Anthony McIntyre's Blog, page 1217
May 5, 2017
Desecration: A Grave Moral Crime
Chris Fogarty
forges ahead with his critique of the Northern media and Tyrone politicians, whom he claims are engaged in a cover-up in respect of a mass grave in Dungannon.
It was difficult to understand why they didn't promptly mark out, visibly the perimeters of two or three known mass graves of Dungannon workhouse, to ensure that the reported desecration was not, at least, within those mass graves.
Guided by the intelligent comments of a Ms. Kilgallen on The Pensive Quill I acquired the 1910 Ordnance Survey Map showing the footprint of the Dungannon workhouse within its grounds. After printing it, I accessed present-day Dungannon on google maps; both the streets map and the satellite map. Both are clear. The desecration was reported to me to be beside Carland Road between Drumglass High School and the South Tyrone Hospital.
So I asked google maps for the route between that school and hospital. It mapped two possible routes, one of 443 feet, the other of 475 feet; both walks of two minutes, Through The Old Workhouse Grounds Where, As Island wide Workhouse Policy, Deep Pits Were Dug, Into Which The Bodies Were Piled, with only a thin layer of soil over the topmost bodies.
Tomorrow I will write to the politicians s and reporters who have replied to me, and to those who did not reply.
A grave moral crime is underway; and it is abetted by the institutions of Dungannon, Tyrone, and other northern counties. Please take your own stands against genocide and its cover-up.
It was difficult to understand why they didn't promptly mark out, visibly the perimeters of two or three known mass graves of Dungannon workhouse, to ensure that the reported desecration was not, at least, within those mass graves.
Guided by the intelligent comments of a Ms. Kilgallen on The Pensive Quill I acquired the 1910 Ordnance Survey Map showing the footprint of the Dungannon workhouse within its grounds. After printing it, I accessed present-day Dungannon on google maps; both the streets map and the satellite map. Both are clear. The desecration was reported to me to be beside Carland Road between Drumglass High School and the South Tyrone Hospital.
So I asked google maps for the route between that school and hospital. It mapped two possible routes, one of 443 feet, the other of 475 feet; both walks of two minutes, Through The Old Workhouse Grounds Where, As Island wide Workhouse Policy, Deep Pits Were Dug, Into Which The Bodies Were Piled, with only a thin layer of soil over the topmost bodies.
Tomorrow I will write to the politicians s and reporters who have replied to me, and to those who did not reply.
A grave moral crime is underway; and it is abetted by the institutions of Dungannon, Tyrone, and other northern counties. Please take your own stands against genocide and its cover-up.
May 4, 2017
Bigoted Imbecile Known As Diane
Sean Mallory
with his regular overview on events North and South.
Ian Junior on realising that an election was afoot decided that Damascus was not for him and called on those members of the RUC who were involved in the killing of Colum Marks to be given medals for their actions rather than being investigated in to the lawfulness of their actions.
The Reverend Dr David Clements made it publicly known how Martin McGuinness’ refusal to publicly state any regret at being in the IRA and not issuing an apology to the IRA's victims ‘grieves him deeply’......the reverend that is, not McGuinness. The good Reverend's father, an on-duty member of the RUC, was killed by the IRA back in 1985.
Clements hasn’t elaborated on whether he has asked the same of Theresa May to issue an apology and to publicly state regret for the hurt her security forces have inflicted on the Irish Nationalists... which would include the RUC.
The official equality screening report by Department for Communities (DFC) found that the DUP’s £2m Community Halls Pilot Programme was yes, largely if not mostly biased in favour of the Protestant community. Apparently this was because Protestants due to their religious beliefs on gambling couldn’t apply for lottery funding which Taigs could as they don’t really have any qualms about a wee flutter, with Cheltenham being an exceptional favourite. Which sort of explains why there are absolutely no bookie shops at all in Protestant areas!
The report found that the scheme was not expected to promote good relations but would have a positive impact on people of a Protestant belief. No shit Sherlock!
What the report failed to mention was that the Orange Order and affiliated groups in the past did receive lottery funding and so not only does this call in to question the validity of the report but also the whole objectivity of the DFC.
Foster in further attempts at ingratiating herself to the Gaelic speaking community said that she does want to understand and respect the culture that they are not a part of. She wants to meet with Gaelic speakers but only those “without party political baggage or indeed demands, people who genuinely love the Irish language and don’t want to use it as a political weapon” ....the same as those people on the 12th of July who genuinely love the English language and who don’t use it as a political weapon in their speeches at the various Orange fields.
Meanwhile deputy Dodd's wife, the bigoted imbecile known as Diane, met with reported Irish language enthusiast Linda Ervine to discuss the issue. Ervine, much in the media with her efforts to depoliticise the language from Catholic Ireland and reclaim it as a language for everyone, with particular emphasis on Unionist Protestants, is heavily reported as being an Irish language enthusiast but only from her Scottish and loyalist roots ..... certainly nothing to do with anything Irish.
On a cultural note, Belfast's Origin, costing over £100,000 of lottery funding and involving a cross-community effort wins Spectator 'worst public art' award. This lead the Spectator to ask, "haven't the people of Northern Ireland suffered enough?."
And:
South of the British border, the new National Maternity Hospital on the St Vincent's Hospital campus in Dublin, will have full clinical, operational, financial and budgetary independence, Simon Harris the Minister for Health has said. Just as he made the incredulous decision to hand over sole ownership of the tax payer funded facility to the Sisters of Charity .... those same good Sisters who ran the Magdelene Laundries with the full knowledge of all previous government parties. Sort of makes Fosters wood burning fiasco pale to insignificance doesn’t it!
Ian Junior on realising that an election was afoot decided that Damascus was not for him and called on those members of the RUC who were involved in the killing of Colum Marks to be given medals for their actions rather than being investigated in to the lawfulness of their actions.
The Reverend Dr David Clements made it publicly known how Martin McGuinness’ refusal to publicly state any regret at being in the IRA and not issuing an apology to the IRA's victims ‘grieves him deeply’......the reverend that is, not McGuinness. The good Reverend's father, an on-duty member of the RUC, was killed by the IRA back in 1985.
Clements hasn’t elaborated on whether he has asked the same of Theresa May to issue an apology and to publicly state regret for the hurt her security forces have inflicted on the Irish Nationalists... which would include the RUC.
The official equality screening report by Department for Communities (DFC) found that the DUP’s £2m Community Halls Pilot Programme was yes, largely if not mostly biased in favour of the Protestant community. Apparently this was because Protestants due to their religious beliefs on gambling couldn’t apply for lottery funding which Taigs could as they don’t really have any qualms about a wee flutter, with Cheltenham being an exceptional favourite. Which sort of explains why there are absolutely no bookie shops at all in Protestant areas!
The report found that the scheme was not expected to promote good relations but would have a positive impact on people of a Protestant belief. No shit Sherlock!
What the report failed to mention was that the Orange Order and affiliated groups in the past did receive lottery funding and so not only does this call in to question the validity of the report but also the whole objectivity of the DFC.
Foster in further attempts at ingratiating herself to the Gaelic speaking community said that she does want to understand and respect the culture that they are not a part of. She wants to meet with Gaelic speakers but only those “without party political baggage or indeed demands, people who genuinely love the Irish language and don’t want to use it as a political weapon” ....the same as those people on the 12th of July who genuinely love the English language and who don’t use it as a political weapon in their speeches at the various Orange fields.
Meanwhile deputy Dodd's wife, the bigoted imbecile known as Diane, met with reported Irish language enthusiast Linda Ervine to discuss the issue. Ervine, much in the media with her efforts to depoliticise the language from Catholic Ireland and reclaim it as a language for everyone, with particular emphasis on Unionist Protestants, is heavily reported as being an Irish language enthusiast but only from her Scottish and loyalist roots ..... certainly nothing to do with anything Irish.
On a cultural note, Belfast's Origin, costing over £100,000 of lottery funding and involving a cross-community effort wins Spectator 'worst public art' award. This lead the Spectator to ask, "haven't the people of Northern Ireland suffered enough?."
And:
"In the name of 'peace' and 'economic regeneration', the Arts Council of Northern Ireland has littered the region with tat. If they were a person, we'd lock them up for fly-tipping."
South of the British border, the new National Maternity Hospital on the St Vincent's Hospital campus in Dublin, will have full clinical, operational, financial and budgetary independence, Simon Harris the Minister for Health has said. Just as he made the incredulous decision to hand over sole ownership of the tax payer funded facility to the Sisters of Charity .... those same good Sisters who ran the Magdelene Laundries with the full knowledge of all previous government parties. Sort of makes Fosters wood burning fiasco pale to insignificance doesn’t it!
Allowing The British Police To Spy In Ireland
Mick Hall @ Organized Rage claims that:
Irish police allowed Mark Kennedy a British police officer with a less than savoury reputation to spy on its own citizens.
Mark Kennedy after he became a private security consultant
The Irish edition of the Sunday Times revealed Martin Callinan, the former Garda (police) commissioner refused to deny he gave permission for a UK undercover police officer Mark Kennedy to spy on and infiltrate environmental and protest groups in Ireland.
Kennedy, along with other members of the Metropolitan police's Public Order Intelligence Unit, are now at the centre of the UK's Pickford inquiry. Which is looking into the role of undercover policing after it became public knowledge these officers were embedded with dead children’s identities within environmental and left-wing groups and in the process to establish their deep cover many of them had intimate and sexual relationships with female members or supporters of these groups. Some even had children with their victims and when their undercover secondment ended they upped and left without a word, leaving families in crises and turmoil.
Kennedy under the name Mark Stone also acted as an agent provocateur within the UK, Ireland and elsewhere.
According to the Sunday Times:
In Ireland this report on Mark Kennedy has been kept secret for six years on state security grounds, it was finally been released after The Times took the Department of Justice to the Information Commissioner for refusing to grant a freedom of information request to release it:
As Gardaí knew that Mr Kennedy was in Ireland on a number of occasions under his alias Mark Stone between 2004 and 2006, they must also have know he was spying on perfectly legal groups. If true it's hardly surprising they kept government ministers in the dark as there seems to be an unwritten code within Ireland and the UK which enables senior ministers to see the product, but not how it was obtained. Thus if it all goes pear shaped there are no government minister's finger prints all over it.
The ST piece continued:
After it emerged in 2011 that Mr Kennedy had been in Ireland, the government asked Mr Callinan for a report on Mr Kennedy’s activities in Ireland. The report was never published. A request by The Times to access it under freedom of information law was refused. Last month the Information Commissioner ruled that the Department of Justice should release the document, which was given to this newspaper this week.
