Anthony McIntyre's Blog, page 1163
February 5, 2018
A Class Privileged Society
Mick Hall feels strongly that:
As far as the British Home Office is concerned rules, regulation, and laws of the state are for us little people.
Anthony Bryan, who faced being deported to Jamaica despite not having been there since he was eight.
If you wish to see an example of what a class privileged society the UK has become, you need look no further than the letter below from Sheila Hale. She highlights the predicament of Anthony Bryan and others who have lived in the UK almost all their lives but now face deportation to a country they have not lived in for decades. By and large these people have overwhelmingly been working class, all the easier to be trashed by the Home Office as they are about as far from the ruling class elites as it is possible to be. Unbeknown to the Home Office gophers Mrs Hale was not.
Her letter highlights once again the rules, regulation, and laws of the British state are only for us little people.
---------------------------------------------------
In her letter Sheila Hale writes:
The Home Office’s treatment of Anthony Bryan (On notice to be deported after lifetime in Britain, 2 December) and many other vulnerable long-term residents in the UK is shameful, but it is not limited to the disadvantaged. I am white, middle class, and have lived in the UK for all of my adult life. I am privileged in every way apart from having been born in the US.
In 1996 I was granted a certificate of naturalisation on the grounds that I had been married to an Englishman for 30 years. And yet when I tried to renew my British passport in November 2016 I was refused on the grounds that the name on my American passport is Sheila Haynes Hale, while my expiring British passport has just Sheila Hale. I was told that to qualify for a renewed UK passport I must prove my identity with a recent utility bill or bank statement showing the name Sheila Haynes Hale. Since I had not used my full name in this country for many decades this proved impossible. The bank wouldn’t change my name without a utility bill and vice versa. I returned to the passport office with my certificate of naturalisation and my will, drawn up by a solicitor who had insisted that it should carry all three names. Again I was refused the renewal: it must be a utility bill or a bank statement. The certificate of naturalisation was apparently no longer valid.
On my third visit to the passport office I appended a note to the documentation saying that the reason I did not use a middle name in this country was that my husband had been knighted in 1984. Since it was his title, not mine, I could not, according to the custom of this country, be “Lady Haynes Hale”. I was on my way home when I received a text: “Dear Lady Hale, your passport will be sent by special delivery within the next few days.” It arrived the following morning.
Mick Hall blogs @ Organized Rage.
Follow Mick Hall on Twitter @organizedrage
As far as the British Home Office is concerned rules, regulation, and laws of the state are for us little people.
Anthony Bryan, who faced being deported to Jamaica despite not having been there since he was eight. If you wish to see an example of what a class privileged society the UK has become, you need look no further than the letter below from Sheila Hale. She highlights the predicament of Anthony Bryan and others who have lived in the UK almost all their lives but now face deportation to a country they have not lived in for decades. By and large these people have overwhelmingly been working class, all the easier to be trashed by the Home Office as they are about as far from the ruling class elites as it is possible to be. Unbeknown to the Home Office gophers Mrs Hale was not.
Her letter highlights once again the rules, regulation, and laws of the British state are only for us little people.
---------------------------------------------------
In her letter Sheila Hale writes:
The Home Office’s treatment of Anthony Bryan (On notice to be deported after lifetime in Britain, 2 December) and many other vulnerable long-term residents in the UK is shameful, but it is not limited to the disadvantaged. I am white, middle class, and have lived in the UK for all of my adult life. I am privileged in every way apart from having been born in the US.
In 1996 I was granted a certificate of naturalisation on the grounds that I had been married to an Englishman for 30 years. And yet when I tried to renew my British passport in November 2016 I was refused on the grounds that the name on my American passport is Sheila Haynes Hale, while my expiring British passport has just Sheila Hale. I was told that to qualify for a renewed UK passport I must prove my identity with a recent utility bill or bank statement showing the name Sheila Haynes Hale. Since I had not used my full name in this country for many decades this proved impossible. The bank wouldn’t change my name without a utility bill and vice versa. I returned to the passport office with my certificate of naturalisation and my will, drawn up by a solicitor who had insisted that it should carry all three names. Again I was refused the renewal: it must be a utility bill or a bank statement. The certificate of naturalisation was apparently no longer valid.
On my third visit to the passport office I appended a note to the documentation saying that the reason I did not use a middle name in this country was that my husband had been knighted in 1984. Since it was his title, not mine, I could not, according to the custom of this country, be “Lady Haynes Hale”. I was on my way home when I received a text: “Dear Lady Hale, your passport will be sent by special delivery within the next few days.” It arrived the following morning.
Mick Hall blogs @ Organized Rage.Follow Mick Hall on Twitter @organizedrage
Protestant Sinn Fein
Could there ever be a Protestant Sinn Fein? In his Fearless Flying Column today, controversial political commentator, Dr John Coulter, addresses the thorny issue if the so-called republican charm offensive to Unionism could ever result in a Protestant wing in Sinn Fein.
While Powell is best known for his warning on immigration during his time in the Conservative Party and the famous or infamous ‘rivers of blood’ speech, he is also accredited with branding the rival DUP ‘the Protestant Sinn Fein’.
While Powell’s ‘rivers of blood’ speech has been twisted by those who favour mass immigration to the United Kingdom, we could also twist his ‘Protestant Sinn Fein’ observation to ponder the reality of the republican movement’s supposedly new found warming to its Unionist brothers and sisters if incoming Sinn Fein President Mary Lou McDonald is to be believed.
Taken to its natural conclusion, could a day ever come in the future where we could see sizeable numbers of Protestants voting Sinn Fein, even to the point where there would even be a significant number of Protestants joining Sinn Fein – hence the phrase, ‘the Protestant Sinn Fein’.
The huge problem facing such a concept as ‘the Protestant Sinn Fein’ is the reality of the conflict when Sinn Fein acted as the apologist for the slaughter of Protestants by its military wing, the Provisional IRA, whether those Protestants were members of the British security forces, loyalist organisations, the Loyal Orders, or in the case of Kingsmill – simply Protestant workers coming home from a day’s work.
While Protestantism can boast, historically, a significant Irish nationalist tradition, and even some liberal Protestants – especially among the clergy – could be perceived as favouring a united Ireland, the modern membership of Sinn Fein is overwhelmingly from the Catholic tradition in Ireland.
