjo and the nimble music filled fingers. His funeral reflected his life and the way he had lived it. With good music and funny stories.

There was a wonderful mass of musicians assembled beside the altar. During the Offertory Procession they played the Fiddlers Green. The Congregration joined in. It was mighty.

'Fiddlers' Green is the place
I've heard tell
Where old fishermen go when they don't go to hell.
Where there's pubs and there's clubs
And there's ladies there too
And the cold coast of Greenland is far far away'.

It was like a holy fleadh. And at the end and as Barney was carried up the aisle the musicians broke into a lively set of jigs and reels. And the rest of us clapped along.

So to Barney's clann and the clanns of all these good people this blog sends love and solidarity. Go ndeanfaidh Dia trocaire oraibh

Four funerals in three days. More than I am used to attending since the war ended.

And only it was the Easter break I probably might not have made it. Except to Rory's.

Three of these services were celebrations of life. Uplifting and fitting tributes.

But Rory’s was real bereavement.

And his was the saddest of all. And that's how it should be.

God help his poor parents and Kathleen.

What was it Ma Stone said?

'Seize life with both hands'.

A schedule for uniting Ireland

I'm sure it was the last thing Enda Kenny expected to be asked in China but there it was. Having spoken about the role of 'Ireland in a changing world' a student in his audience asked about Irish unity and whether the Taoiseach has a 'time schedule, and what progress have you made, because China is facing the same issues.'

The student was then given a potted Kennyesque history of British colonialism and the last 700 years of Irish history culminating in the Good Friday Agreement.

It was just before Easter and Kenny was in China on a trade visit. China too has its sovereignty issues. There is the long standing stand-off between it and Taiwan, and there is the increasingly tragic dispute over Tibetan sovereignty.

The shocking image two weeks ago of Jamphel Yeshi, a 27 year old Tibetan exile in India, running burning through the streets of Delhi was carried across many media outlets around the world. Yeshi set himself on fire in protest at the visit of He Jintao the Chinese President, to India. He subsequently died. Although there is some confusion over the numbers involved it appears that around thirty Tibetan men and women have set themselves alight in the last year.

This series of protests has its roots in the Chinese occupation of Tibet and the denial of the Tibetan people's right to sovereignty.

Sovereignty also remains the key unresolved issue at the heart of the flawed relationship between the island of Ireland and our nearest neighbour.

In the Good Friday Agreement Sinn Féin very specifically sought and secured the scrapping of the Government of Ireland Act which had partitioned Ireland.

The Good Friday Agreement created a conditional claim of sovereignty by Britain in the north. The Agreement also created a level playing field on which there is equality between the competing claims of sovereignty and which allows for a democratic debate on this issue. The British government is committed to legislate for a United Ireland if a majority in the north want it.

So while no schedule or timetable exists for Ireland to be reunited the means by which it can be done has been agreed and a road map has been legislated for.

For Irish republicans and the majority of citizens on this island Irish sovereignty, in the context of Irish reunification, remains the single most important constitutional and political issue still remaining.

Standing in the way of its resolution are those, particularly within the political establishments north and south, who see partition as a done deal – a fixed and immovable arrangement.

Unionists tell us they oppose change because they believe that Irish unity would be to their political, social and economic disadvantage and because of their professed affinity to the notion of 'Britishness'. But nothing ever remains the same. Some unionists are now comfortable describing themselves as Irish, a minority perhaps but increasingly many others identify themselves as northern Irish. And anyway in a new pluralist Ireland surely there has to be accommodation for those who feel British.

As the process of significant change continues there will be a growing awareness of the need for these identity issues to finally resolved. For example Sinn Féin's recent series of high profile conferences on the theme of 'Uniting Ireland – Towards a New Republic' attracted considerable interest outside of traditional republican circles.

In Newry and Derry unionist speakers agreed to participate. They took the opportunity to set out their objections to uniting Ireland but they also entered into a constructive dialogue. A development unthinkable only a few short years ago.

For many people uniting Ireland makes economic and administrative sense. It is no accident that the border region is the most economically disadvantaged on the island. But the duplication of services which exists because of the two jurisdictions is also a financial burden that militates against an efficiency in public services and in the creation of job opportunities and economic growth.

The Taoiseach was in China selling Ireland, or at least that part which he represents, as an investment opportunity. The previous week he was in the USA. The northern Executive is similarly engaged, speaking to the same governments and often to the same political leaders. This competition between the two states is detrimental to both.
Already there is some good work being done between the all-Ireland bodies established under the Good Friday Agreement and which the two governments and individual Ministers have themselves concluded to be advantageous to those they represent.
However finally resolving the issue of sovereignty and putting in place a new agreed Ireland that can end division on the island Ireland needs a step change. It also needs a change of mindset.
It means agreeing a political strategy to achieve what Connolly and Pearse, Clarke and Markievicz and Collins and others sought, when they stepped out on a bright Easter Monday morning 96 years ago and challenged the greatest Empire the world has ever seen.

The refusal of successive Irish governments to strategise and plan and actively campaign for an end to partition has been one of the greatest failures of the last 90 years. Partition created two conservative states on this island run by two conservative political elites.