Never mind the main external activist in Ireland at that time, with a track record of violence was Mark Stone an undercover police officer from the UK.
Calllinan then claimed:
A spokesman for Frances Fitzgerald, the justice minister and Tánaiste, the deputy prime minister of the Republic of Ireland and the second-most senior officer in the Government of Ireland, said that she had sought a second report on undercover British police from Ms O’Sullivan the current Garda Síochána commissioner but had not asked for clarification on whether Mr Kennedy had been working with Irish police.
Lynn Boylan, the Sinn Féin MEP, said it was “essential” that the second report clarify who, if anyone, in the gardaí sanctioned Mr Kennedy’s presence:
While in Ireland Kennedy joined protests against President Bush’s visit to Ireland for an EU-US summit in 2004, and the Shell to Sea campaign in Co Mayo in 2006. He also attended protests at Shannon airport over extrajudicial rendition flights. Presumably he passed his reports to his masters in London, who may or may not have passed this info to the 26 county government of Ireland. [and Royal Dutch Shell] There lays the conundrum because if the information was sent to Dublin as you would expect, I am not sure how Irish government ministers can continue to deny they had no knowledge of Kennedy presence in Ireland.
There have been widespread criticism of Scotland Yard’s decision to use undercover agents to spy on environmental activists. The Metropolitan Police formally apologised last year after revelations that officers had deceived women with whom they had sexual relationships. Although inexplicably they still refuse to tell these women their abusers real names.
Mr Kennedy’s activities in Ireland were first highlighted in the Dáil by Michael D Higgins the current President of Ireland when he was a LP TD.
In a statement a spokesperson for the Labour Party said:
To have allowed a British undercover police officer, and one with such a shady history running loose across Ireland beggars belief. The more so when at the time he was in the country campaigns against two of the most contentious issues were at boiling point, The Shell to Sea campaign and the US military's use of Shannon airport as a stop over to carry out extrajudicial rendition
Given Kennedy's history it is difficult not to conclude his presence in Ireland was clearly designed to further inflame these situations.
More here:
Why The Pitchford Inquiry Labeled The Metropolitan Police Incompetent
Irish police allowed Mark Kennedy a British police officer with a less than savoury reputation to spy on its own citizens.
Mark Kennedy after he became a private security consultantThe Irish edition of the Sunday Times revealed Martin Callinan, the former Garda (police) commissioner refused to deny he gave permission for a UK undercover police officer Mark Kennedy to spy on and infiltrate environmental and protest groups in Ireland.
Kennedy, along with other members of the Metropolitan police's Public Order Intelligence Unit, are now at the centre of the UK's Pickford inquiry. Which is looking into the role of undercover policing after it became public knowledge these officers were embedded with dead children’s identities within environmental and left-wing groups and in the process to establish their deep cover many of them had intimate and sexual relationships with female members or supporters of these groups. Some even had children with their victims and when their undercover secondment ended they upped and left without a word, leaving families in crises and turmoil.
Kennedy under the name Mark Stone also acted as an agent provocateur within the UK, Ireland and elsewhere.
According to the Sunday Times:
In Ireland this report on Mark Kennedy has been kept secret for six years on state security grounds, it was finally been released after The Times took the Department of Justice to the Information Commissioner for refusing to grant a freedom of information request to release it:
Its publication reveals that the gardaí defended having a relationship with international police forces that allowed spies to work here and defended keeping such arrangements a secret from the government.
As Gardaí knew that Mr Kennedy was in Ireland on a number of occasions under his alias Mark Stone between 2004 and 2006, they must also have know he was spying on perfectly legal groups. If true it's hardly surprising they kept government ministers in the dark as there seems to be an unwritten code within Ireland and the UK which enables senior ministers to see the product, but not how it was obtained. Thus if it all goes pear shaped there are no government minister's finger prints all over it.
The ST piece continued:
After it emerged in 2011 that Mr Kennedy had been in Ireland, the government asked Mr Callinan for a report on Mr Kennedy’s activities in Ireland. The report was never published. A request by The Times to access it under freedom of information law was refused. Last month the Information Commissioner ruled that the Department of Justice should release the document, which was given to this newspaper this week.
“I am aware of suggestions in the media that Mr Kennedy was here with the consent of An Garda Síochána and that there was a relationship between him and the gardaí,” Mr Callinan wrote in the report on March 23, 2011. He did not deny that Mr Kennedy had been operating with the consent of the force but went on to tell ministers that it might be “helpful” to explain the background of using undercover agents from other jurisdictions.
“The use of such agents/police officers from other jurisdictions is a recognised and necessary tactic in the special circumstances where external activists with a track record of violence and whose identities are unknown to local police seek to shape and control violent protest actions,” Mr Calllinan wrote.
Never mind the main external activist in Ireland at that time, with a track record of violence was Mark Stone an undercover police officer from the UK.
Calllinan then claimed:
The right of gardaí to enter into such arrangements was “vital” for national security interests, and he refused to tell the government if the national police force had a confidential arrangement with the Metropolitan Police allowing undercover British officers to work here.
A spokesman for Frances Fitzgerald, the justice minister and Tánaiste, the deputy prime minister of the Republic of Ireland and the second-most senior officer in the Government of Ireland, said that she had sought a second report on undercover British police from Ms O’Sullivan the current Garda Síochána commissioner but had not asked for clarification on whether Mr Kennedy had been working with Irish police.
“In seeking that report, the tánaiste did not seek to circumscribe in any way the information which the garda commissioner would provide. The tánaiste will fully consider the report when it is available, including the issue of whether it may be suitable for publication,” the spokesman said.
Lynn Boylan, the Sinn Féin MEP, said it was “essential” that the second report clarify who, if anyone, in the gardaí sanctioned Mr Kennedy’s presence:
The minister for justice and the gardaí have deliberately tried to prevent information coming into the public domain on what they did and did not know about the activities of British police spies in Ireland ... I welcome the fact that the report from 2011 has finally been released but it is imperative that Ms Fitzgerald make public the supplementary report that she commissioned in October.
While in Ireland Kennedy joined protests against President Bush’s visit to Ireland for an EU-US summit in 2004, and the Shell to Sea campaign in Co Mayo in 2006. He also attended protests at Shannon airport over extrajudicial rendition flights. Presumably he passed his reports to his masters in London, who may or may not have passed this info to the 26 county government of Ireland. [and Royal Dutch Shell] There lays the conundrum because if the information was sent to Dublin as you would expect, I am not sure how Irish government ministers can continue to deny they had no knowledge of Kennedy presence in Ireland.
There have been widespread criticism of Scotland Yard’s decision to use undercover agents to spy on environmental activists. The Metropolitan Police formally apologised last year after revelations that officers had deceived women with whom they had sexual relationships. Although inexplicably they still refuse to tell these women their abusers real names.
Mr Kennedy’s activities in Ireland were first highlighted in the Dáil by Michael D Higgins the current President of Ireland when he was a LP TD.
In a statement a spokesperson for the Labour Party said:
Brendan Howlin, the Labour Party leader, reiterates his previous call for the tánaiste to give an account to the Dáil as to whether, in one of the most politically contentious, divisive and expensive operations to police an environmental protest in this state, the Garda Síochána sanctioned and relied on undercover agents from Scotland Yard. If the tánaiste can’t give an adequate report about this to the Dáil and the public, the Labour Party believes the Policing Authority should pursue the matter.
To have allowed a British undercover police officer, and one with such a shady history running loose across Ireland beggars belief. The more so when at the time he was in the country campaigns against two of the most contentious issues were at boiling point, The Shell to Sea campaign and the US military's use of Shannon airport as a stop over to carry out extrajudicial rendition
Given Kennedy's history it is difficult not to conclude his presence in Ireland was clearly designed to further inflame these situations.
More here:
Why The Pitchford Inquiry Labeled The Metropolitan Police Incompetent
East Tyrone Remembers – Loughgall 30th Anniversary Commemoration
Via the
1916 Societies
, a commemorative event this Sunday in honour of those who died at Loughall thirty years ago.
Loughgall Martyrs 30th Anniversary This year marks the 30th anniversary of the Loughgall ambush when 9 Irishmen were killed by British Crown Forces. Volunteers Declan Arthurs, Seamus Donnelly, Tony Gormley, Eugene Kelly, Paddy Kelly, Jim Lynagh, Padraig McKearney and Gerard O’Callaghan were members of the East Tyrone Brigade IRA. Civilian Anthony Hughes was also killed that evening.
The attack was part of a British murder campaign in East Tyrone/North Armagh in the late 1980’s/early 1990’s when the full might of the British war machine including SAS, British Army, RUC, UVF, UDR were unleashed on the people of East Tyrone. These nine men were husbands, fathers, sons and brothers to their loved ones whose only crime was that they were Irish in British Occupied Ireland. They were killed by faceless, nameless paid SAS assassins who were in Ireland to carry out Britain’s war of terror against the democratic rights of the Irish people.
The main commemoration this year is the Independent Republican March and Commemoration on Sunday 7th May assembling at Galbally Community Centre at 3pm organised by the P.H. Pearse Society Galbally/Cappagh. The event is non-party political and everyone is welcome. Sunday 23rd April @2pm 5 mile Sponsored walk, Assemble Republican Monument Aughnagar Chapel.
The James Connolly 1916 Society Monaghan will be holding a day of events to mark the 30th Anniversary of The Loughall Massacre. This will be in conjuction with other independent republican commemorations in Tyrone and Monaghan. On Sunday April 30th we will embark on a sponsored walk from the Jim lynagh, Padraig McKearney, Loughgall monument in Drumfurrer, Carrickroe Co. Monaghan to the Seamus McElwaine monument Knockatallon, Scotstown, Co. Monaghan.
A short lecture will take place after the walk in the Sliabh Beagh Hotel with refreshments served . That night we will be hosting a social night in Moyna’s Bar, Scotstown @9. A Prominent speaker will be in attendance on the night.
The annual mass organised by the families will be on Friday 5th May in Altmore at 7.30pm with refreshments afterwards in Galbally Community Centre. There will be a Tour of the Graves assisted by local 1916 Societies on Sat 6th May starting at 10.30am in Altmore and continuing on then to Galbally, Aughnagar, Monaghan, Caledon, Tullysarron, Moy and finishing at Edendork. On Sunday 7th May the main commemoration and march assembles at Galbally Community Centre at 3pm and will make its way to Cappagh. This commemoration gives all Republicans, young and old, a chance to remember these fine Irishmen who died thirty years ago that evening in Loughgall. Their story is one that the people of Ireland will always remember with sadness, anger, love and pride.