Is Sinn Fein 2018 supposedly holding out the political hand of friendship to Unionism merely an electoral stunt to encourage more Southern voters to give the party a crack at government as a minority Dail partner?
After all, if the founder of both the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster and the DUP, the late Rev Ian Paisley, could form a ‘chuckle brothers’ partnership at Stormont with the IRA’s former second in command in Londonderry, the late Martin McGuinness, is it not also politically conceivable that a day might come when a large number of Irish Protestants – north and south – not only voted for Sinn Fein, but joined the party and changed it from within?
Look at how the DUP has changed since the turn of the new millennium when significant numbers of Ulster Unionists left the UUP and both voted and joined the DUP. DUP2018 is a far cry from the ‘Never, never, never’ DUP1985 party fronted by Ian Paisley senior.
Likewise, when Sinn Fein was founded in 1905 – ironically, the same year as the Ulster Unionist Council – that nationalist movement was not a full-blown republican party, but favoured the solution of Dominion Status for Ireland.
It was only really after the doomed 1916 Easter Rising and the insistence of British General ‘Bloody’ Maxwell to have the main Rising conspirators executed by firing squad that Sinn Fein jumped on the bandwagon of wanting a full-blown 32-county democratic socialist republic.
The essential problem – even if Unionists can clear the supposedly insurmountable hurdle of Sinn Fein’s past links to the IRA – is the mixed messages currently coming from Sinn Fein.
The key question many Protestants must pose is: “Will the real Sinn Fein please stand up!” That’s the key challenge to the republican movement from Unionism. We have on one hand, pussy footing platitudes from Upper Bann MLA John O’Dowd in Northern Ireland, and then on the other, historical eulogizing from Mary Lou McDonald at a commemoration to a dead IRA terrorist.
The clear impression coming from the rhetoric of Sinn Fein is that it is two parties in one movement, so which one should Unionists listen too?
If Sinn Fein is truly serious about wanting to work with Unionists, then it needs to stop the word play and cease sending its mixed messages.
But then again, maybe the mixed messages coming from the republican movement is clear evidence that the Gerry Adams ‘old guard’ has lost control and the supposed new leadership-elect now has yet another divided republican party on its hands.
Would Sinn Fein really want thousands of Protestants across the island joining its ranks? Would the best way to defeat Sinn Fein as a movement in Ireland be for thousands of liberal-minded Protestants to join Sinn Fein and change its policy of celebrating IRA terrorists from within?
Look, too, at how the Alliance Party has changed now that liberal Presbyterianism now rules the roost in that centrist movement. It was not an overnight sensation, but a gradual takeover.
Look at how liberalism has wrecked the once-mighty UUP. Look at how the ‘suck up to Sinn Fein’ policy of Hume destroyed the SDLP. Look at how a DUP deal with Sinn Fein spawned the Traditional Unionist Voice party.
Indeed, the influence of thousands of ex-UUP members now voting for and even joining the DUP has been to rebrand the party as a mirror image of the UUP movement once fronted by the late Jim Molyneaux.
Rumours abound on the Hill at Stormont about a looming Assembly poll on Thursday 3rd May. Liberal thinkers in both the UUP and SDLP fear such a May poll would only further polarize political thinking in Northern Ireland, returning even more DUP and Sinn Fein MLAs as the state reverts to a two-party system with both the UUP and SDLP reduced to political fringe status or total insignificance.
Before the original Stormont Parliament was axed in 1972, an almost similar system existed in Northern Ireland – Unionists had The Unionist Party; nationalists had The Nationalist Party, and from time to time, those on the Centre boosted the ranks of the old Northern Ireland Labour Party.
In 2018, Unionists have the DUP; nationalists have Sinn Fein, and the Centre has Alliance and the Greens. Ironically, the key to developing any realistic concept of a ‘Protestant Sinn Fein’ will be Brexit in March 2019, which will force Northern Unionists to have to think significantly on an all-island basis.
The Queen has laid a wreath at Dublin’s Garden of Remembrance to Ireland’s war dead who fought the British; Martin McGuinness shook hands with the Queen; Southern Irish politicians have taken part in Remembrance Sunday commemorations and other memorial events to mark the thousands of Irish men and women who served, fought and died for the British forces in two world wars and other conflicts.
Is the only way Sinn Fein can attract significant Protestant voters only by clearly distancing itself from IRA commemorations?
In 1986, Paisley senior was to the fore in the Ulster Says No campaign against the Anglo-Irish Agreement. Three decades later, he signed up to the St Andrews Agreement which heralded in the DUP/Sinn Fein power-sharing Executive at Stormont.
In 2018, Mary Lou McDonald urged closer ties with Unionist brothers and sisters – but will it be 2048 before we see a significant ‘Protestant Sinn Fein’ political movement? Never, never, never, I hear you yell – now, where have I heard that sentiment before?
John Coulter is a unionist political commentator and former Blanket columnist.
John Coulter is also author of ‘ An Sais Glas: (The Green Sash): The Road to National Republicanism’, which is available on Amazon Kindle.
Follow John Coulter on Twitter @JohnAHCoulter
While Powell is best known for his warning on immigration during his time in the Conservative Party and the famous or infamous ‘rivers of blood’ speech, he is also accredited with branding the rival DUP ‘the Protestant Sinn Fein’.
While Powell’s ‘rivers of blood’ speech has been twisted by those who favour mass immigration to the United Kingdom, we could also twist his ‘Protestant Sinn Fein’ observation to ponder the reality of the republican movement’s supposedly new found warming to its Unionist brothers and sisters if incoming Sinn Fein President Mary Lou McDonald is to be believed.
Taken to its natural conclusion, could a day ever come in the future where we could see sizeable numbers of Protestants voting Sinn Fein, even to the point where there would even be a significant number of Protestants joining Sinn Fein – hence the phrase, ‘the Protestant Sinn Fein’.
The huge problem facing such a concept as ‘the Protestant Sinn Fein’ is the reality of the conflict when Sinn Fein acted as the apologist for the slaughter of Protestants by its military wing, the Provisional IRA, whether those Protestants were members of the British security forces, loyalist organisations, the Loyal Orders, or in the case of Kingsmill – simply Protestant workers coming home from a day’s work.