Corruption in the north took the form of one party rule and structured discrimination and state violence. The Mahon Tribunal and other Tribunals into political and clerical abuse have revealed a different but equally perverse and cancerous corruption in this state.

It's time to look beyond that experience. To begin afresh. To chart a new course and a new future for the people of this island. Uniting Ireland provides the opportunity to do that.

The government is to hold a constitutional convention. A brave initiative, but one which risks failing because its goals are too narrowly defined and it is too short termist in its vision.

There are significant differences of politics between the parties in the Dáil and especially between Sinn Féin and the government parties.

But it is not impossible for us to set these differences to one side and work in the common interest and in the common good for all the people of this island – for the real Ireland.

The Irish republicans of Sinn Féin are up for this challenge. We are willing to work with the Irish republicans in the other parties to advance this historic endeavour.

I am convinced it can be achieved. It needs political will and a vision of a new Ireland that appreciates that Ireland is the island and the people of the island.

The Rebel County

The road from Belfast to Cork used to take forever. The distance is the same as it was 40 years ago but the motorways have transformed the journey. Bill drove Richard and this blog to Bandon in west Cork on Saturday evening in 5 hours - and that was with a break for something to eat. And all within the speed limit.

I once drove to Cork on another occasion. I was hungry when we started and along the way I reminded Paddy – who was driving - that it would be nice to stop for something to eat. But Paddy couldn't quite make up his mind where we should stop and the journey was full of: 'That looked like a good place', as we drove passed another pub or cafe.

We were in Cork before he eventually stopped. I still think that was his plan from the outset.

Saturday night was a fine spring evening. The motorways were mostly clear. When I gently and with some trepidation raised the issue of food there was a quick huddle in the front of the car and within seconds we were off the M7 and stopped at The Gandon Inn.

It's a fine old building which was designed by one James Gandon who was apparently one of the most influential architects of the 18th century and was responsible for designing, among other fine Dublin Buildings, the Customs House and Four Courts and the old Bank of Ireland.

We arrived in Bandon just after 10pm and went straight to bed. Easter Sunday morning saw the three of us up bright and early and after porridge we went for a walk along the Bandon River. DJ O Driscoll, a local Sinn Féin activist, joined us. He told us of the devastation caused to the town two years ago following a particularly heavy rain when the river overflowed its walls and much of the town centre was under 4-6 feet of water.



Republican plot in Bandon

The republican plot in Bandon is in the cemetery adjacent to St. Patrick's Church. When this blog and Rachel McCarthy, the local Councillor, came out of mass there was already a good crowd waiting. We were led the 100 metres from the cemetery gate to the graveside by the Bandon and District pipe band.

The republican plot contains the remains of eight IRA Volunteers from the 3rd West Cork Brigade who died in Bandon and locally during the Tan War. It was a dangerous time as a small force of IRA activists, ably led by Tom Barry and solidly supported by the local community, took on the might of the British Empire. Cork and west Cork were in the front line of that struggle and many of the best known military engagements of that war took place in this area, including Kilmichael and Crossbarry.



The Bandon and District Pipe Band





Cllr Rachel McCarthy and this blog in Bandon

After the commemoration we drove into Cork City to St. Finbarr's cemetery where there is a large republican plot. There was an excellent crowd and they were in great form.

Even before the Tan War Cork had a justly earned reputation as the 'rebel county'. It was already famous for its contribution to the Rising of 1798.

William Thompson was from Cork and his writings on social reform, his criticism of 19th century capitalism, and his promotion of the co-operative movement had a huge influence on many of the leading European socialist thinkers of that period.

James Connolly described him as 'the first Irish socialist' and as 'an original thinker, a pioneer of Socialist thought' and he dedicated a whole chapter of Labour in Irish History to him.



Cork Republican Plot

O Donovan Rossa the great Fenian leader was from Rosscarberry. He, like Tom Clarke and many others Fenian prisoners, suffered horrendously during his time in prison in England.

Pearse's celebrated remarks over O Donovan Rossa's grave in Glasnevin 96 years ago next Wednesday set the context for the Easter Rising the following year.

"They think that they have pacified Ireland. They think that they have purchased half of us and intimidated the other half. They think that they have foreseen everything, think that they have provided against everything; but, the fools, the fools, the fools! — They have left us our Fenian dead, and while Ireland holds these graves, Ireland unfree shall never be at peace."



Tomas MacCurtain was Mayor of Cork when he was shot by the RIC in January 1920 and Terence MacSwiney who took his place as Mayor died on hunger strike in October of that year. His sister Mary MacSwiney was a founding member of the Cumann na mBan, a Sinn Féin activist, a TD for Cork and she spent three periods in prison. Two of these were during the Civil War when she opposed the treaty and was on hunger strike twice.

And then there is Tom Barry, one of the most formidable guerrilla leaders who ever took up arms against British rule. At the graveside in Bandon I met a republican who showed me several photographs of young west Belfast republicans who had travelled to west Cork in 1972. There they proudly stand at the Crossbarry monument with Tom Barry.

Among them were several faces I know very well, including Robert 'Moke' McMahon, an IRA Volunteer from this phase of the struggle who died last year. Moke never forgot his visit to west Cork or his meeting with the legendary Tom Barry.