Loughgall Martyrs 30th Anniversary This year marks the 30th anniversary of the Loughgall ambush when 9 Irishmen were killed by British Crown Forces. Volunteers Declan Arthurs, Seamus Donnelly, Tony Gormley, Eugene Kelly, Paddy Kelly, Jim Lynagh, Padraig McKearney and Gerard O’Callaghan were members of the East Tyrone Brigade IRA. Civilian Anthony Hughes was also killed that evening.
The attack was part of a British murder campaign in East Tyrone/North Armagh in the late 1980’s/early 1990’s when the full might of the British war machine including SAS, British Army, RUC, UVF, UDR were unleashed on the people of East Tyrone. These nine men were husbands, fathers, sons and brothers to their loved ones whose only crime was that they were Irish in British Occupied Ireland. They were killed by faceless, nameless paid SAS assassins who were in Ireland to carry out Britain’s war of terror against the democratic rights of the Irish people.
The main commemoration this year is the Independent Republican March and Commemoration on Sunday 7th May assembling at Galbally Community Centre at 3pm organised by the P.H. Pearse Society Galbally/Cappagh. The event is non-party political and everyone is welcome. Sunday 23rd April @2pm 5 mile Sponsored walk, Assemble Republican Monument Aughnagar Chapel.
The James Connolly 1916 Society Monaghan will be holding a day of events to mark the 30th Anniversary of The Loughall Massacre. This will be in conjuction with other independent republican commemorations in Tyrone and Monaghan. On Sunday April 30th we will embark on a sponsored walk from the Jim lynagh, Padraig McKearney, Loughgall monument in Drumfurrer, Carrickroe Co. Monaghan to the Seamus McElwaine monument Knockatallon, Scotstown, Co. Monaghan.
A short lecture will take place after the walk in the Sliabh Beagh Hotel with refreshments served . That night we will be hosting a social night in Moyna’s Bar, Scotstown @9. A Prominent speaker will be in attendance on the night.
The annual mass organised by the families will be on Friday 5th May in Altmore at 7.30pm with refreshments afterwards in Galbally Community Centre. There will be a Tour of the Graves assisted by local 1916 Societies on Sat 6th May starting at 10.30am in Altmore and continuing on then to Galbally, Aughnagar, Monaghan, Caledon, Tullysarron, Moy and finishing at Edendork. On Sunday 7th May the main commemoration and march assembles at Galbally Community Centre at 3pm and will make its way to Cappagh. This commemoration gives all Republicans, young and old, a chance to remember these fine Irishmen who died thirty years ago that evening in Loughgall. Their story is one that the people of Ireland will always remember with sadness, anger, love and pride.
May 3, 2017
Amen Or Omen?
Anthony McIntyre
writes about the proposed commissary daily prayer for Dail Eireann.
The recommendation by the Oireachtas Committee on Procedures and Privileges, to keep the prayer is risible. The latest proposals, to be debated tomorrow, would require TDs to stand for the following prayer:
Perhaps they should end with Omen rather than Amen, if it is a sign of what is to come in the Dail. Joan Collins called it right with her comment that "I have not been sent here by the votes of the people in Dublin South Central to have my words and actions directed by Jesus Christ."
Prayers should have no more place in a supposedly modern parliament than a rain dance, even though one works no better than the other. Hopefully, the republican value of secularism will come to prevail and the proposal shall be rejected.
Ruth Coppinger drew attention to the coercive aspect of the proposal:
It is ludicrous to compel TDs to stand for a prayer any more than they should have to stand for a reading from Richard Dawkins. As an act of secular dissent TDs should simply sit down, tweet, scratch their pits or whatever. The two TDs who insist they will not stand for it deserve support.
Sinn Féin’s Aengus Ó Snodaigh who argued that the prayer was a "legacy from the British parliament" was spot on in his argument for 60 seconds of silent reflection as an alternative to prayers so members could reflect in their own personal way. If they want to think about Heaven, Hell, soccer or a brothel, it's up to them.
Former Justice Minister Alan Shatter was of the Jewish Faith. Were he still a TD he would be compelled to observe a Christian prayer by standing rather than ignoring it through remaining seated, There are currently members of the Dail who while not Jewish are certainly not of the Christian faith
Fianna Fail's Anne Rabbitte thinks a moments reflection after the prayer solves everything when it fact it solves nothing. It still leaves us with a situation where TDs will have religion practiced on them in the Dail. As Wafa Sultan once suggested they can worship stones if the like but don’t throw them at the rest of us.
A minute’s reflection on its own sans any prayer would be much more inclusive and imposes nothing on anybody. If Mattie McGrath wants to pray he can do so in private.
If all else fails, they can always sacrifice a goat.
The recommendation by the Oireachtas Committee on Procedures and Privileges, to keep the prayer is risible. The latest proposals, to be debated tomorrow, would require TDs to stand for the following prayer:
Direct, we beseech Thee, O Lord, our actions by Thy holy inspirations and carry them on by Thy gracious assistance; that every word and work of ours may always begin from Thee, and by Thee be happily ended; through Christ Our Lord. Amen
Perhaps they should end with Omen rather than Amen, if it is a sign of what is to come in the Dail. Joan Collins called it right with her comment that "I have not been sent here by the votes of the people in Dublin South Central to have my words and actions directed by Jesus Christ."
Prayers should have no more place in a supposedly modern parliament than a rain dance, even though one works no better than the other. Hopefully, the republican value of secularism will come to prevail and the proposal shall be rejected.
Ruth Coppinger drew attention to the coercive aspect of the proposal:
There will be potential disciplinary action if a Deputy does not comply. At a time when the rest of society is demanding an absolute separation of Church and State, the Dáil decides to embed an archaic practice by proposing this.
It is ludicrous to compel TDs to stand for a prayer any more than they should have to stand for a reading from Richard Dawkins. As an act of secular dissent TDs should simply sit down, tweet, scratch their pits or whatever. The two TDs who insist they will not stand for it deserve support.
Sinn Féin’s Aengus Ó Snodaigh who argued that the prayer was a "legacy from the British parliament" was spot on in his argument for 60 seconds of silent reflection as an alternative to prayers so members could reflect in their own personal way. If they want to think about Heaven, Hell, soccer or a brothel, it's up to them.
I am not insulting those of a Christian faith or those who believe in God or a god. What I am trying to say is that this is supposed to be a republic. A republic is supposed to equally honour or respect all of those people. It is also supposed to separate church and State, but that is not what is happening in this proposal. This proposal is more insulting than it was before because Members are now expected to stand to attention to listen to a prayer and then reflect for a moment.
Former Justice Minister Alan Shatter was of the Jewish Faith. Were he still a TD he would be compelled to observe a Christian prayer by standing rather than ignoring it through remaining seated, There are currently members of the Dail who while not Jewish are certainly not of the Christian faith
Fianna Fail's Anne Rabbitte thinks a moments reflection after the prayer solves everything when it fact it solves nothing. It still leaves us with a situation where TDs will have religion practiced on them in the Dail. As Wafa Sultan once suggested they can worship stones if the like but don’t throw them at the rest of us.
A minute’s reflection on its own sans any prayer would be much more inclusive and imposes nothing on anybody. If Mattie McGrath wants to pray he can do so in private.
If all else fails, they can always sacrifice a goat.
Veterans Against Victims
Via The Transcripts Martin Galvin speaks to
Joe Barr
, the National Organiser for the Irish Republican political party, Saoradh, via telephone from Doire about the British veterans’ march in Belfast City Centre yesterday, Good Friday, 14 April 2017.
RFÉ 15 April 2017
WBAI 99.5FM Pacifica Radio
New York City
listen on the internet: wbai.org Saturdays Noon EST
Audio Player
(begins time stamp ~ 19:32)
Martin: And well I’ll say welcome for the first time to Joe Barr from Saoradh. He’s the National Organiser. He’s based in Doire. Welcome to Radio Free Éireann, Joe.
Joe: Thank you very much. Thank you for having me.
Martin: Okay. Joe, the reason we invited you on – we are going to talk about Easter and Easter commemorations – but yesterday there was a demonstration by former British troopers who are concerned – they support British rule, they support British courts, they support British justice – but they’re protesting that they might have to face British courts and British prosecutions over people who were killed during The Troubles, 1968 to 1998. Now Joe, we’re going to talk to you about that demonstration but just to introduce you to the audience: What is your position with Saoradh? And tell me, you’re a young man, why did you choose – you live in Doire – why did you choose to join them rather than say Sinn Féin or the SDLP (Social Democratic and Labour Party), established political parties which have a prominent role in Doire City and might have made it for a much easier career path for you?
Joe: Yeah, well I am – I’m twenty-eight years of age and I’m the National Organiser for Saoradh as you stated there. The reason that I joined Saoradh in the first place – Saoradh, they were essentially organised to repair the damage a decade of reformism and I want to advance the pursuit of a thirty-two county socialist republic that is free from any interference of England or any other foreign government. I was an active Irish Republican since my teens. I experienced and felt the frustrations that a lot of young people are feeling – you know with the symptoms associated with those frustrations and which have permeated through Republicanism for a decade and that’s been done now under the constant shadow of a rising, dominant and simply perverse form of nationalism that stands as solidly in support of British rule as it does against Republican principle. I was asked to take part in the earliest efforts by what would become Saoradh that aimed to address these major issues within the working class communities of Ireland. I felt, personally, that our people were under an illusion that nationalism was leading towards their freedom and I understood that a revolutionary alternative was required to confront that illusion and to liberate the people from its hold. To balance with the many, varying issues within Republicanism itself then it was easy to conclude that much work was needed in order to set people to work on an approach to their emancipation based on the ideals said by the likes of Tone, Connolly and Mellows. This for me is the only way forward and for me, personally, the only party with the means to achieve this preliminary goal in Saoradh. That’s not to criticise anybody else who’s involved in similar efforts but it’s merely to state my personal circumstances and motives for forging ahead with this party.
Martin: Okay. And I should spell the party. (Martin spells Saoradh.)
Joe: That’s us.
Martin: I’m doing that so that if you want to check out their website or their Facebook page you have the correct spelling. Okay. Yesterday, the was a large – not a large – there was a demonstration by British veterans who are worried about being outside City Hall in Belfast in the City Centre, and they are concerned about possible prosecutions for Troubles killings like Bloody Sunday – a decision there has been imminent for some time in your city of Doire – like the Ballymurphy Massacre, if they ever have an inquest itt may lead in that direction, like even the killing of Manus Deery – a young man who finally admitted there was no justification for shooting him down many years ago and we congratulate his sister and his family on that. What did Saoradh do in relation to that protest by veterans?