While Protestantism can boast, historically, a significant Irish nationalist tradition, and even some liberal Protestants – especially among the clergy – could be perceived as favouring a united Ireland, the modern membership of Sinn Fein is overwhelmingly from the Catholic tradition in Ireland.
Is Sinn Fein 2018 supposedly holding out the political hand of friendship to Unionism merely an electoral stunt to encourage more Southern voters to give the party a crack at government as a minority Dail partner?
After all, if the founder of both the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster and the DUP, the late Rev Ian Paisley, could form a ‘chuckle brothers’ partnership at Stormont with the IRA’s former second in command in Londonderry, the late Martin McGuinness, is it not also politically conceivable that a day might come when a large number of Irish Protestants – north and south – not only voted for Sinn Fein, but joined the party and changed it from within?
Look at how the DUP has changed since the turn of the new millennium when significant numbers of Ulster Unionists left the UUP and both voted and joined the DUP. DUP2018 is a far cry from the ‘Never, never, never’ DUP1985 party fronted by Ian Paisley senior.
Likewise, when Sinn Fein was founded in 1905 – ironically, the same year as the Ulster Unionist Council – that nationalist movement was not a full-blown republican party, but favoured the solution of Dominion Status for Ireland.
It was only really after the doomed 1916 Easter Rising and the insistence of British General ‘Bloody’ Maxwell to have the main Rising conspirators executed by firing squad that Sinn Fein jumped on the bandwagon of wanting a full-blown 32-county democratic socialist republic.
The essential problem – even if Unionists can clear the supposedly insurmountable hurdle of Sinn Fein’s past links to the IRA – is the mixed messages currently coming from Sinn Fein.
The key question many Protestants must pose is: “Will the real Sinn Fein please stand up!” That’s the key challenge to the republican movement from Unionism. We have on one hand, pussy footing platitudes from Upper Bann MLA John O’Dowd in Northern Ireland, and then on the other, historical eulogizing from Mary Lou McDonald at a commemoration to a dead IRA terrorist.
The clear impression coming from the rhetoric of Sinn Fein is that it is two parties in one movement, so which one should Unionists listen too?
If Sinn Fein is truly serious about wanting to work with Unionists, then it needs to stop the word play and cease sending its mixed messages.
But then again, maybe the mixed messages coming from the republican movement is clear evidence that the Gerry Adams ‘old guard’ has lost control and the supposed new leadership-elect now has yet another divided republican party on its hands.
Would Sinn Fein really want thousands of Protestants across the island joining its ranks? Would the best way to defeat Sinn Fein as a movement in Ireland be for thousands of liberal-minded Protestants to join Sinn Fein and change its policy of celebrating IRA terrorists from within?
Look, too, at how the Alliance Party has changed now that liberal Presbyterianism now rules the roost in that centrist movement. It was not an overnight sensation, but a gradual takeover.
Look at how liberalism has wrecked the once-mighty UUP. Look at how the ‘suck up to Sinn Fein’ policy of Hume destroyed the SDLP. Look at how a DUP deal with Sinn Fein spawned the Traditional Unionist Voice party.
Indeed, the influence of thousands of ex-UUP members now voting for and even joining the DUP has been to rebrand the party as a mirror image of the UUP movement once fronted by the late Jim Molyneaux.
Rumours abound on the Hill at Stormont about a looming Assembly poll on Thursday 3rd May. Liberal thinkers in both the UUP and SDLP fear such a May poll would only further polarize political thinking in Northern Ireland, returning even more DUP and Sinn Fein MLAs as the state reverts to a two-party system with both the UUP and SDLP reduced to political fringe status or total insignificance.
Before the original Stormont Parliament was axed in 1972, an almost similar system existed in Northern Ireland – Unionists had The Unionist Party; nationalists had The Nationalist Party, and from time to time, those on the Centre boosted the ranks of the old Northern Ireland Labour Party.
In 2018, Unionists have the DUP; nationalists have Sinn Fein, and the Centre has Alliance and the Greens. Ironically, the key to developing any realistic concept of a ‘Protestant Sinn Fein’ will be Brexit in March 2019, which will force Northern Unionists to have to think significantly on an all-island basis.
The Queen has laid a wreath at Dublin’s Garden of Remembrance to Ireland’s war dead who fought the British; Martin McGuinness shook hands with the Queen; Southern Irish politicians have taken part in Remembrance Sunday commemorations and other memorial events to mark the thousands of Irish men and women who served, fought and died for the British forces in two world wars and other conflicts.
Is the only way Sinn Fein can attract significant Protestant voters only by clearly distancing itself from IRA commemorations?
In 1986, Paisley senior was to the fore in the Ulster Says No campaign against the Anglo-Irish Agreement. Three decades later, he signed up to the St Andrews Agreement which heralded in the DUP/Sinn Fein power-sharing Executive at Stormont.
In 2018, Mary Lou McDonald urged closer ties with Unionist brothers and sisters – but will it be 2048 before we see a significant ‘Protestant Sinn Fein’ political movement? Never, never, never, I hear you yell – now, where have I heard that sentiment before?
John Coulter is a unionist political commentator and former Blanket columnist. John Coulter is also author of ‘ An Sais Glas: (The Green Sash): The Road to National Republicanism’, which is available on Amazon Kindle.
Follow John Coulter on Twitter @JohnAHCoulter
February 4, 2018
A Whole Lotta Lying
“Why did you not join the IRA?” Gerry Adams (Full Interview) - BBC News
Praying for Atheist Republic
This is an interview from Atheist Republic that Armin Navabi gave to Scott Douglas Jacobsen concerning how Armin remember his mom, and how her courage and dedication affected Armin’s life.
Scott: You tweeted a picture of your mom and pinned it on your Twitter account. It has 12,000 retweets, 17,000 likes and became viral on Reddit now. What is her story?
Armin: My mom was nine years old when her mother died from breast cancer. Her father remarried and the new wife asked my mom’s dad to kick out the 6 kids, which he did. After that, they had to figure out ways to survive on their own, which made them tough kids. She and her siblings were close.