Another republican of this generation was IRA volunteer and hunger striker, Bobby Sands, who was in the H Blocks when Tom Barry died in 1980.

In the midst of the horror of that place one Republican freedom fighter wrote a poem to mark the passing of another:

In dusky light, by mist, o'er hills they tread,
A column on the run,
The ghosts of fighters long since dead,
Yet n'er at rest, their guns still slung.

Now Barry leads them in the night,
Hardy souls of Cork Brigade,
To tramp the glens to morning light,
When their ghostly forms shall fade.

I have a particular fondness for Castlelyons man Tomás Ceannt who was one of those executed by the British after the 1916 Rising. In the aftermath of Easter week the British decided to arrest anyone regarded as a republican activist and a squad of RIC men were sent off to arrest Tomás and his three brothers.

There was a gun battle at the Ceannt home during which the brother's mother helped load their guns. The Head RIC man was killed as was one of the brothers, Richard.

Tomás and his brother William were convicted of treason and sentenced to death. Tomás was shot by a firing squad in Cork on May 2nd 1916. His brother's sentence was commuted. Tomás was the only person, apart from Roger Casement, to be executed by the British for actions outside of Dublin.

And not far from Bandon in Timoleague Graveyard lies IRA Volunteer Diarmaid O Neill, who was shot in London in 1996, the last Volunteer to die in this phase of the struggle.

Like every part of this island, west Cork and Cork City, are replete with stories of resistance and courage in the long struggle for Irish freedom. Easter is a special time when we remember with pride all of those men and women, who over many centuries, took up arms against colonialism and occupation.

It is a time when this blog finds the words of Bobby Sands especially appropriate.

There's an inner thing in every man,
Do you know this thing my friend?
It has withstood the blows of a million years,
And will do so to the end.
It was born when time did not exist,
And it grew up out of life,
It cut down evil's strangling vines,
Like a slashing searing knife.
It screamed aloud by Kerry lakes,
As it was knelt upon the ground,
And it died in great defiance,
As they coldly shot it down.
It is found in every light of hope,
It knows no bounds nor space
It has risen in red and black and white,
It is there in every race.
It lies in the hearts of heroes dead,
It screams in tyrants' eyes,
It has reached the peak of mountains high,
It comes searing 'cross the skies.
It lights the dark of this prison cell,
It thunders forth its might,
It is 'the undauntable thought', my friend,
The thought that says 'I'm right!'

The Belfast of the Titanic

St. Aidan's Exhibition on Titanic

On April 15th it will be one hundred years since the Titanic slipped beneath the waves of the north Atlantic. The story of the Titanic has been told and retold for decades now. The unsinkable ship built in Belfast which sank on its maiden voyage in 1912 with the loss of 1514 lives.

Last weekend as I walked through Sainsbury's supermarket on the Falls Road a special exhibition of cardboard and papier-mâché Titanic's made by local school children from St. Aidan's on the Whiterock Road were on show. They were all shapes and sizes. Some of them were three feet long. One had an iceberg and a sinking Titanic beside it.

The loss of the Titanic has been the storyline for movies – one of the most successful ever – simply entitled Titanic – is being re-released this week in 3D to mark the centenary of the tragedy and probably make another staggering profit for its makers.

This blog remembers the black and white 'A night to remember' movie made in 1958. Currently there is a drama series on one of the British television networks dealing with the sinking. And over the years the fate of the Titanic has featured in a host of other dramas from the 1960's 'Time Tunnel' to a recent Christmas Dr. Who.
What is it that has so captivated the imagination and hearts of countless millions around the world?

Is it the irony of the unsinkable ship that sank; or the countless stories of loss and tragedy among its 1514 victims; or the heroism of the band that kept playing to the end?

The survival accounts of those who lived through that ordeal make compelling reading. Among them the 14 Irish emigrants, men and women, sailing to a new life in the USA from Addergoole, in County Mayo. Like millions of others they were fleeing poverty and the political turmoil of an Ireland still in the grip of British colonialism, in the hope of a better live in America.

The 14 were aged between 17 and 42. They joined the Titanic in what was then Queenstown now Cobh in county Cork. Four days later 11 were dead. The Western People described the impact on Addergoole; ' when the first news of the appalling catastrophe reached their friends the whole community was plunged into unutterable grief.'

But it was also far from easy for the three survivors. The youngest, Annie McGowan had to spend months in hospital recovering from her experience. When she was discharged she had only a nightgown and a coat. A US newspaper recorded how Annie and her friend Annie Kate Kelly who was 20 were 'given an old pair of shoes but they were forced to make the trip from New York to Chicago in their coats and night gowns. They had no dresses nor underwear.'

Their story is not exceptional.

The facts behind the Titanic are generally well known. It was one of three Olympic class ships built by Belfast shipbuilders Harland and Wolff for the White Star line. It was the biggest liner of its day and weighed in at a massive 46,000 tons. It was 882 feet and 9 inches long and at its widest it was 92 feet and 6 inches.

It ploughed into an iceberg just before midnight on April 14th and sank approximately two and a half hours later. 710 passengers survived although there was room for around 400 more on the lifeboats, many of which were launched only half full.