Joe: Well now I want to take you back to February whenever a similar event was organised by these veterans in Doire.
Add caption
They announced at the start of February that they wanted to march through Doire to highlight this same issue. As soon as Saoradh in Doire were made aware of that, immediately we released a statement saying that we would bring thousands of people onto the street to oppose this march. We honestly couldn’t believe that in our city, where fourteen unarmed civilians were shot dead on Bloody Sunday, that they would have the gall to march against what they felt was persecution against themselves. Within twenty-four hours of us making that statement – and obviously I know Bloody Sunday families and others done their bit as well – that march was canceled. They instead moved from Doire and they marched to Coleraine.
Saoradh Counter-Protest in Belfast – Good Friday 14 April 2017
Saoradh again took the lead in Belfast over the last couple of weeks you know to oppose this march and yesterday we held a demonstration with up to two hundred Saoradh members and other Republicans also attended just to highlight as I say the war crimes that these people inflicted on Ireland.
Martin: Alright. Joe, it was interesting to me – a few weeks ago I appeared on Talkback and the person who came on was Doug Beattie of the Ulster Unionist Party and again we have the entire transcript of that programme on our website, rfe123 dot org – that’s rfe123 dot org. And during that programme, I asked Mr. Beattie – it was about an interview that Gerry McGeough had done on this programme – and I asked Mr. Beattie, I said: During that interview Gerry McGeough talked about civilians who were killed with the support of members of British Crown forces, either directly or in collusion by some of the Loyalists. And I’m surprised that no one would mention that – I mentioned some of the families, Roseanne Mallon, or The McKearneys or my friend, Liam Ryan. And Mr. Beattie said – and I’m just going to read this to you and ask you for a comment:
Who was the main speaker trying to defend those British troopers who committed what a British Prime Minister called an ‘unjustifiable and unjustified killings’ on Bloody Sunday, who committed killings, which we believe would be found murder if the Ballymurphy Families would ever be able to get an inquest and ever be able to get the facts out – who committed murder in collusion with Loyalists – who was the person defending them and saying that they should not have to face British courts on charges of murder yesterday?
Joe: Well see to be honest – yesterday Doug Beattie – he revealed himself when he declared that murdering little boys in Ireland granted Irish people to protest. Beating women at checkpoints on the way to events, which is all the UDR (Ulster Defence Association) ever achieved is, to Doug Beattie, the equivalent of fighting for freedom. We know that the British were not fighting for freedom. We know and Doug Beattie knows that the English murdered innocent natives in Ireland yesterday for the same reason that they murder innocent natives in Afghanistan and Iraq today and that reason is imperialism – it’s nothing else. So no matter what way he dresses it up – that’s the main reason behind it all.
Martin: I had actually written a letter at one time and I said: Let’s take a figure – fifteen thousand Republicans went through British prisons and less than a handful of British troopers for on-duty killings. Kate Nash actually did an interview later, one of the Bloody Sunday families, and said it was more like twenty-five thousand so there’s – let’s say twenty-five thousand Republicans or Nationalists who went through British prison, who were in jail for short periods of time, many long periods of time – so if the British courts did not put Republicans before British courts they certainly – it was not for want of trying. There’s been only a handful of British troopers charged for on-duty British Army killings. So what is the imbalance that Mr. Barr, Mr. Beattie – excuse me – is talking about? Why does he think that there is – Why are they so afraid of going before British Diplock courts on charges of murder for incidents like the ‘unjustified and unjustifiable killings’ of Bloody Sunday?
Joe: Yeah. Your guess is as good as mine because here in Ireland we haven’t seen any justice. These people know – even when it was announced that some Bloody Sunday soldiers were being, I think, arrested and questioned. I mean we first heard that five or six years ago and it hasn’t went anywhere since. It’s not going to go anywhere. None of these people are going to do a day in jail – that’s the reality of it.
Martin: Alright. We talked about the amnesty for British troopers. It seems they’re upset that there has been so much pressure from Nationalists, from Republicans, from families like the Bloody Sunday families, like the Ballymurphy Families and so many other families in The North of Ireland – simply to get an inquest, simply to get the word out in British courts or British legal proceedings, so that the British have no alternative but to bring them before courts, to bring them before charges – that that’s what yesterday’s demonstration was about and I want to commend Saoradh for going out and defending the families. Just a couple of brief things: Last year you had a major, there was a major Republican commemoration for Easter at Coalisland and that gave the impetus, or one of the things that was an impetus, for Saoradh to be formed by many of the groups that participated in that Easter commemoration. What is Saoradh going to do this year to commemorate Easter and what is some of the themes that you want to bring out in terms of the oration, the main oration, and Easter message of that event?
Joe: Yeah well you’re a hundred percent right. Last year was a great event in Coalisland. We had over five thousand people who turned up, who lined the streets and who marched with us. Now the initial talks behind Saoradh had already begun prior to that event but after witnessing the crowds, you know the atmosphere, the feeling, it really drove us on and the momentum was built there to get Soaradh off the ground. Now this year on Easter Monday we are having our national commemoration here in Doire. It takes off from Free Derry Corner at two PM and the theme again is the same as last year, it’s that Easter 1916 is an unfinished revolution, is an unfinished revolution – it’s unfinished business – and until we have our thirty-two county socialist republic that will remain so.
Martin: Okay. Now, the talks at Stormont right now – they’ve been adjourned again, there’s been no resolution, there’s no signs of when that resolution would be. It’s between Sinn Féin, the SDLP, Alliance, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), Official (Ulster) Unionist Party (UUP) all involved. And James Brokenshire he’s the, of course, the representative for Theresa May, the colonial secretary who presides over it, and he was supposed to be sort of the deus ex machina, the person who was going to, the god from the machine who was going to solve things and put it back together after Arlene Foster broke it apart. What is your party’s reaction to those talks? And why do you think another approach is necessary if we’re ever to get freedom for all of Ireland?
Joe: To be honest it’s all – it’s just a sideshow. Stormont is dysfunctional. It’s never going to work. The real power lies with the NIO (Northern Ireland Office) and Whitehall. Essentially it’s just a front for British imperialism in Ireland. Sinn Féin collapsing this in January has vindicated what Republicans opposed to Stormont have been saying for years – that it is a failure and it is nothing but a front for British rule. I think it’s been twenty years – is it twenty years now since the Good Friday Agreement? No, sorry, nineteen – it’s nineteen years since the Good Friday Agreement and in that time, when I look around Doire, what has the Good Friday Agreement done for Doire? It’s done nothing. We’ve three thousand people waiting on a housing list. We’ve got the highest youth unemployment rate in obviously the western end of the UK, the highest youth unemployment rate, suicide here is through the roof – it’s just that Stormont has done nothing for my people and will do nothing for my people.
Martin: And I remember when it was signed Joe Cahill was in the United States and after a debate that I was in along with John McDonagh and Martin Ferris and others, Joe Cahill announced that we would have a united Ireland within five years – which would have been by 2003. I just want to ask you one thing before we let you go: You actually had an employment. You were in the United States just for brief periods of time legally and you were out for a few days and what happened – just simply as a result – you know we talked about the issue of censorship by visa denial – what happened to you at the end after just being a few days being in the United States?
Joe: Essentially what happened: The company I was working for, I was selected to go to New York for a few days to work. So my first morning in New York I was sitting having my breakfast, I was at my hotel in Times Square and I was having my breakfast with my manager and two guys came down to where I was sitting and pulled out their badges, identified themselves members of the FBI counter-terrorism unit – and I had to come with them. So they took me to a separate part of the hotel and first thing, the guy, I think he said his name was ‘Jimmy,’ and his exact words to me was: He has been working an active ISIS threat against the Macy’s Day parade but his bosses at FBI headquarters felt that my presence in his city was enough for him to be pull off that. So I was kind of a wee bit shocked to be honest and they questioned me on basically on Saoradh and what my role within Saoradh was. He questioned me on what he said that he was briefed by the British government, by intelligence, about my Republican activity here in Doire and that was the Monday. He left me on Monday and then he said he would have to contact the British government and get back to me. So then on Tuesday, then he came to my hotel again but I wasn’t haven’t breakfast – I was having lunch this time and he came to my hotel and he began to question me again, you know, just on people back home, said he had watched things on the internet of me being stopped by the police and things like that but then on the Tuesday he told me that was it – everything was grand and I wouldn’t hear from him again. So then on the Wednesday morning – I wasn’t due to go home until Wednesday night – but then on the Wednesday morning about eight o’clock he stormed into the hotel again, called me outside, started roaring and shouting at me saying that I was nothing but a liar. That I had made myself out to be ‘nothing’ when he believed that I was ‘something’ and that he hoped that I had enjoyed my time in The States because I will never be there again. He then went on to tell my manager, who was present the whole time, that he was investigating our company for links to terrorism and attempting to fund raise for terrorist groups. And at that point then they told me I had to make my way to – I was flying out of Newark so I had to make my way to Newark, I can’t remember what the airport’s called but headed to the airport out there anyway…
Martin: …Newark Airport, yeah.
Joe: …Aye. It’d have been Newark. So that was eight o’clock in the morning. My flight wasn’t until eight o’clock at night and I was put in a taxi and sent out to the airport so I got home anyway. And then within a week I was asked to come to my work’s headquarters in Manchester and when I got there I was basically told I was let go because of what happened to me in America.
Martin: Alright. So it’s the situation – we talked about censorship by visa denial. We’d hoped that that was over with. You’re involved with a legal, lawful political party. You’re also working for a company that was based in Manchester, in the United States legally with a visa, with a work visa just doing market research and not raising money or anything of that nature and…
Joe: …nothing like that.
Martin: Okay. And this happens because of briefings from the British government.
Joe: Yeah.
Martin: Alright. Joe, we want to – you’ll still have access to the United States through Radio Free Éireann, we want to say we’re sorry about the way in which you left but we’re glad that you’re with us today. We’ll have you back. And tell us: If people want to read about Saoradh, find out more information – how would they go about doing it?
Joe: Okay. Well we’ve a website, www dot saoradh dot ie, we also have several Facebook pages and if you’d like to find out about Saoradh in Doire you can check out the Junior McDaid House page on Facebook.
Martin: Okay. And again, that’s Saoradh. (Martin spells Saoradh.)
Joe: …Yep, dot ie
Martin: …dot ie – if you want more information. If you want their internet – that’s how to get more information. Okay. Thank you very much, Joe.
Joe: No problem, Have a lovely Easter.