My mom was very smart. In school, she did well. She wanted to go to medical school, but she ended up being a nurse.
Before Islamic Revolution…
Before the revolution happened in Iran in 1979, she was one of the people who joined the protest against the Shah. One time, she got attacked by the soldier with a gun. He didn’t shoot her, but he did point a gun at her.
My dad courted her, but she was always playing hard to get. She was always in the library. Every time she opened her book, there would be roses or chocolates there. They kept on going out for a while and then stop going out for a while. However, my dad kept on trying to win her back.
In the beginning, the revolution against the Shah was for freedom and not for Islam. But it became more Islamic. It took a turn in the way people did not expect. After the revolution, many people who participated in the Islamic revolution were shot and killed by those who came into power.
Big Sign in the Hallway…
My mom was in the hospital working at the time when Khomeini was either coming down from the plane or he was giving a speech. I’m not sure exactly which one was it. Everybody surrounded the television and watched the huge historical moment. She said something to the effect of “we’re fucked.” That comment made people turn around and look at her. The next day when she came to the hospital. There was a big sign in the hallway. On top, it said, “The whores of the West,” and under it were names. Her own was on it.
Iran-Iraq War…
My dad became a surgeon during the Iran-Iraq war. They had this underground hospital where they kept on cutting arms and legs without anaesthesia of people who got shot. It was terrible.
One time, he wanted to treat some Iraqi soldiers. They asked him why he wanted to treat the enemies. My dad told everybody that if he was not allowed to treat them, he was going to leave. The doctors were really needed. My dad’s skills were in high demand, so they let him.
When he went to the cafeteria, he was shocked to see how many morality police were there. He asked them to leave and told them to have some respect for doctors. Suddenly, the soldiers started pointing guns at him. The other doctors surrounded my dad to create a barrier. That prevented the soldiers from firing since they were all doctors.
Someone came to my mom and said, “Jila! Jila! There’s this guy in the cafeteria and the soldiers try to shoot him, but the other doctors protected him!”
Her claim was that as soon as she heard that, she knew it was him. She ran to the cafeteria and that was when she realized that she loved him. As soon as she got there, it was all chaos. The soldiers, my dad right in the middle surrounded with doctors. My dad looked up and saw her. Then he said, “Hi, Jila!” She said, “Hi,” and ran away.
The Red Scarf…
Early after the revolution, the hijab was mandatory in Iran. My mother’s hijab was red, and she got arrested for it. It was a different time since it was not yet accepted to wear fashionable hijabs. As a punishment, she had to go to mandatory purifying lectures.
In the lecture, somebody was telling her, “My dear sister, why would you do this to our young men? They have sacrificed so much blood, so many lives for our revolution. They have died in war and you would tempt them with corruption like this?”
Her reply was, “No. You don’t understand. My hijab was red in honour of the blood that they have sacrificed for us.”
Necklace with Qur’anic Verses and Spells…
My mom was never Islamic or very religious. However, she did believe in god. In Iran, you can be a believer and pray to god and to the Imams when you need something, and don’t pray five times a day and don’t fast during Ramadan. You can be a believing Muslim who hates religious people.
She was very superstitious. She believed in witchcraft and wizardry. My mom would go and find these hidden wizards. She would pay them lots of money for the success of her sons. They would do spells and tell her the future. Once, she made me wear a necklace that has some Quranic scribblings on it. She put a stone in the chain. I still have it. She told me to have it with me during my exams. It was self-contradictory because these are Quranic verses. This is supposed to be a spell, but Islam is against casting spells.
Praying for Atheist Republic…
I myself went through a very religious phase. I took Islam very seriously. It was annoying to my parents. I tried to convert them. They didn’t pray. I was trying to get them to pray and to fast. They never went to mosque unless there was someone’s death or celebration. I didn’t want them to go to hell. They just wouldn’t listen to me.
When I became an atheist, it was a relief for them. In Iran, I started Atheist Republic. When I came to Canada, it started growing. Before I quit and started to focus on Atheist Republic, I had a very good job. I got the job that a lot of my classmates would have died for. I was working at a private equity firm as an analyst.
My mom was very supportive. You would think your mom would get angry because Mom and Dad had spent so much money on my education in order for me to get a good job. Now, I decided to work on activism.
She prayed to god that Atheist Republic would become successful. It was very ironic. I told her, “Mom, praying to god that my war against god would become successful doesn’t make sense.”
She said, “A mom has to do what a mom has to do.
Pigeon Experiment and Losing Faith…
She slowly started losing her faith. One thing that got to her was the superstitious pigeon experiment. Even pigeons can become superstitious by random things; the pigeons can be conditioned to develop superstitious behaviours in a belief that they will be fed.
She was like, “I’m like those pigeons.”
But then she said, “Maybe those pigeons feel good doing what they’re doing and getting a reward for it. Let me be superstitious. At least, I feel like I am helping you. Even when it’s not doing anything, it makes me feel good. Let me just have that.”
On her Deathbed…
I wish I called her more. I wish I talked to her more because she loved it when I talked to her. Some of my family members would get bored when I talked about religion and politics. But she would talk, listen and comment because she wanted to keep on talking to me.
When she got cancer, I think it was stage 3 pancreatic cancer. It advanced too much to do much about it. My dad wasn’t ready to let her go. They got her a VIP room at the hospital. Anything he said would happen.
I wanted to go to Iran, but they knew that I wouldn’t pass the airport. I would be jailed and on death row. My mom said, “Please don’t let my last memory of you be you in jail.”
So, I couldn’t go see her because of the book I wrote, “Why There Is No God”, and for founding Atheist Republic. If liking a post that offends Islam could get you in death row, imagine what making the largest platform for atheists around the world and writing a best-selling book on atheism could get you.
She told the doctors that she did not want to die without seeing her son. I feel partially responsible for this because I couldn’t go and see her. The doctors said that she couldn’t leave the hospital. But she said she didn’t care, she wants to see her son before she dies. She left the hospital and came to Vancouver.