It is also widely known that class played its part in determining who lived and who died. 3% of first class passengers died. 54% of third class died. 5 out of 6 first class children died and all second class children survived. 52 out of 79 children in third class died.

But there is another part of the Titanic story which is rarely told and must not be ignored.

Belfast's two shipyards, Harland and Wolff and Workman, Clarke and Co were notoriously sectarian employers. The numbers of Catholics employed by the firms was tiny and frequently in the course of the 19th century and early twentieth century catholic workers were expelled from the yards, frequently beaten and some were killed.

The story of the shipyards is the story of division, sectarianism and exploitation in Belfast.

In 1800 Belfast had a population of some 20,000 citizens. 60 years later it had increased tenfold and by the end of the century the population had reached 350,000.

The number of Catholics living in the city also increased from 4,000 in 1800 to around a third of the population in 1900.

Living and working conditions were appalling. Overcrowding in slum housing with no sanitation was the norm for working people. Hours were long and child labour was prevalent. Conditions for women in the Linen mills were notoriously difficult and dangerous.

However, a structured system of discrimination, encouraged by an alliance of the unionist political elite, the Orange Order and employers meant that all of the well paid, skilled work and trades were predominantly protestant, especially the shipbuilding and engineering

Dividing workers was to the advantage of the owners as it prevented the development of effective labour organisations arguing for better wages and conditions for workers. Playing on these sectarian divisions also ensured that political unionism was able to retain the loyalty of working class protestants with whom they otherwise had little in common.

It is no accident that the worst years of riots and violence in Belfast, including expulsions of Catholics from the shipyards and other engineering factories coincide with the introduction of the three Home Rule Bills for Ireland – 1886, 1893 and 1912 – and the government of Ireland Act in 1920. In July 1912 up to 8,000 catholic workers were expelled from the shipyards and other factories in the city and 8 years later the pattern was repeated with up to 10,000 men Catholic men expelled from the shipyards and four major engineering works and 1,000 women from the linen mills.

One British Labour leader summed it up well the same year Titanic was launched when he said: 'In Belfast you get Labour conditions the like of which you get in no other town, no other city of equal commercial prosperity from John O'Groats to Land's End or from the Atlantic to the North Sea. It is maintained by an exceedingly simple device ...Whenever there is an attempt to root out sweating in Belfast the Orange big drum is beaten ...'

In 1911 as the Titanic was being built the census recorded that there were 6809 shipbuilders in Belfast. Of these 518 or 7.6% were Catholic.

This is a part of the legacy of the British presence in Ireland and of the divisions it fostered. The roots of decades of conflict are to be found in that history and experience.

Today, as a result of the peace process, there is a unique power sharing system of government in the north of Ireland. As it seeks to build a better future for citizens and create employment it is investing in the regeneration of the old shipyards and in a new Titanic Belfast Exhibition Centre which is the biggest Titanic themed tourist attraction n in the world. It is hoped it will bring in hundreds of thousands of tourists and help create much needed employment.

But as we celebrate this potential for the future we must also remember the type of society which built the Titanic, commit to learning the lessons of that time and ensuring that those divisions and hardships are relegated to the history books.

The Mahon Tribunal

This evening and for the next three days the Dáil will hear statements from all parties and independents on the Mahon Tribunal which was published last week.

This evening I had to speak for Sinn Féin in our first contribution.

The 'Tribunal of Inquiry into Certain Planning Matters and Payments' was established almost 15 years ago in November 1997 and since then it has heard evidence from over 400 witnesses. It was the longest running public inquiry and produced four interim reports.

This is my contribution:

Bhí an fiosrúchán seo dírithe ar chaimiléireacht a bhí ceaptha a bheith ag dul ar aghaidh maidir leis an bpróiseas pleanála, sa chás mar shampla is go raibh íocaíochtaí á ndéanamh le polaiteoirí.

The Tribunals conclusions and its criticism of the political elite in this state are damning.

'Corruption in Irish political life was both endemic and systemic. It affected every level of government, from some holders of top ministerial offices to some local councillors and its existence was widely known and widely tolerated.'

But these words of accusation and condemnation only touch on one aspect of the institutionalised sleaze and corruption that was rife in this state.

It wasn't just political life that was corrupt.

So too was the business elite.

Together they formed golden circles of self-interest dedicated to preserving their wealth and privilege and power.

And this corruption did not just begin twenty years ago when the Beef Tribunal began its deliberations or later with the McCracken Tribunal or Flood/Mahon.

Institutionalised corruption and gombeenism were part and parcel of British colonial rule on this island and these practices survived and thrived in the post-colonial period.

Liam Mellows warned of this in the Treaty debates. He said :...`Men will get into positions, men will hold power, and men who get into positions and hold power will desire to remain undisturbed and will not want to be removed - or will not take a step that will mean removal in case of failure.'

Mellows was right.

Ní amháin a raibh an ceart aige ach bhí fís difriúl aige de Phoblacht agus rialú ina mbeadh an saoránach mar chroí láir tógáil stát nua.

Politicians and churchmen and business people did get into positions of power and abused that power in their self-interests and not in the interests of citizens.