Martin: Okay. (ends time stamp ~ 38:09)
RFÉ 15 April 2017
WBAI 99.5FM Pacifica Radio
New York City
listen on the internet: wbai.org Saturdays Noon EST
Audio Player
(begins time stamp ~ 19:32)
Martin: And well I’ll say welcome for the first time to Joe Barr from Saoradh. He’s the National Organiser. He’s based in Doire. Welcome to Radio Free Éireann, Joe.
Joe: Thank you very much. Thank you for having me.
Martin: Okay. Joe, the reason we invited you on – we are going to talk about Easter and Easter commemorations – but yesterday there was a demonstration by former British troopers who are concerned – they support British rule, they support British courts, they support British justice – but they’re protesting that they might have to face British courts and British prosecutions over people who were killed during The Troubles, 1968 to 1998. Now Joe, we’re going to talk to you about that demonstration but just to introduce you to the audience: What is your position with Saoradh? And tell me, you’re a young man, why did you choose – you live in Doire – why did you choose to join them rather than say Sinn Féin or the SDLP (Social Democratic and Labour Party), established political parties which have a prominent role in Doire City and might have made it for a much easier career path for you?
Joe: Yeah, well I am – I’m twenty-eight years of age and I’m the National Organiser for Saoradh as you stated there. The reason that I joined Saoradh in the first place – Saoradh, they were essentially organised to repair the damage a decade of reformism and I want to advance the pursuit of a thirty-two county socialist republic that is free from any interference of England or any other foreign government. I was an active Irish Republican since my teens. I experienced and felt the frustrations that a lot of young people are feeling – you know with the symptoms associated with those frustrations and which have permeated through Republicanism for a decade and that’s been done now under the constant shadow of a rising, dominant and simply perverse form of nationalism that stands as solidly in support of British rule as it does against Republican principle. I was asked to take part in the earliest efforts by what would become Saoradh that aimed to address these major issues within the working class communities of Ireland. I felt, personally, that our people were under an illusion that nationalism was leading towards their freedom and I understood that a revolutionary alternative was required to confront that illusion and to liberate the people from its hold. To balance with the many, varying issues within Republicanism itself then it was easy to conclude that much work was needed in order to set people to work on an approach to their emancipation based on the ideals said by the likes of Tone, Connolly and Mellows. This for me is the only way forward and for me, personally, the only party with the means to achieve this preliminary goal in Saoradh. That’s not to criticise anybody else who’s involved in similar efforts but it’s merely to state my personal circumstances and motives for forging ahead with this party.
Martin: Okay. And I should spell the party. (Martin spells Saoradh.)
Joe: That’s us.
Martin: I’m doing that so that if you want to check out their website or their Facebook page you have the correct spelling. Okay. Yesterday, the was a large – not a large – there was a demonstration by British veterans who are worried about being outside City Hall in Belfast in the City Centre, and they are concerned about possible prosecutions for Troubles killings like Bloody Sunday – a decision there has been imminent for some time in your city of Doire – like the Ballymurphy Massacre, if they ever have an inquest itt may lead in that direction, like even the killing of Manus Deery – a young man who finally admitted there was no justification for shooting him down many years ago and we congratulate his sister and his family on that. What did Saoradh do in relation to that protest by veterans?
Joe: Well now I want to take you back to February whenever a similar event was organised by these veterans in Doire.
Add captionThey announced at the start of February that they wanted to march through Doire to highlight this same issue. As soon as Saoradh in Doire were made aware of that, immediately we released a statement saying that we would bring thousands of people onto the street to oppose this march. We honestly couldn’t believe that in our city, where fourteen unarmed civilians were shot dead on Bloody Sunday, that they would have the gall to march against what they felt was persecution against themselves. Within twenty-four hours of us making that statement – and obviously I know Bloody Sunday families and others done their bit as well – that march was canceled. They instead moved from Doire and they marched to Coleraine.
Saoradh Counter-Protest in Belfast – Good Friday 14 April 2017Saoradh again took the lead in Belfast over the last couple of weeks you know to oppose this march and yesterday we held a demonstration with up to two hundred Saoradh members and other Republicans also attended just to highlight as I say the war crimes that these people inflicted on Ireland.
Martin: Alright. Joe, it was interesting to me – a few weeks ago I appeared on Talkback and the person who came on was Doug Beattie of the Ulster Unionist Party and again we have the entire transcript of that programme on our website, rfe123 dot org – that’s rfe123 dot org. And during that programme, I asked Mr. Beattie – it was about an interview that Gerry McGeough had done on this programme – and I asked Mr. Beattie, I said: During that interview Gerry McGeough talked about civilians who were killed with the support of members of British Crown forces, either directly or in collusion by some of the Loyalists. And I’m surprised that no one would mention that – I mentioned some of the families, Roseanne Mallon, or The McKearneys or my friend, Liam Ryan. And Mr. Beattie said – and I’m just going to read this to you and ask you for a comment:
Martin, it’s really quite simple: If anybody committed a murder, be they in the British military, be they a police officer, be they civilian or anybody else if they committed a murder – and it was wrong – if there’s evidence they should be brought to court. I condemn anybody who conducts a murder so don’t try and drag me down a road here where I’m trying to defend anybody who committed an unlawful act.
Who was the main speaker trying to defend those British troopers who committed what a British Prime Minister called an ‘unjustifiable and unjustified killings’ on Bloody Sunday, who committed killings, which we believe would be found murder if the Ballymurphy Families would ever be able to get an inquest and ever be able to get the facts out – who committed murder in collusion with Loyalists – who was the person defending them and saying that they should not have to face British courts on charges of murder yesterday?
Joe: Well see to be honest – yesterday Doug Beattie – he revealed himself when he declared that murdering little boys in Ireland granted Irish people to protest. Beating women at checkpoints on the way to events, which is all the UDR (Ulster Defence Association) ever achieved is, to Doug Beattie, the equivalent of fighting for freedom. We know that the British were not fighting for freedom. We know and Doug Beattie knows that the English murdered innocent natives in Ireland yesterday for the same reason that they murder innocent natives in Afghanistan and Iraq today and that reason is imperialism – it’s nothing else. So no matter what way he dresses it up – that’s the main reason behind it all.
Martin: I had actually written a letter at one time and I said: Let’s take a figure – fifteen thousand Republicans went through British prisons and less than a handful of British troopers for on-duty killings. Kate Nash actually did an interview later, one of the Bloody Sunday families, and said it was more like twenty-five thousand so there’s – let’s say twenty-five thousand Republicans or Nationalists who went through British prison, who were in jail for short periods of time, many long periods of time – so if the British courts did not put Republicans before British courts they certainly – it was not for want of trying. There’s been only a handful of British troopers charged for on-duty British Army killings. So what is the imbalance that Mr. Barr, Mr. Beattie – excuse me – is talking about? Why does he think that there is – Why are they so afraid of going before British Diplock courts on charges of murder for incidents like the ‘unjustified and unjustifiable killings’ of Bloody Sunday?
Joe: Yeah. Your guess is as good as mine because here in Ireland we haven’t seen any justice. These people know – even when it was announced that some Bloody Sunday soldiers were being, I think, arrested and questioned. I mean we first heard that five or six years ago and it hasn’t went anywhere since. It’s not going to go anywhere. None of these people are going to do a day in jail – that’s the reality of it.
Martin: Alright. We talked about the amnesty for British troopers. It seems they’re upset that there has been so much pressure from Nationalists, from Republicans, from families like the Bloody Sunday families, like the Ballymurphy Families and so many other families in The North of Ireland – simply to get an inquest, simply to get the word out in British courts or British legal proceedings, so that the British have no alternative but to bring them before courts, to bring them before charges – that that’s what yesterday’s demonstration was about and I want to commend Saoradh for going out and defending the families. Just a couple of brief things: Last year you had a major, there was a major Republican commemoration for Easter at Coalisland and that gave the impetus, or one of the things that was an impetus, for Saoradh to be formed by many of the groups that participated in that Easter commemoration. What is Saoradh going to do this year to commemorate Easter and what is some of the themes that you want to bring out in terms of the oration, the main oration, and Easter message of that event?
Joe: Yeah well you’re a hundred percent right. Last year was a great event in Coalisland. We had over five thousand people who turned up, who lined the streets and who marched with us. Now the initial talks behind Saoradh had already begun prior to that event but after witnessing the crowds, you know the atmosphere, the feeling, it really drove us on and the momentum was built there to get Soaradh off the ground. Now this year on Easter Monday we are having our national commemoration here in Doire. It takes off from Free Derry Corner at two PM and the theme again is the same as last year, it’s that Easter 1916 is an unfinished revolution, is an unfinished revolution – it’s unfinished business – and until we have our thirty-two county socialist republic that will remain so.
Martin: Okay. Now, the talks at Stormont right now – they’ve been adjourned again, there’s been no resolution, there’s no signs of when that resolution would be. It’s between Sinn Féin, the SDLP, Alliance, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), Official (Ulster) Unionist Party (UUP) all involved. And James Brokenshire he’s the, of course, the representative for Theresa May, the colonial secretary who presides over it, and he was supposed to be sort of the deus ex machina, the person who was going to, the god from the machine who was going to solve things and put it back together after Arlene Foster broke it apart. What is your party’s reaction to those talks? And why do you think another approach is necessary if we’re ever to get freedom for all of Ireland?
Joe: To be honest it’s all – it’s just a sideshow. Stormont is dysfunctional. It’s never going to work. The real power lies with the NIO (Northern Ireland Office) and Whitehall. Essentially it’s just a front for British imperialism in Ireland. Sinn Féin collapsing this in January has vindicated what Republicans opposed to Stormont have been saying for years – that it is a failure and it is nothing but a front for British rule. I think it’s been twenty years – is it twenty years now since the Good Friday Agreement? No, sorry, nineteen – it’s nineteen years since the Good Friday Agreement and in that time, when I look around Doire, what has the Good Friday Agreement done for Doire? It’s done nothing. We’ve three thousand people waiting on a housing list. We’ve got the highest youth unemployment rate in obviously the western end of the UK, the highest youth unemployment rate, suicide here is through the roof – it’s just that Stormont has done nothing for my people and will do nothing for my people.
Martin: And I remember when it was signed Joe Cahill was in the United States and after a debate that I was in along with John McDonagh and Martin Ferris and others, Joe Cahill announced that we would have a united Ireland within five years – which would have been by 2003. I just want to ask you one thing before we let you go: You actually had an employment. You were in the United States just for brief periods of time legally and you were out for a few days and what happened – just simply as a result – you know we talked about the issue of censorship by visa denial – what happened to you at the end after just being a few days being in the United States?