Mom died shortly after because she wasn’t getting the care she was getting in Iran. When she got to Canada, she had to wait for a long time to see a doctor. That’s the bad part of the healthcare in Canada. The good part was they weren’t listening to my dad anymore but asking her what she wanted from them. She did not want chemotherapy. She said she’s done. My dad was trying to force her to do chemotherapy because he was not ready, but the doctors respected what she wanted for treatment.
I think it was like a month between the time that I was told my mom had cancer and the time that I lost her. Then I realized that I don’t have a mom anymore. I only had one month. She was happy that she was with everybody.
She was asking if I do think there’s nothing after this when she dies. I told her that’s what I think. She said it was good because she’s so tired. So, she didn’t believe in any of this anymore and was an atheist.
When I went to see her at the hospital, she had these headphones on and was listening to the Islamic prayer. It makes me sad, but makes me miss her more because she was so cute. She was like embarrassed and said, “Armin, I know this is all bullshit, but it’s really helping me. It really helps me with my pain.”
I was like, “Mom, why are you apologizing to me? You don’t need to be embarrassed. Just do whatever you want. Do whatever it takes for the pain.”
But it’s cute that she felt embarrassed to do something Islamic in front of me, which makes me sad that she felt like that.
Before her death, she told my dad that upon death she doesn’t want any Islamic ceremonies for her death. She didn’t want to get buried in Iran, but in Vancouver. In Iran, when a person dies, there is a ceremony held for that and another one 40 days after the death. She told my dad to make sure it does not happen. That no people come praying over her grave. There were a few attempts of this in Iran for her. However, my dad made sure he cancelled all the ceremonies because it was my mom’s wish that they have nothing like that.
A lot of people ask me, “Aren’t you sad that you’ll never see her again? Don’t you wish that there was a reunion or an afterlife that you’ll meet her one day? Isn’t that such a cold way of believing in the world?”
I would always say that even when you ignore the fact that we have to believe in things that are true, we have evidence rather than things that we like. You have to also understand that the afterlife doesn’t come with heaven only. The afterlife comes with hell. We were always told that most people will end up in hell. Based on what I was told in Islam, my mom would also be in hell and burning there right now. I might be very sad that I’m never seeing her again, but I am very much at peace knowing that she’s not been tortured by a sadistic god because she didn’t worship him enough.
Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Armin.
Follow Atheist Republic on Twitter @AtheistRepublic
Scott: You tweeted a picture of your mom and pinned it on your Twitter account. It has 12,000 retweets, 17,000 likes and became viral on Reddit now. What is her story?
Armin: My mom was nine years old when her mother died from breast cancer. Her father remarried and the new wife asked my mom’s dad to kick out the 6 kids, which he did. After that, they had to figure out ways to survive on their own, which made them tough kids. She and her siblings were close.
My mom was very smart. In school, she did well. She wanted to go to medical school, but she ended up being a nurse.
Before Islamic Revolution…
Before the revolution happened in Iran in 1979, she was one of the people who joined the protest against the Shah. One time, she got attacked by the soldier with a gun. He didn’t shoot her, but he did point a gun at her.
My dad courted her, but she was always playing hard to get. She was always in the library. Every time she opened her book, there would be roses or chocolates there. They kept on going out for a while and then stop going out for a while. However, my dad kept on trying to win her back.
In the beginning, the revolution against the Shah was for freedom and not for Islam. But it became more Islamic. It took a turn in the way people did not expect. After the revolution, many people who participated in the Islamic revolution were shot and killed by those who came into power.
Big Sign in the Hallway…
My mom was in the hospital working at the time when Khomeini was either coming down from the plane or he was giving a speech. I’m not sure exactly which one was it. Everybody surrounded the television and watched the huge historical moment. She said something to the effect of “we’re fucked.” That comment made people turn around and look at her. The next day when she came to the hospital. There was a big sign in the hallway. On top, it said, “The whores of the West,” and under it were names. Her own was on it.
Iran-Iraq War…
My dad became a surgeon during the Iran-Iraq war. They had this underground hospital where they kept on cutting arms and legs without anaesthesia of people who got shot. It was terrible.
One time, he wanted to treat some Iraqi soldiers. They asked him why he wanted to treat the enemies. My dad told everybody that if he was not allowed to treat them, he was going to leave. The doctors were really needed. My dad’s skills were in high demand, so they let him.
When he went to the cafeteria, he was shocked to see how many morality police were there. He asked them to leave and told them to have some respect for doctors. Suddenly, the soldiers started pointing guns at him. The other doctors surrounded my dad to create a barrier. That prevented the soldiers from firing since they were all doctors.
Someone came to my mom and said, “Jila! Jila! There’s this guy in the cafeteria and the soldiers try to shoot him, but the other doctors protected him!”
Her claim was that as soon as she heard that, she knew it was him. She ran to the cafeteria and that was when she realized that she loved him. As soon as she got there, it was all chaos. The soldiers, my dad right in the middle surrounded with doctors. My dad looked up and saw her. Then he said, “Hi, Jila!” She said, “Hi,” and ran away.
The Red Scarf…
Early after the revolution, the hijab was mandatory in Iran. My mother’s hijab was red, and she got arrested for it. It was a different time since it was not yet accepted to wear fashionable hijabs. As a punishment, she had to go to mandatory purifying lectures.
In the lecture, somebody was telling her, “My dear sister, why would you do this to our young men? They have sacrificed so much blood, so many lives for our revolution. They have died in war and you would tempt them with corruption like this?”
Her reply was, “No. You don’t understand. My hijab was red in honour of the blood that they have sacrificed for us.”
Necklace with Qur’anic Verses and Spells…
My mom was never Islamic or very religious. However, she did believe in god. In Iran, you can be a believer and pray to god and to the Imams when you need something, and don’t pray five times a day and don’t fast during Ramadan. You can be a believing Muslim who hates religious people.
She was very superstitious. She believed in witchcraft and wizardry. My mom would go and find these hidden wizards. She would pay them lots of money for the success of her sons. They would do spells and tell her the future. Once, she made me wear a necklace that has some Quranic scribblings on it. She put a stone in the chain. I still have it. She told me to have it with me during my exams. It was self-contradictory because these are Quranic verses. This is supposed to be a spell, but Islam is against casting spells.