Partition created not one but two conservative states on this island ruled by two conservative elites.

And the closed, narrow, post-civil war society that emerged out of partition in this part of the island was characterised by economic failure, by emigration, by backwardness on social issues, by inequality and by the failure to protect the most vulnerable of our citizens.

Those who built this state also turned their back on the people of the north.

They turned their backs on the ideals of independence and of a genuine republic; on the rights of citizens enshrined in the 1916 Proclamation.

And as it evolved the political elite in this state was increasingly in hock to the Catholic Hierarchy.

The system here for decades abdicated responsibility for the care of children and single women and allowed a regime in institutions that abused and criminalised and terrified those who found themselves locked in these places.

The political establishment and the business elite which emerged in the aftermath of partition — the senior civil servants, the bankers, the judges, big business, the politicians of Cumann na Gael, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil, and the Ulster Unionist Party in the north, created systems that entrenched their own privilege.

Systemic corruption bred a culture of corruption. It was part of the way that we were.

Corruption and backhanders and brown envelopes became acceptable – a normal way of winning political favour, of rezoning land for profit, and of buying votes and influence.

Cronyism became endemic.

Who you knew was more important than ability or fairness or what was right.

The 'golden circles' of big business and speculators, of bankers and financiers and developers, allied to a corrupt political elite, grew rich on the exploitation of others.

Léiríonn an tuairisc seo do dhaoine an santachas a bhí i réim ag elite áirithe ins an sochaí seo a ndearnadh creachadh ar ár maoin inar raibh ar an mórlach íoc as le toradh turraingtheach.

Family dynasties, party connections and donations to political campaigns all entrenched this corruption.

This was made easier by the concentration of political power in the hands of a few.

Weak and ineffective legal checks and balances, and little oversight and enforcement of laws to challenge corruption, made dishonesty and corruption easy and acceptable.

And the arrogance of the 'golden circles' has seen powerful individuals consider themselves above the rules that apply to ordinary citizens.

That double standard was graphically demonstrated in the famous television broadcast by the then Taoiseach Charles Haughey who told citizens to tighten their belts, while he lived the highlife at the taxpayer's expense.

Agus ní raibh an hasc 'cosy' seo idir pholaiteoirí agus fir ghnó, baincéirí, tógáilaithe i bhFianna Fáil amháin.

This wasn't limited just to Fianna Fáil.

In a classic example of the double standards that have applied in the political culture, in 1993 former Taoiseach and Fine Gael leader Garret Fitzgerald had debts of almost £200,000 which he owed to AIB and Ansbacher written off.

Just written off! Sin é. No explanation.

How many ordinary citizens, many now in negative equity and struggling to survive, will have the balance of their loans written off by AIB?

New rules and laws have to be put into place to end corrupt practices.

Too many of our citizens live each day with the consequences of corruption.

There are the many homeowners in mortgage distress because some politicians chose to facilitate developers and bankers and pursued an economic strategy which brought the state to its knees.

There are the growing numbers of elderly citizens who don't know if they will have a public nursing bed when and if they need it.

Or the thousands of patients who languish on hospital trolleys because successive governments have failed to invest in public health services, choosing instead to promote privatisation.

And there's the rub!

If you decide to privatise a public health service that's the start of corrupting the service.

That's the start of the process.

You run health for profit instead of as a right of a citizen that's where the corruption starts and that's where the corruption is currently ongoing at this time.

What of citizens living in sprawling, unfinished housing estates, with no shops, no youth facilities, no playing fields, no amenities and no place for elderly people to gather.

Each one of us have those across this island and in our constituencies.

While Mahon has revealed that politicians from Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael and Labour took bribes from developers perverting the planning process for profit, the upper echelons of Fianna Fáil in particular stands indicted.

And while the Fianna Fáil leader Deputy M

Will he take action against those current Fianna Fáil deputies who questioned not only the legality of the Tribunal, but also the integrity of its members?

The Mahon Report demands firm measures by this government to deal with corruption.

Citizens are demanding resolute action.

If we are to end corruption and ensure transparency and accountability more needs to be done to clean up politics and to restore public confidence in the political system.

For example, one suggestion is the introduction of legislation that would allow impeachment or removal from the Dáil or the Seanad of any Oireachtas member involved in corruption, deliberate misuse of public money or fraud.

Furthermore, and it's so obvious, former politicians found guilty of corruption should have their public pensions taken from them.

Particularly so when it comes to former Government Ministers or Taoisigh who enjoy excessive annual pension pay outs.

The DPP needs to conduct a full and prompt investigation into the findings of the Mahon report working with the Gardaí to bring charges of corruption to the courts as soon as possible.

It's quite possible that none of what has been revealed would have come to light were it not for the role of whistle-blowers like James Gogarty and Tom Gilmartin.

Whistleblowers such as these are key in exposing and preventing corruption.

It is imperative that legislation is brought forward to protect whistle-blowers.

I welcome the publication of the draft heads of the new whistle-blower legislation by Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform Brendan Howlin.

If citizens are to regain their confidence in the political system, the government must implement the recommendations of Judge Mahon.

No excuses. No fudging.

Cronyism and privilege must be ended.