Joe: Essentially what happened: The company I was working for, I was selected to go to New York for a few days to work. So my first morning in New York I was sitting having my breakfast, I was at my hotel in Times Square and I was having my breakfast with my manager and two guys came down to where I was sitting and pulled out their badges, identified themselves members of the FBI counter-terrorism unit – and I had to come with them. So they took me to a separate part of the hotel and first thing, the guy, I think he said his name was ‘Jimmy,’ and his exact words to me was: He has been working an active ISIS threat against the Macy’s Day parade but his bosses at FBI headquarters felt that my presence in his city was enough for him to be pull off that. So I was kind of a wee bit shocked to be honest and they questioned me on basically on Saoradh and what my role within Saoradh was. He questioned me on what he said that he was briefed by the British government, by intelligence, about my Republican activity here in Doire and that was the Monday. He left me on Monday and then he said he would have to contact the British government and get back to me. So then on Tuesday, then he came to my hotel again but I wasn’t haven’t breakfast – I was having lunch this time and he came to my hotel and he began to question me again, you know, just on people back home, said he had watched things on the internet of me being stopped by the police and things like that but then on the Tuesday he told me that was it – everything was grand and I wouldn’t hear from him again. So then on the Wednesday morning – I wasn’t due to go home until Wednesday night – but then on the Wednesday morning about eight o’clock he stormed into the hotel again, called me outside, started roaring and shouting at me saying that I was nothing but a liar. That I had made myself out to be ‘nothing’ when he believed that I was ‘something’ and that he hoped that I had enjoyed my time in The States because I will never be there again. He then went on to tell my manager, who was present the whole time, that he was investigating our company for links to terrorism and attempting to fund raise for terrorist groups. And at that point then they told me I had to make my way to – I was flying out of Newark so I had to make my way to Newark, I can’t remember what the airport’s called but headed to the airport out there anyway…
Martin: …Newark Airport, yeah.
Joe: …Aye. It’d have been Newark. So that was eight o’clock in the morning. My flight wasn’t until eight o’clock at night and I was put in a taxi and sent out to the airport so I got home anyway. And then within a week I was asked to come to my work’s headquarters in Manchester and when I got there I was basically told I was let go because of what happened to me in America.
Martin: Alright. So it’s the situation – we talked about censorship by visa denial. We’d hoped that that was over with. You’re involved with a legal, lawful political party. You’re also working for a company that was based in Manchester, in the United States legally with a visa, with a work visa just doing market research and not raising money or anything of that nature and…
Joe: …nothing like that.
Martin: Okay. And this happens because of briefings from the British government.
Joe: Yeah.
Martin: Alright. Joe, we want to – you’ll still have access to the United States through Radio Free Éireann, we want to say we’re sorry about the way in which you left but we’re glad that you’re with us today. We’ll have you back. And tell us: If people want to read about Saoradh, find out more information – how would they go about doing it?
Joe: Okay. Well we’ve a website, www dot saoradh dot ie, we also have several Facebook pages and if you’d like to find out about Saoradh in Doire you can check out the Junior McDaid House page on Facebook.
Martin: Okay. And again, that’s Saoradh. (Martin spells Saoradh.)
Joe: …Yep, dot ie
Martin: …dot ie – if you want more information. If you want their internet – that’s how to get more information. Okay. Thank you very much, Joe.
Joe: No problem, Have a lovely Easter.
Martin: Okay. (ends time stamp ~ 38:09)
May 2, 2017
Beattie's Frankenstein Justice
New York Attorney-At-Law,
Martin Galvin
, with a letter that featured in today's
Irish News.
A chara,
Doug Beattie believes crown force members, who committed murders should face murder charges. He believes in British justice, courts and judges. When British inquests and investigations threaten to uncover proof to charge British forces in British courts, Beattie shouts "Frankenstein justice" outside Belfast City Hall.
Mr. Beattie's reference may be truer than he thinks. Frankenstein, of course, was a fictional character, destroyed by the monster he himself created. The British created monstrous injustices to legalize murders over decades of conflict. If inquests, criminal trials and investigations fought for by victims' families go ahead, the truth about these monstrous injustices may destroy decades of lies at the heart of British rule.
How does an inquest into the Ballymurphy Massacre fit Beattie's "Frankenstein justice"? Along with Saoradh, the Ballymurphy Massacre families took to Belfast's streets on Good Friday, perhaps wondering why Beattie thinks their loved ones unworthy of a legal inquest.
Anyone who understands these families knows they have not campaigned for nearly 46 years, because of some farsighted political plot or Irish fondness for inquests.
These families contend that eleven of their loved ones, were murdered openly by British troops in August 1971.The dead including a Catholic priest and forty-five year old mother, were unarmed. Some shot as many as 14 times.
British Royal Military Police then declared British Paratroopers innocent and branded their innocent loved ones guilty. Eyewitnesses were not allowed to dispute the British account, nor ask why no British casualties were inflicted, or weapons recovered from so many dead IRA gunmen.
British military strategists, like Brigadier General Frank Kitson, were writing how:
Such policies required an undeclared immunity for troopers disposing permanently of unwanted members of the public. It worked so well in Ballymurphy that the British decided to do a replay five months later in Derry. There British troopers, who Mr. Beattie boasts, defend our right to protest, defended us by shooting down protestors, with the troublesome mistake of too many witnesses on Bloody Sunday.
The Ballymurphy Massacre families are entitled to put their sworn testimony to an inquest where, unlike Mr. Beattie, they need not fear the truth. Many victims' families have that right.
There is no mystery here. The British created and rubber-stamped monstrous injustices like Ballymurphy as a matter of policy. They hide behind the DUP, or empty words like 'imbalance' and 'pernicious counter-narratives'." Frankenstein justice" just means they fear seeing their lies being destroyed by the monster they created.
Doug Beattie believes crown force members, who committed murders should face murder charges. He believes in British justice, courts and judges. When British inquests and investigations threaten to uncover proof to charge British forces in British courts, Beattie shouts "Frankenstein justice" outside Belfast City Hall.
Mr. Beattie's reference may be truer than he thinks. Frankenstein, of course, was a fictional character, destroyed by the monster he himself created. The British created monstrous injustices to legalize murders over decades of conflict. If inquests, criminal trials and investigations fought for by victims' families go ahead, the truth about these monstrous injustices may destroy decades of lies at the heart of British rule.
How does an inquest into the Ballymurphy Massacre fit Beattie's "Frankenstein justice"? Along with Saoradh, the Ballymurphy Massacre families took to Belfast's streets on Good Friday, perhaps wondering why Beattie thinks their loved ones unworthy of a legal inquest.
Anyone who understands these families knows they have not campaigned for nearly 46 years, because of some farsighted political plot or Irish fondness for inquests.
These families contend that eleven of their loved ones, were murdered openly by British troops in August 1971.The dead including a Catholic priest and forty-five year old mother, were unarmed. Some shot as many as 14 times.
British Royal Military Police then declared British Paratroopers innocent and branded their innocent loved ones guilty. Eyewitnesses were not allowed to dispute the British account, nor ask why no British casualties were inflicted, or weapons recovered from so many dead IRA gunmen.
British military strategists, like Brigadier General Frank Kitson, were writing how:
Law should be used as just another weapon in the government's arsenal... little more than a propaganda cover for disposal of unwanted members of the public - (Low Intensity Operations)
Such policies required an undeclared immunity for troopers disposing permanently of unwanted members of the public. It worked so well in Ballymurphy that the British decided to do a replay five months later in Derry. There British troopers, who Mr. Beattie boasts, defend our right to protest, defended us by shooting down protestors, with the troublesome mistake of too many witnesses on Bloody Sunday.
The Ballymurphy Massacre families are entitled to put their sworn testimony to an inquest where, unlike Mr. Beattie, they need not fear the truth. Many victims' families have that right.
There is no mystery here. The British created and rubber-stamped monstrous injustices like Ballymurphy as a matter of policy. They hide behind the DUP, or empty words like 'imbalance' and 'pernicious counter-narratives'." Frankenstein justice" just means they fear seeing their lies being destroyed by the monster they created.
Right2Water TDs' Premature Victory Claim - We Were Sold A Pup
James Quigley
&
Enda Craig
writing in
Buncrana Together
slam Right2Water over premature and ill judged claims to victory.
Only a week later campaigners throughout the country were in disarray and in shock after finding out that the ‘victory’ that was announced was based on a ‘Confidential Draft Report’ and that a subsequent 'final report' was passed by 13 votes to 7 in the Oireachtas Water Committee on April 11th. (Details and differences between both reports can be found Here )
Right2Water Ireland and supporting political parties immediately turned on Fianna Fáil, accused them of a double-cross and quickly instigated a media onslaught against them. No doubt Fianna Fáil broke their manifesto promises to the Irish people by voting in favour of the ‘final report’. But was this not inevitable and expected?
Rather than follow the herd and take swipes at the obvious Fianna Fáil villain, we think it might be more productive to look at events surrounding the leaking of the ‘Confidential Draft Report’ and the subsequent premature calls of ‘victory’. An elephant in the room that is highly revealing but has been overlooked in the orchestrated stampede of incrimination.
Eoin Ó Broin, Sinn Fein “Our collective view is that the report which we are going to vote on later today is an enormous victory for the Right2Water campaign.”
Those in the wider 'Mass Water Campaign' are kept in limbo by leadership
Does Right2Water have a victory or not, that is the question? People can be forgiven if they can’t answer that because the confusion of whether we have a victory or not has not been cleared up. It could be that R2W and their supporting political parties are not sure themselves or it could be some kind of tactic or hidden agenda possibly to keep us in an state of anxiety.
In any case the masses are still being kept in limbo, in the dark, out in the cold, not privy to the finer details of the political processes. For the past year the movement have been mere spectators while the Right2Water TDs as Brendan Ogle says 'took the mantle and ran with it' .
Brendan Ogle Right2Water claims victory for the water movement in Ireland in a Youtube video entitled 'Pow Wow with Dean Scurry #2 - Brendan Ogle & Frankie Gaffney'. The video was published on April 14, 2017, 3 days after a final Oireachtas Report by the Oireachtas Committee on Domestic Water Funding
Cynical manipulation of the 'mass movement'
It is cynical how condescendingly praise is magnanimously bestowed on the 'mass water movement'. Of course, it is handy at times to occasionally dish out a little praise to keep the support of the hard grafting supporters who march up and down the roads. However, it seems to be the case not to dish out too many honest facts. The masses might then become aware of the agenda of the political parties and indeed the Right2Water leadership.