Praying for Atheist Republic…
I myself went through a very religious phase. I took Islam very seriously. It was annoying to my parents. I tried to convert them. They didn’t pray. I was trying to get them to pray and to fast. They never went to mosque unless there was someone’s death or celebration. I didn’t want them to go to hell. They just wouldn’t listen to me.
When I became an atheist, it was a relief for them. In Iran, I started Atheist Republic. When I came to Canada, it started growing. Before I quit and started to focus on Atheist Republic, I had a very good job. I got the job that a lot of my classmates would have died for. I was working at a private equity firm as an analyst.
My mom was very supportive. You would think your mom would get angry because Mom and Dad had spent so much money on my education in order for me to get a good job. Now, I decided to work on activism.
She prayed to god that Atheist Republic would become successful. It was very ironic. I told her, “Mom, praying to god that my war against god would become successful doesn’t make sense.”
She said, “A mom has to do what a mom has to do.
Pigeon Experiment and Losing Faith…
She slowly started losing her faith. One thing that got to her was the superstitious pigeon experiment. Even pigeons can become superstitious by random things; the pigeons can be conditioned to develop superstitious behaviours in a belief that they will be fed.
She was like, “I’m like those pigeons.”
But then she said, “Maybe those pigeons feel good doing what they’re doing and getting a reward for it. Let me be superstitious. At least, I feel like I am helping you. Even when it’s not doing anything, it makes me feel good. Let me just have that.”
On her Deathbed…
I wish I called her more. I wish I talked to her more because she loved it when I talked to her. Some of my family members would get bored when I talked about religion and politics. But she would talk, listen and comment because she wanted to keep on talking to me.
When she got cancer, I think it was stage 3 pancreatic cancer. It advanced too much to do much about it. My dad wasn’t ready to let her go. They got her a VIP room at the hospital. Anything he said would happen.
I wanted to go to Iran, but they knew that I wouldn’t pass the airport. I would be jailed and on death row. My mom said, “Please don’t let my last memory of you be you in jail.”
So, I couldn’t go see her because of the book I wrote, “Why There Is No God”, and for founding Atheist Republic. If liking a post that offends Islam could get you in death row, imagine what making the largest platform for atheists around the world and writing a best-selling book on atheism could get you.
She told the doctors that she did not want to die without seeing her son. I feel partially responsible for this because I couldn’t go and see her. The doctors said that she couldn’t leave the hospital. But she said she didn’t care, she wants to see her son before she dies. She left the hospital and came to Vancouver.
Mom died shortly after because she wasn’t getting the care she was getting in Iran. When she got to Canada, she had to wait for a long time to see a doctor. That’s the bad part of the healthcare in Canada. The good part was they weren’t listening to my dad anymore but asking her what she wanted from them. She did not want chemotherapy. She said she’s done. My dad was trying to force her to do chemotherapy because he was not ready, but the doctors respected what she wanted for treatment.
I think it was like a month between the time that I was told my mom had cancer and the time that I lost her. Then I realized that I don’t have a mom anymore. I only had one month. She was happy that she was with everybody.
She was asking if I do think there’s nothing after this when she dies. I told her that’s what I think. She said it was good because she’s so tired. So, she didn’t believe in any of this anymore and was an atheist.
When I went to see her at the hospital, she had these headphones on and was listening to the Islamic prayer. It makes me sad, but makes me miss her more because she was so cute. She was like embarrassed and said, “Armin, I know this is all bullshit, but it’s really helping me. It really helps me with my pain.”
I was like, “Mom, why are you apologizing to me? You don’t need to be embarrassed. Just do whatever you want. Do whatever it takes for the pain.”
But it’s cute that she felt embarrassed to do something Islamic in front of me, which makes me sad that she felt like that.
Before her death, she told my dad that upon death she doesn’t want any Islamic ceremonies for her death. She didn’t want to get buried in Iran, but in Vancouver. In Iran, when a person dies, there is a ceremony held for that and another one 40 days after the death. She told my dad to make sure it does not happen. That no people come praying over her grave. There were a few attempts of this in Iran for her. However, my dad made sure he cancelled all the ceremonies because it was my mom’s wish that they have nothing like that.
A lot of people ask me, “Aren’t you sad that you’ll never see her again? Don’t you wish that there was a reunion or an afterlife that you’ll meet her one day? Isn’t that such a cold way of believing in the world?”
I would always say that even when you ignore the fact that we have to believe in things that are true, we have evidence rather than things that we like. You have to also understand that the afterlife doesn’t come with heaven only. The afterlife comes with hell. We were always told that most people will end up in hell. Based on what I was told in Islam, my mom would also be in hell and burning there right now. I might be very sad that I’m never seeing her again, but I am very much at peace knowing that she’s not been tortured by a sadistic god because she didn’t worship him enough.
Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Armin.
Follow Atheist Republic on Twitter @AtheistRepublic
February 3, 2018
Once All The Screaming And The Moaning Had stopped I Knew They Were Dead
Via The Transcripts Pat Kenny speaks to Alan Black via telephone from his home in Co. Armagh. Alan is the sole survivor of the Kingsmill Massacre.
Alan Black The Pat Kenny Show 11 January 2018 Newstalk
106-108FM
The Pat Kenny Show
11 January 2018
Where’s the audio? It’s not available for download. To listen as you read please click here.
Pat: Last week we spoke with Stephen Travers, a survivor of the Miami Showband Massacre. You’ll remember there were fresh allegations of British security forces being involved in the attack. It was yet another in the growing list of questions around collusion between security forces and paramilitary groups during The Troubles. Well another atrocity which has similar questions surrounding it is the Kingsmill Massacre. This time the perpetrators were not the UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) but the Provisional IRA and the shadow of collusion sits heavily over the memory of that awful event.
Kingsmill, as you know, has returned to the headlines this week in its own right after the Sinn Féin MP, Barry McElduff, posted a video on the anniversary of the attack showing him in a shop with a loaf of Kingsmill bread on his head. Now following that a former Sinn Féin Councillor, a Michael McIvor, has posted on Facebook: We tried to break bread with Unionists but they were not interested but here is a loaf they are interested in.