The Mahon tribunal investigated corruption in Dublin, but do we imagine for one second that this was all confined to the Pale?

Did it not happen elsewhere throughout the state?

I note that an internal review of planning decisions by a number of local authorities is underway but still not completed.

The previous Environment Minister John Gormley announced an independent investigation into six local authorities involved in controversial planning decisions.

However one of the first acts of the current Minister for the Environment Phil Hogan was to abandon plans for independent investigations dismissing them as mostly "spurious".

This includes an investigation into a relief road in Carlow, in his constituency, which was first highlighted in 2008 and led to a compensation case costing a total of €1.1 million.

The public need to have confidence that every decision taken is above reproach.

The internal investigation needs to be completed and the findings made public.

The Mahon report and its indictment of the political system, is a far cry from the ethos and high standards demonstrated by those whose bravery and courage and self-sacrifice we will commemorate and celebrate in 12 days time.

Or indeed to those who founded Fianna Fáil.

The Republic they fought and died for at Easter 1916 and in subsequent generations, is encapsulated in the words of the Proclamation of 1916.

For those who abandoned and corrupted its objectives the Proclamation is no more than a piece of paper to which they occasionally pay lip service.

But it is much more than that.

It is a charter of Liberty and Freedom and Rights as important as anywhere else in the modern world.

The Republic it envisages guarantees religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities for all its citizens.

The Proclamation contains a commitment to cherish all the children of the nation equally.

Not to exploit or abuse or steal from them but a promise to every Irish man, woman and child that they can share in the dignity of human kind and of this wonderful island that we live in.

Our party and I'm sure other parties and other representatives here are for a new Republic, a genuine republic, a republic fit for the 21st century.

A republic across this entire island where orange and green unite.

A republic based on citizenship and citizens' rights; a republic that is accessible and responsive and inclusive to the needs of citizens and which upholds civil and human rights.

That republic must include rural Ireland and the protection of our uniquely rural way of life.

It must ensure that Gaeltacht communities thrive and the Irish language has the support required to flourish as a spoken language.

A republic that reaches out to and embraces our unionist brothers and sisters.

A new Ireland built on positive change, on equality and partnership.

A republic that is people centred, owned and responsible to the people and not to elites.

The people of Ireland deserve more than what we have at this time.

We deserve to be free of division, injustice and corruption.

Where wealth is invested creatively and fairly, and where poverty is a thing of the past.

So, that's what I believe in. I'm sure many others share that belief and we should not let the revelations of corruption and graft put us off from building this new Ireland, this new republic.

The resources to build that – even at this time of great adversity - exist now.

This isn't a pipe dream. This isn't an aisling.

This is a real and achievable goal.

At Easter 1993, almost 20 years ago, John Hume and I issued our first joint statement.

We said that the 'most pressing issue facing the people of Ireland and Britain today is the question of lasting peace and how it can best be achieved' and we identified as our primary objecxtive 'reaching agreement on a peaceful and democratic accord for all on this island'.

John Hume was vilified and our vision was attacked by all sides in this chamber. By all parties here.

But five years later the Good Friday Agreement was achieved.

So, nothing is impossible.

What is needed now is a vision of a different Ireland and more especially the political will to make this happen.

It can be done.

A FUNNY THING HAPPENED ON THE WAY TO THE WHITE HOUSE.

Briefing Congressional leaders

It was Joe Crawley who reminded me. Then the funny thing was nearly everyone else said more or less the same thing as we bumped into them on the way to the White House.

'It's hard to imagine that its seventeen years since you first came to the USA'. Joe said.
We were at a well attended briefing with Congress members on Capitol Hill. Myself, Richard, Rita O Hare and Jim Cullen.

Joe is a Congress member for New York. Regular readers of this blog will be familiar with Rita, our Representative in the USA and with Richard. Jim Cullen is the new recently appointed President of the Friends of Sinn Féin in the USA. He has big shoes to fill. The last and first person to hold that post was Larry Downes. Larry did a brilliant job setting up Friends of Sinn Féin and leading it in the States until recently. This blog thanks and commends him for his commitment, dedication and friendship.

Jim Cullen will bring his own special qualities to this vitally important work. We all wish him well and I look forward to working with Jim in the time ahead.

Which brings me back to the briefing on Capitol Hill. Some of those present have kept faith with the Irish cause for decades. They included Peter King and Richie Neil, Elliot Engel and other stalwarts. Rita and I gave them an update on the current situation in Ireland and raised a number of issues including the plight of the undocumented Irish.

'A great deal of progress since the first time you came here.' Richie said as we mapped out what needs to be done.

That's when Joe reminded us that that was seventeen years ago when I first came to New York. Hardly seems like it.



Terry O Sullivan; mise and Jimmy Hoffa

The previous day at a Friends of Sinn Féin lunch with Labour leaders we were joined by Martin McGuinness. Terry O Sullivan who is President of the Labours International Union of North America and Joseph Smith, our hosts, uplifted us with their enthusiasm.

This year ten current and former Presidents and Secretary Treasurers of the biggest unions in the USA came along with others to be briefed on the situation in Ireland and to celebrate St. Patrick's Day.