Like a chip of the old establishment block, the leaders know best, give the public as little info as possible and feed them plenty of bullshit.
This type of manipulation was clearly demonstrated on April 6th and it’s aftermath when the Right2Water TDs, strutted forth in what looked liked a prearranged show of unity and announced ‘victory’ to the nation on the plinth outside Leinster House. The long campaign was at an end they assured us and each in turn got a bit of the limelight. They were, of course, magnanimous in their praise of the ‘mass movement.
Right2Water TDs strutting forth in 'Resevoir Dogs' styleon April 6th to the awaiting media.
A surprising and incredible Right2Water claim turned on its head
We were surprised and maybe, like many, a little elated about the Right2Water TDs' claim of 'victory. Firstly, having followed the Oireachtas Committee proceedings as best we could, we knew that any decision hung in the balance even if Fianna Fáil voted with R2W and secondly, having got a copy of the report online the day before, our attention was drawn to a red water mark that stated ‘Confidential Draft Report’. We wondered how victory could be claimed on what was essentially a draft report.
The euphoria and surprise about victory was short lived. By Thursday evening only a few hours after the press release by Right2Water TD’s the mainstream media informed us that voting on a final report was postponed until the following Tuesday.
Frantically over the next couple of days the hard reality began to hit us. There was never any victory in the first place. How could there be since the only report circulating at the time was a ‘draft’ one and as it turned out not a final report. The mass movement were left hanging for over a week with neither a proper explanation as to why such a claim of victory was made in the first place and in public.
It is interesting to note here that having read the so called ‘draft report’ we had major reservations about even basing such a claim on it. You can read the differences between 'draft' and 'final' reports here . Also you can read our critical article on the final report here
criticism that can as easily be levied on the so called 'draft report'.
Also we were sure that in the unlikely event of a vote taken on this draft report, given the make up of the Oireachtas Committee and it’s previous voting pattern, it would not have been passed.
One of many questions sticks out a mile
Séamus Healy, Ind. Also in the picture are Joan Collins, Ind4Change, Mick Barry, Solidarity and out in force Sinn Féin.
Why did the Right2Water TDs do what they did and ‘collectively’ lie in front of the nation. A lie that has never been acknowledged, never mind explained by Right2Water or their supporting political parties, even two weeks later.
Our inquiries about why the press release was issued in the first place have got few responses other than a tirade of abuse leveled at Fianna Fáil and one possible constructive explanation from an inside source. However, after consideration the explanation is not credible, i.e. Right2Water TDs and those who planned the press release were trying to preempt Fianna Fáil taking credit for the 'victory'.
That explanation was an insult to our intelligence. It seemed too simplistic and incredible that all those highly intelligent Right2Water TDs would take part in such an elaborate hoax just to jump in ahead to claim a fictitious victory.
In the absence of an honest explanation we have come up a couple of other scenarios. Could the TDs be naïve in thinking that they had won a victory, when they knew that the report was only in a 'draft' stage?. Were they trying to drum up support for the R2W demonstration in Dublin two days later? Were they trying to put pressure on Fianna Fáil or the Committee to pass the draft report? We discounted all these scenarios. The last point about putting political pressure on Fianna Fáil or the Oireachtas Committee needs a little elaboration. Any Tom Dick and Jane would know to downplay their cards in any negotiation. So why boast of a victory especially giving the opposition a heads up in the negotiations alerting them of your perceived 'victory'.
Indeed none of these scenarios are believable, but to make a lie credible it is a good idea to base it on some truth and we find in this case when one considers we are dealing with political one-upmanship and political parties who are only interested in percentages and the next election, preempting Fianna Fáil and more importantly their subsequent vilification does indeed make sense. It now all about the next election and Sinn Féin in particular at all out to bump up their ratings and bring down their arch rival.
PS - Victory, nothing of the sort, we were sold a pup
It is our opinion that the 'mass water movement' does not have a victory and in fact never had one. Even in the unlikely event that the so called ‘Confidential Draft Report’ was passed, victory would have be a Pyrrhic one. Another simple bit of reasoning about whether we have a victory or not, would be that if we hadhow could Fianna Fáil be blamed for the defeat. Read our opinion about whether there was a victory or not here.
Only a week later campaigners throughout the country were in disarray and in shock after finding out that the ‘victory’ that was announced was based on a ‘Confidential Draft Report’ and that a subsequent 'final report' was passed by 13 votes to 7 in the Oireachtas Water Committee on April 11th. (Details and differences between both reports can be found Here )
Right2Water Ireland and supporting political parties immediately turned on Fianna Fáil, accused them of a double-cross and quickly instigated a media onslaught against them. No doubt Fianna Fáil broke their manifesto promises to the Irish people by voting in favour of the ‘final report’. But was this not inevitable and expected?
Rather than follow the herd and take swipes at the obvious Fianna Fáil villain, we think it might be more productive to look at events surrounding the leaking of the ‘Confidential Draft Report’ and the subsequent premature calls of ‘victory’. An elephant in the room that is highly revealing but has been overlooked in the orchestrated stampede of incrimination.
Eoin Ó Broin, Sinn Fein “Our collective view is that the report which we are going to vote on later today is an enormous victory for the Right2Water campaign.”
Those in the wider 'Mass Water Campaign' are kept in limbo by leadership
Does Right2Water have a victory or not, that is the question? People can be forgiven if they can’t answer that because the confusion of whether we have a victory or not has not been cleared up. It could be that R2W and their supporting political parties are not sure themselves or it could be some kind of tactic or hidden agenda possibly to keep us in an state of anxiety.
In any case the masses are still being kept in limbo, in the dark, out in the cold, not privy to the finer details of the political processes. For the past year the movement have been mere spectators while the Right2Water TDs as Brendan Ogle says 'took the mantle and ran with it' .
Brendan Ogle Right2Water claims victory for the water movement in Ireland in a Youtube video entitled 'Pow Wow with Dean Scurry #2 - Brendan Ogle & Frankie Gaffney'. The video was published on April 14, 2017, 3 days after a final Oireachtas Report by the Oireachtas Committee on Domestic Water Funding
Cynical manipulation of the 'mass movement'
It is cynical how condescendingly praise is magnanimously bestowed on the 'mass water movement'. Of course, it is handy at times to occasionally dish out a little praise to keep the support of the hard grafting supporters who march up and down the roads. However, it seems to be the case not to dish out too many honest facts. The masses might then become aware of the agenda of the political parties and indeed the Right2Water leadership.
Like a chip of the old establishment block, the leaders know best, give the public as little info as possible and feed them plenty of bullshit.
This type of manipulation was clearly demonstrated on April 6th and it’s aftermath when the Right2Water TDs, strutted forth in what looked liked a prearranged show of unity and announced ‘victory’ to the nation on the plinth outside Leinster House. The long campaign was at an end they assured us and each in turn got a bit of the limelight. They were, of course, magnanimous in their praise of the ‘mass movement.
Right2Water TDs strutting forth in 'Resevoir Dogs' styleon April 6th to the awaiting media.A surprising and incredible Right2Water claim turned on its head
We were surprised and maybe, like many, a little elated about the Right2Water TDs' claim of 'victory. Firstly, having followed the Oireachtas Committee proceedings as best we could, we knew that any decision hung in the balance even if Fianna Fáil voted with R2W and secondly, having got a copy of the report online the day before, our attention was drawn to a red water mark that stated ‘Confidential Draft Report’. We wondered how victory could be claimed on what was essentially a draft report.
The euphoria and surprise about victory was short lived. By Thursday evening only a few hours after the press release by Right2Water TD’s the mainstream media informed us that voting on a final report was postponed until the following Tuesday.
Frantically over the next couple of days the hard reality began to hit us. There was never any victory in the first place. How could there be since the only report circulating at the time was a ‘draft’ one and as it turned out not a final report. The mass movement were left hanging for over a week with neither a proper explanation as to why such a claim of victory was made in the first place and in public.
It is interesting to note here that having read the so called ‘draft report’ we had major reservations about even basing such a claim on it. You can read the differences between 'draft' and 'final' reports here . Also you can read our critical article on the final report here
criticism that can as easily be levied on the so called 'draft report'.
Also we were sure that in the unlikely event of a vote taken on this draft report, given the make up of the Oireachtas Committee and it’s previous voting pattern, it would not have been passed.
One of many questions sticks out a mile
Séamus Healy, Ind. Also in the picture are Joan Collins, Ind4Change, Mick Barry, Solidarity and out in force Sinn Féin.Why did the Right2Water TDs do what they did and ‘collectively’ lie in front of the nation. A lie that has never been acknowledged, never mind explained by Right2Water or their supporting political parties, even two weeks later.
Our inquiries about why the press release was issued in the first place have got few responses other than a tirade of abuse leveled at Fianna Fáil and one possible constructive explanation from an inside source. However, after consideration the explanation is not credible, i.e. Right2Water TDs and those who planned the press release were trying to preempt Fianna Fáil taking credit for the 'victory'.
That explanation was an insult to our intelligence. It seemed too simplistic and incredible that all those highly intelligent Right2Water TDs would take part in such an elaborate hoax just to jump in ahead to claim a fictitious victory.
In the absence of an honest explanation we have come up a couple of other scenarios. Could the TDs be naïve in thinking that they had won a victory, when they knew that the report was only in a 'draft' stage?. Were they trying to drum up support for the R2W demonstration in Dublin two days later? Were they trying to put pressure on Fianna Fáil or the Committee to pass the draft report? We discounted all these scenarios. The last point about putting political pressure on Fianna Fáil or the Oireachtas Committee needs a little elaboration. Any Tom Dick and Jane would know to downplay their cards in any negotiation. So why boast of a victory especially giving the opposition a heads up in the negotiations alerting them of your perceived 'victory'.
Indeed none of these scenarios are believable, but to make a lie credible it is a good idea to base it on some truth and we find in this case when one considers we are dealing with political one-upmanship and political parties who are only interested in percentages and the next election, preempting Fianna Fáil and more importantly their subsequent vilification does indeed make sense. It now all about the next election and Sinn Féin in particular at all out to bump up their ratings and bring down their arch rival.
PS - Victory, nothing of the sort, we were sold a pup
It is our opinion that the 'mass water movement' does not have a victory and in fact never had one. Even in the unlikely event that the so called ‘Confidential Draft Report’ was passed, victory would have be a Pyrrhic one. Another simple bit of reasoning about whether we have a victory or not, would be that if we hadhow could Fianna Fáil be blamed for the defeat. Read our opinion about whether there was a victory or not here.