The atrocity of Kingsmill left a permanent mark on this island. On January the 5th in 1976 a group of armed men pulled over a minibus of workers returning home after their shift in a nearby textile factory. The workers were taken from the van, the solitary Catholic was told to run and the Protestant workers were shot – ten people were killed. And speaking to me now from his home is Alan Black, the sole survivor of that massacre. Alan, Good Morning.
AB: Good Morning, Pat.
Pat: Now, can you tell us first of all a bit about the factory where you and the others worked?
Alan Black: Shot 18 times and survived Photo: Belfast Telegraph
Alan: Yes. It was situated out in the countryside – just outside Glenanne. It was a mixed workforce which got on really well with each other, We, in the minibus, we all came from Bessbrook which was totally integrated. It was a Quaker village and we lived, even though it was mostly Catholic and Protestant, we mostly lived by the Quaker ethos of respect and tolerance which meant that Protestant and Catholic lived side-by-side, next door to each other, we played together, we worked together, we went to dances together. Bessbrook was totally integrated.
Pat: Now, so therefore, you had Catholic friends and there was no issue at all – religion wasn’t anything that came between members of the community. So, do you remember what the chatter was like on the minibus as you made your way home?
Alan: Well, it was very subdued, Pat, because the night before the three Reavey Brothers were shot, three Catholic lads, and the minibus would have passed by their door. And the O’Dowd’s, further down the county, they were shot just the day before, twenty-four hours earlier, and so it was very subdued round the factory that day.
Pat: Because everyone was grieving for this family?
Alan: That’s right, yeah.
Pat: Now, the minibus then approached a checkpoint, having discharged some of the people on board.
Alan: That’s right. We went through Whitecross, there was probably seventeen on board and by the time that we came across the checkpoint there was eleven; there was ten Protestants and one Catholic – there was eleven Protestants and one Catholic – sorry.
Pat: Did anything appear amiss about the checkpoint?
Alan: Absolutely nothing. It was what we would have expected, because of what happened the night before to the Reavey Brothers, we would have expected to come across a checkpoint.
Pat: When you saw the checkpoint and the minibus stopped at what point did it become apparent this was not a regular checkpoint?
Alan: Well, what happened was there’s Bob Walker, who was driving the minibus, he rolled down his window and reached for his driving licence to show it like identification. But this guy at the window wasn’t interested in his driving licence. He just seemed very cross and very agitated and just: Everybody out! Everybody out! And he spoke with an English accent so we naturally took it: It was the British Army. It was only when we got out – and this same guy, there was only one fella that ever spoke, this same fella, he made us put our hands on top of the minibus, and we thought we were going to be searched but then he asked who the Catholic was – now, there was only one Catholic on board the bus at that time and that was Richard Hughes, and thought it very, very strange – the British Army didn’t normally ask that question – but he kept shouting: Who’s the Catholic? And Richard told me afterwards that (Kingsmill victims) Reggie and Walter Chapman – they had put their hands on top of his, where his was on the minibus, to hold him in – not to say anything because – well, we all started to get a bit uneasy.
Pat: Yeah…
Alan: …But they knew who he was.
Pat: So the impression was that they were looking for – these were ne’er-do-wells, these were people who were going to do you harm but they were looking for the Catholic to do him harm…
Alan: …That’s right…
Pat: …And the lads were trying to protect him saying: Don’t! Don’t identify yourself.
Alan: That’s right. That’s exactly right. But then, they obviously knew who Richard was, so one of the gunmen came forward and grabbed him by the shoulder and told him to run down the road and he said: Which direction? And this gunman said: Just run down the f’ing road. And Richard started to run down towards the Bessbrook side of the minibus and the gunman – he ran after him and we didn’t – we didn’t really know what was happening we were sort of in shock. But then, the same gunman, the only gunman that ever spoke, he said: Close up! So that’s, in the gap that Richard had left, so we closed up but we started to get very uneasy but then he just said: Right!
And the sound of the gunfire was, it was – I’ll never, ever forget it. It was deafening. And we were all hit multiple times. (I don’t know how many times I was hit at that stage.) But there was fellows still living and I was still alive and there was other people – they were moaning in pain, groaning. My nineteen year old apprentice had fallen across my legs and he was calling for his mammy: Mammy! Mammy! Mammy! And the next thing I see these boots, tips of the rifle and they blew his face away. And that has lived with me all these years and probably will until the day I die. I’ll never, ever forget him calling for his mammy and getting his face blown away. Then, the next thing the gunman said was: Finish them off. And I thought: Oh, my God!
So the gunfire became more – oh! it was singular rather than salvos of gunfire – and I lay as quietly as I could. I was determined not to flinch and they just went methodically went round shooting everybody and it was my turn then and they shot at me. Now, they hit me in the head but the bullet didn’t penetrate my skull and I didn’t flinch; I didn’t move. When then they kind of walked away then – not rushed away, not marched away – just casually walked away. And I could smell the gun smoke, I could smell blood and I could smell death – I didn’t know you could ever smell death – but you can.
Pat: So you lay there after they had departed – you couldn’t move anyway, you were hit multiple times – how long before any help arrived and how long before you knew that nobody had survived?
Alan: Well, I never lost consciousness so I knew once all the screaming and the moaning had stopped I knew they were dead.
The victims of the Kingsmill massacre (clockwise from top left): Robert Chambers; John Bryans; Joseph Lemmon; James McWhirter; Robert Freeburn; Robert Walker; Reginald Chapman; Kenneth Worton; John McConville and Walter Chapman. Photo: Belfast Telegraph
And I could see blood spurting out of my chest and I was trying to get my fingers into the, to stop the blood from spurting out. And the next thing was this man, he was in shock, he’s a fellow called Gerry McKeown (I since found that out) and he was in an awful state – you could hear it in his voice – and he was walking round the boys praying – he had been on his way out to Whitecross and had come up on the scene – and he was praying and I thought: Please come to me! Please come to me! But I couldn’t speak at that stage so I moaned to let him know that I was still alive and he came round to me and the next thing his wife appeared – his wife, they had parked down at the bottom of a small hill leading up to the ambush point – and his wife came up and they put me in the recovery position and they stayed with me until the ambulance came. I’ll never forget his kindness.
Pat: When you ended up in the hospital there was a Catholic priest there.