Along with Terry were James Hoffa, President of the Teamsters union; Robert Scardelletti, National President of the Transport and Communications Union; Kinsey Robinson, President of the Roofers Union; Sean McGarvey, Secretary –Treasurer of BCT; A.L. Monroe retired President of the Painters Union; Barbara Easterling, retired Secretary-General of the Communication Workers of America; John Flynn, retired President of the Bricklayers Union; John Hegarty National President of the Postal Mail Handlers Union; and Larry Hanley, National President of the Amalgamated Transit Union.

I urged them to raise with the Irish government their participation in its planned Constitutional Convention.

The previous week the government acknowledged that voting rights for Irish passport holders in Presidential elections will be on the agenda for the constitutional convention. While this is a welcome development it doesn't go far enough. The diaspora, especially Irish America, has played a crucial role in encouraging the peace process and in bringing jobs to the island of Ireland.

The government has consciously sought to reach out to the Global Irish through a number of initiatives and the Taoiseach has been in the USA several times in recent months seeking to woo business leaders to invest in the state.

The Global Irish want to support Ireland. The Irish government should go beyond platitudes and reciprocate the diaspora's desire to help by connecting it back into Ireland in a practical way through, for example, the extension of Presidential voting rights to passport holders.

It is also sensible that any extension of President voting rights should extend to citizens living in the north.



Senator Pat Leahy

After the briefing with the congressional leaders I met Senator Pat Leahy in his office. He reminded us of the engagement with President Clinton which led to this column getting a visa all those years ago. And later in the White House Jean Kennedy Smith, who was US Ambassador to Dublin at the time, looking well and in great form, asked after Father Alec Reid.

By chance Father Alec and I spent an hour walking and singing songs of old Dublin in honour of our national saint the week before so I was able to bring Jean up to date on all these goings-ons.

Then to my great delight who swept into sight but Oscar winners Terry George and Oorlagh. I saw their film The Shore just before it won Oscar fame and I was captivated by it. Since then I have been encouraging everyone to watch it. The Shore is a great story and a beautifully made film. Well done to all involved.

The White House was packed. The Taoiseach and President Obama received a rapturous welcome.
The following morning I met Secretary of State Hilary Clinton. I told her that the Obama party might not go on as long into the wee hours as it did when she and her husband were the hosts but it is still mighty craic. And why not? The man from Moneygall is justifiably proud of his Irish roots. And so he should be.

Our discussions ranged across the state of the economies north and south, including the severe cuts to the block grant imposed by the British government; the transfer of fiscal powers from London to Belfast; outstanding issues arising from the Good Friday Agreement and the need for greater co-operation and harmonisation north and south.

We also spoke about the role of the Irish diaspora, voting in Irish Presidential elections for Irish passport holders living abroad, and the upcoming Constitutional Convention being organised by the Irish government.

I expressed to her my concerns at the failure of the British government to engage properly with the process and a number of specific failures by it to implement the Good Friday Agreement.

And then on Wednesday evening we were on our way back to Belfast. It was a short tiring couple of days during which my jet lag didn't quite catch up with me.

St. Patrick's week is an important opportunity to engage with Irish America, to take stock, to celebrate and to move on again. There is still a lot of work to do for Ireland and we will need the help of the Irish diaspora in the time ahead to complete that journey.