May 1, 2017
Gabriel Mackle In Isolation In Maghaberry For A Further 28 Days
Republican Sinn Féin POW Department
raises the situation of
Gabriel Mackle
in Maghaberry Prison.
Gabriel’s father got a stroke four weeks ago and died last Sunday, April 23. Gabriel did not have a visit with his father in the hospital. Though he applied for a 48-hour compassionate parole, Gabriel was allowed parole for just eight hours to attend the funeral on the Tuesday. This was a callous act on the part of the prison regime. The physical change in him was dramatic and his family and friends were shocked to see his weight loss and his unhealthy pallor.
Gabriel has not been given his personal belongings, has no access to newspapers or books. His drinks are placed outside his cell door and he must knock on the door when he wants a drink. He has no access to kitchen facilities as he did in Roe House, so he has either to eat what is given him or starve, which would explain his weight loss. He has had no visits and is allowed only a five-minute phone calls to his wife. This is particularly hard on the children who had regular visits with their father: suddenly he is removed from visits. His yard time is one hour on his own during which he is verbally abused by other prisoners.
On April 28, the governor and a member of the Independent Monitoring Board (IMB) visited Gabriel with the intention of moving him to Bann House where the loyalist prisoners are held. Naturally Gabriel refused such a move. But that refusal is viewed by the prison regime as a refusal to obey an order, so once again Rule 32 was cited and he is on punishment for another 28 days, another full month in the CSU punishment block, and the cycle starts all over again.
A long battle for political status has been fought in the jails in the Occupied Six Counties. When political status was signed away in the Stormont Agreement in 1998, the POWs who were jailed had to begin that fight all over again and many were injured in the process. Roe House was set aside for Republicans when it was clear that POWs would never accept criminalization. And now when one group, by sheer volume of numbers, try to manipulate all POWs in Roe House, those who will not come under their control are criminalized.
Maghaberry prison tops the list in the three prisons in the Occupied Six Counties for the longest stays in the CSU, [1,813 in 2015]. In September 2015 it was reported that ‘prisoners were held in solitary confinement for months and even years in Maghaberry Prison -– despite a call from United Nations’ inspectors for a worldwide ban on more than 15 days. In 2014 at least ten prisoners were held in solitary confinement in Maghaberry for over 100 days each, with four prisoners held for over a year and in one case a prisoner was held for five years. The United Nations considers solitary confinement as the physical isolation of individuals who are in their cells for over 22 hours a day and it has called for a worldwide ban on durations of over 15 days.
Gabriel’s father got a stroke four weeks ago and died last Sunday, April 23. Gabriel did not have a visit with his father in the hospital. Though he applied for a 48-hour compassionate parole, Gabriel was allowed parole for just eight hours to attend the funeral on the Tuesday. This was a callous act on the part of the prison regime. The physical change in him was dramatic and his family and friends were shocked to see his weight loss and his unhealthy pallor.
Gabriel has not been given his personal belongings, has no access to newspapers or books. His drinks are placed outside his cell door and he must knock on the door when he wants a drink. He has no access to kitchen facilities as he did in Roe House, so he has either to eat what is given him or starve, which would explain his weight loss. He has had no visits and is allowed only a five-minute phone calls to his wife. This is particularly hard on the children who had regular visits with their father: suddenly he is removed from visits. His yard time is one hour on his own during which he is verbally abused by other prisoners.
On April 28, the governor and a member of the Independent Monitoring Board (IMB) visited Gabriel with the intention of moving him to Bann House where the loyalist prisoners are held. Naturally Gabriel refused such a move. But that refusal is viewed by the prison regime as a refusal to obey an order, so once again Rule 32 was cited and he is on punishment for another 28 days, another full month in the CSU punishment block, and the cycle starts all over again.
A long battle for political status has been fought in the jails in the Occupied Six Counties. When political status was signed away in the Stormont Agreement in 1998, the POWs who were jailed had to begin that fight all over again and many were injured in the process. Roe House was set aside for Republicans when it was clear that POWs would never accept criminalization. And now when one group, by sheer volume of numbers, try to manipulate all POWs in Roe House, those who will not come under their control are criminalized.
Maghaberry prison tops the list in the three prisons in the Occupied Six Counties for the longest stays in the CSU, [1,813 in 2015]. In September 2015 it was reported that ‘prisoners were held in solitary confinement for months and even years in Maghaberry Prison -– despite a call from United Nations’ inspectors for a worldwide ban on more than 15 days. In 2014 at least ten prisoners were held in solitary confinement in Maghaberry for over 100 days each, with four prisoners held for over a year and in one case a prisoner was held for five years. The United Nations considers solitary confinement as the physical isolation of individuals who are in their cells for over 22 hours a day and it has called for a worldwide ban on durations of over 15 days.
Proposals On Past Open Path To Truth
Writing in
EamonnMallie.com
Winston Irvine argues for a non-prosecutorial approach to the North's past conflict.
How we think about the future in Northern Ireland is inevitably informed by the past and the processes and mechanisms we develop to deal with the legacy of the Troubles.
This should not be about drawing a line under the past – it is both unfair and inappropriate that we should ask people to draw a line under their suffering and pain – but rather about drawing a clear line between the past and our present and future. This process is complex and convoluted and is one that a series of agreements – including the most recent Stormont House Agreement – have failed to come to terms with and there remains no clearly articulated and logical approach.
The recent report published by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee (Investigations into fatalities in Northern Ireland involving British military personnel) makes an important and valuable contribution to the argument.
A starting point is the assertion (noted in Select Defence Committee report) by Professor Kieran McEvoy and Dr Louise Mallinder (Truth, Amnesty and Prosecutions: Models For Dealing with the Past, 2013) that “the duty to investigate does not amount to a duty to prosecute.”
Here, they are distinguishing between the requirement for ‘independent’, ‘effective’ and ‘transparent’ investigations of incidents involving fatalities under Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights and the need to prosecute based on the outcome of any investigation. In other words it is possible to have a legally compliant investigation without prosecution. This is of significant importance in how we think about legacy and the past as it provides a context through which victims, survivors and their families have the best possible opportunity to retrieve information about what happened by allowing for thorough investigation without the fear of prosecution. In this way it provides a context through which we can begin to draw a clear line between the past and our present and future.
The Defence Committee report, which it should be noted had a focus on military personnel involved in the Troubles, recommends initially an “enactment of a statute of limitations,” covering all Troubles-related incidents, up to the signing of the 1998 Belfast Agreement, which involved members of the Armed Forces” (p. 17). However, it also states that a future government may also wish to consider “whether the statute of limitations should also cover all Troubles-related incidents” (p. 18), that is be extended to include all state and non-state actors. Such a statute of limitations provides a framework through which the fear of prosecution can be removed, allowing for thorough and transparent investigation.
It is inevitable and understandable that for many victims and survivors from all backgrounds, such a statute of limitations may be both difficult and unpalatable. However, it remains the best possible context through which legacy issues can be resolved.
It provides the space through which we can develop a comprehensive and bespoke approach to supporting victims, survivors and their families rather than one that is piecemeal and divisive. Too many complex, and sometimes contradictory institutions only serve to prolong suffering.
This approach should include properly resourced provisions so that all survivors and bereaved families can avail of the best possible services in terms of health and wellbeing, education and employment. It also paves the way for effective information and truth retrieval. Loved ones will have a much greater chance of finding out those details and answers they are desperate to hear. We all have a duty to ensure that the past is not a burden and liability for future generations who bear no responsibility for the conflict and should not continue to suffer from its consequences and legacy.
If we are to move forward together as a society, then a statute of limitations for state and non-state actors covering all conflict related cases offers the most effective way of providing information and truth for bereaved families and moving Northern Ireland toward a more stable, tolerant and peaceful future.
How we think about the future in Northern Ireland is inevitably informed by the past and the processes and mechanisms we develop to deal with the legacy of the Troubles.This should not be about drawing a line under the past – it is both unfair and inappropriate that we should ask people to draw a line under their suffering and pain – but rather about drawing a clear line between the past and our present and future. This process is complex and convoluted and is one that a series of agreements – including the most recent Stormont House Agreement – have failed to come to terms with and there remains no clearly articulated and logical approach.
The recent report published by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee (Investigations into fatalities in Northern Ireland involving British military personnel) makes an important and valuable contribution to the argument.
A starting point is the assertion (noted in Select Defence Committee report) by Professor Kieran McEvoy and Dr Louise Mallinder (Truth, Amnesty and Prosecutions: Models For Dealing with the Past, 2013) that “the duty to investigate does not amount to a duty to prosecute.”
Here, they are distinguishing between the requirement for ‘independent’, ‘effective’ and ‘transparent’ investigations of incidents involving fatalities under Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights and the need to prosecute based on the outcome of any investigation. In other words it is possible to have a legally compliant investigation without prosecution. This is of significant importance in how we think about legacy and the past as it provides a context through which victims, survivors and their families have the best possible opportunity to retrieve information about what happened by allowing for thorough investigation without the fear of prosecution. In this way it provides a context through which we can begin to draw a clear line between the past and our present and future.
The Defence Committee report, which it should be noted had a focus on military personnel involved in the Troubles, recommends initially an “enactment of a statute of limitations,” covering all Troubles-related incidents, up to the signing of the 1998 Belfast Agreement, which involved members of the Armed Forces” (p. 17). However, it also states that a future government may also wish to consider “whether the statute of limitations should also cover all Troubles-related incidents” (p. 18), that is be extended to include all state and non-state actors. Such a statute of limitations provides a framework through which the fear of prosecution can be removed, allowing for thorough and transparent investigation.
It is inevitable and understandable that for many victims and survivors from all backgrounds, such a statute of limitations may be both difficult and unpalatable. However, it remains the best possible context through which legacy issues can be resolved.It provides the space through which we can develop a comprehensive and bespoke approach to supporting victims, survivors and their families rather than one that is piecemeal and divisive. Too many complex, and sometimes contradictory institutions only serve to prolong suffering.
This approach should include properly resourced provisions so that all survivors and bereaved families can avail of the best possible services in terms of health and wellbeing, education and employment. It also paves the way for effective information and truth retrieval. Loved ones will have a much greater chance of finding out those details and answers they are desperate to hear. We all have a duty to ensure that the past is not a burden and liability for future generations who bear no responsibility for the conflict and should not continue to suffer from its consequences and legacy.
If we are to move forward together as a society, then a statute of limitations for state and non-state actors covering all conflict related cases offers the most effective way of providing information and truth for bereaved families and moving Northern Ireland toward a more stable, tolerant and peaceful future.
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