The Tiger Hunt mindset and Shoot-to-kill

The role of British forces in countless actions overseas after world war two were generally presented publicly by it as 'policing actions'. The enemy was often presented as criminal or a terrorist or a communist and black propaganda served up by a largely compliant British media presented them as sub-human, subversive, cruel, ruthless and brutal.In truth these military operations were desperate attempts by a dying imperial power to hang on to colonies which were demanding independence.By the time of Operation Banner in 1969, the British Army name for its military involvement in the north of Ireland, the British Empire was part of history. It had fought and lost in countless political and military actions in Africa, the Middle East, India and South East Asia. This colonial experience of war and politics was a fundamental part of the British military psyche. It generated several theoretical books on the role of counter-insurgency techniques with the most widely read, and the most influential being Kitson's 'Low Intensity Operations: Subversion, Insurgency and Counter-Insurgency', which this blog has written about before.Robert Taber in his book 'War of the Flea' argued that for a guerrilla movement to succeed it needed the support of the people or at the very least a significant proportion of the people.Kitson understood this so his strategies were about subverting that support through reshaping government structures, the judiciary, the law, the police and the media all with the aim of defeating the enemy. He wrote: 'The fundamental concept is the working of the triumvirate, civil, military and police, as a joint and integrated organisation from the highest to the lowest level of policy making, planning and administration.' Kitson also defended the use of death squads and the corruption of the judicial process. Counter-gangs, which he formed and participated in while in Kenya, had been successful in helping defeat what was labelled as the 'Mau Mau insurgency' although Britain still had to lower the flag and leave in 1964.
Kitson wrote: 'Everything done by a government and its agents in combating insurgency must be legitimate. But this does not mean that the government must work within exactly the same set of laws during an emergency as existed beforehand. The law should be used as just another weapon in the government's arsenal, in which case it becomes little more than a propaganda cover for the disposal of unwanted members of the public.'
Kitson's writings, based on his experiences in Kenya and Malaya and Aden and elsewhere became standard practice for British operational procedures in the north of Ireland, especially after he was appointed British Army Commander in Belfast in the summer of 1970.Hiding behind the legitimacy of a law which its government moulded to fit its objectives, the British Army embarked on a range of covert and overt actions, tactics and strategies which were about defeating the IRA. This included, ' the disposal of unwanted members of the public'. The British military and political establishment's only interest in the violence of unionist death squads was in how effectively the UDA (Ulster Defence Association), the Red Hand Commando, the UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) and others could be used as counter gangs against those the British regarded as the real enemy – the republicans.Structured formal and informal collusion between elements of the British military and intelligence agencies and organisations; shoot-to-kill operations by British units and the RUC; the use of plastic bullets as a means of community control; torture and ill-treatment of prisoners; special courts and special rules in the courts; and much more all became part of the British government's counter-insurgency strategy in Ireland.Recently some new material has become available which highlights the British military's colonial approach to Ireland.In June 1989 Lieutenant General Sir John Waters, who was then the General Officer Commanding (GOC) in the north wrote a lengthy detailed proposal to the Officer Commanding Armoured Infantry Training and Advisory Team about the preparation work that new British Army units, about to be deployed in the north, needed to undertake.His 'Concept of Operations' paper is interesting because of the insight it gives into the mindset of the British Army general running the British Army in the north.Waters wrote: "It is well established that the terrorists and their supporters use a mass of fabricated complaints against the Security Forces as a means of trying to discredit them and increase their alienation from the nationalist community...Some inconvenience – delays as a result of checkpoints and collateral damage during searches etc – is inescapable in any counter-insurgency operation. However we must recognise that if in the past and still today there were not some cases of real stupidity or wilful rudeness or careless damage by policemen and soldiers, the terrorists would have little prospect of success for their allegations of widespread insensitive behaviour. I have looked very carefully into the whole matter of complaints. I entirely accept that the number of cases in which soldiers offend, almost invariably under some sort of provocation, is in the circumstances amazingly low. Nevertheless in the context of what has gone before in the Province and the heightened sensitivities that have resulted each 'offfence' is one too many and entirely unhelpful. Incidents which anywhere else would be seen as an innocent soldiers prank or just an expression of youthful high spirits can give real offence." Later in a section under "Discipline and Propaganda' Waters wrote: "Most of what they say about bad behaviour by soldiers is lies. But it is believed by many, particularly in the nationalist community." So there you have it. The truth according to Waters is that nationalists and many others around the world were all gullible. The thousands of wrecked homes; the communities oppressed by occupying British troops; the deaths of almost 400 people in disputed circumstances and over a thousand more in attacks by loyalist counter-gangs; the beatings and the terror were all just 'youthful high spirits' or the result of 'some sort of provocation' or a prank! But Waters denial of reality doesn't just stop there. He describes how the RUC and the British Army consist of 'standard units' and 'specialist units (Special Forces)'. He wrote; "In very general terms the 'standard units' provide the constant present on the ground to give Reassurance and Deterrence. Attrition operations are usually carried out by the specialist units – but not always.' And then the colonial mindset kicked in. The years of acting out the role of colonial overlord in India and elsewhere found voice. Waters reduces the killing and capture of the enemy to a tiger hunt! "The way that the standard units and the specialist units should work together to get success can be compared with an old-fashioned tiger hunt. The most experienced hunters are placed in what is judged to be the very best position from which to get a shot. These are the specialist units. The beaters surround the area of the jungle where the tigers are expected to be and drive them on to the guns. These are the standard units. Beating requires great skill and co-ordination to prevent the tigers breaking out of the cordon, of killing some of the beaters. Frequently the tigers break back, make a mistakes and expose themselves to the beaters. This is the opportunity for the beaters, who also carry guns to get a tiger. And there you have it - ' the disposal of unwanted members of the public'. Shoot-to-kill operations were modelled on 'tiger hunts'! Is it any wonder that two months later Water's boss, Major General Guthrie who was Assistant Chief of the General Staff wrote to him asking that he reword his paper. Guthrie admitted to 'brooding and re-reading your tiger shoot' letter' following a visit to Waters in the north.While he regarded the paper as excellent Guthrie was worried that the use of the 'Tiger Hunt' example would get out sooner or later and cause "you and the Army department and Ministers" embarrassment. He added: "I am convinced that you are running an unnecessary risk and you world achieve your aim – which I fully understand and applaud – just as well in another way." Waters was having none of it and told him no. He refused to temper his language and stuck to his guns – pardon the pun.There is a danger in reading Waters language that you almost dismiss him as a pompous, jingoistic Colonel Blimp like character but he was the General in charge of the British Army in the north. He and those who held that post before him and others in a host of intelligence, policing and military agencies took decisions that had a profound impact on the lives of citizens in the north. And it is clear from Guthrie's letter that he was not dissenting from the sentiment just the use of language. It is no accident that those places and people which were the target of such tactics and strategies remain conflict zones to this day. The one significant exception in Ireland. And that has been achieved despite our military overlords and colonial tiger hunters.For that we give thanks.