Alan: That’s right. And I’ll never forget his humanity as well because he came across – when they took me out of the ambulance to put me on a trolley to take me into the theatre and they were cutting the clothes off me and he came over and he said to me: Are you a Catholic? And I was just glad to see a man of the cloth there – I didn’t care who he was or what he was and I said: No, Father, I’m not but don’t leave me. And he didn’t. And as they wheeled me to the theatre, the last thing I remember before I was put under the anaesthetic, was him walking along, holding my hand and praying. I’ve met him since then, quite a few times – we became quite friendly – and Father Devlin, Henry Devlin – I’ll never forget his humanity.
Pat: What you said at the very beginning, Alan, about the nature of the community in Bessbrook and how everyone got on with everybody else…
Alan: …Yes.
Pat: And yet, at the time and subsequently, there were rumours that what had happened to you and to your colleagues was as a revenge for the tragedy of the Reavey Family and you know…
Alan: …Well, what we’ve found out and just pretty recently found out – it wasn’t a knee-jerk reaction. They had this planned but they were just looking for an excuse to put it into operation and this was their excuse for doing it. But I got very friendly with Mr. and Mrs. Reavey, Sadie Reavey, and it’s the last thing they wanted – she said it added to their grief. And I’ll never forget her kindness either because I was really, really bad. I was shot to pieces. I was on all sorts of prescription drugs and I couldn’t get my head round what had happened. I just couldn’t get my head round it. And I would go up to the primary school to collect my two boys from school, they were primary school age, and I’d meet all the widows, I’d meet all the orphans and it was heartbreaking. Really, really heartbreaking!
And I just couldn’t take it anymore and I said to my wife: Look, let’s go off somewhere to get my head sorted. I can’t hack this at all. So we went to Scotland and it probably did a good job with me, getting away from it all, but the pull of home was too strong and after two years we came back and we sort of settled into a routine but this is something, Pat, that has lived with me all my life and it’s still living with me. And the events of this past few days has made it a hundred times worse. To hear a man mocking their deaths – what I seen that night on the road and Robert Chamber, the apprentice, calling for his mammy and getting shot and then to see a man mocking their deaths, actually nearly celebrating their deaths – that was awful hard to take.
Pat: And this Sinn Féin MP, Barry McElduff, who did this thing, who made that video and posted it using the Kingsmill loaf of bread on his head…
Alan: …Yes.
Pat: …he was suspended for three months from party activities by Sinn Féin. What do you think of that particular decision by that party?
Alan: Well, it’s not for me to tell Sinn Féin what to do but I know by talking to people when I’m walking out up the street there’s working fellas – they say: I wish somebody would give me three months holiday with pay – so that’s the attitude that round here that people have but like I say, I keep well-away from politics because I’m not political in any way. I don’t – I just have no faith in the politics in this country.
Pat: And there was a political moment when the Reverend Ian Paisley falsely accused Eugene Reavey, who had lost his three brothers in an attack by the UVF…
Alan: …Yes, I remember that.
Pat: I mean, he accused him of being involved in the Kingsmill massacre and I mean, you were deeply offended by that contention.
Alan: Of course I was! And right-minded person would have been offended by it. This is one of the reasons why I don’t take any part in politics – well it’s not just the only reasons, there’s quite a few of them – but the thing I keep having to remind myself is: These bigots, they are in a very tiny minority in this country and I just steer clear of all bigots and I steer clear of politics. So my way of dealing with bigots is not to face them, not to attack them, not to do anything – it’s just to steer clear of them.
Pat: Now, the upshot of all of this was that the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) said that the IRA had perpetrated the outrage. There doesn’t seem to be any doubt, given the forensics on the weapons, that this was so.
Alan: That’s right. You see, the thing that bothers me – and all this is coming out slowly at the inquest – Gerry McKeown, who was first at the scene with his wife, was never spoken to by the police. An off-duty policeman, a man that came along, he was never spoken to by the police – never gave a statement. There was a local farmer and his wife had come up, they had lived about two hundred yards from where the ambush happened, they came up with blankets and all but it has come out at the inquest they went round collecting the empty shells – now, they were never spoken to by the police. The minibus driver was never spoken to by the police.
Pat: And what about you? I mean, were you interviewed by the police in connection with it?
Alan: Yes, they came into the hospital and they wanted to take a statement and I was giving them a statement but the doctor was, the hospital doctor, was horrified and he tried to chase them but I was convinced I was going to die and no one would know what happened so I wanted to give the statement. And I did. And that statement was read out in the Coroner’s Court and that was taken forty-two years ago and do you know: Everything that I remember was in that statement and I could make the same statement at any time during the past forty-two years because every bit of it was as I remember it.
Pat: Now, the presence of this English accent in the attack…
Alan: …Yes.
Pat: What’s the theory about that English accent because, certainly, the IRA would not have been known for having people with English accents in their membership.
Alan: Well, that’s true. That’s true. No, it was – that (inaudible) was they had a suspect number for him. He was an ex-Para that joined the Provos and he was based in Dundalk. He has since died and is buried in Dundalk. He died of cancer. So we do know that he served with the Paras and then went rogue and started running, he was based in Dundalk. So we do know who he was.
Pat: Why do you think that the investigation wasn’t as rigourous as it should have been at the time?
Alan: Well, it’s a very, very strange thing: Because of all the murders with the Reavey Brothers and the O’Dowds and now Kingsmill there was a team of ten detectives sent up from Belfast to help out. They were sent home. There was two detectives working all them cases but the ten detectives were sent home and there was no will to go after them. Now, my reasoning is: They were told not to go after anyone to protect someone – to protect an informer. And that was reinforced at the inquest by learning that there was two On-the-Run letters given to the gunmen at Kingsmill – so that reinforces my belief that they had an informer, maybe even in the gun gang, and this is why they didn’t go after anyone. There was one suspect in, I think, I just forget the exact date, but he was on a wanted list and he was stopped at Heathrow, he was carrying on to America, he was connecting up at Heathrow and he was stopped and held. And he was let go. He was let go to continue his journey. So it all fits in with – it’s dirty! It’s a dirty game played by dirty people. And I don’t know if we’ll ever get to the bottom of it.
Pat: Now, the inquest has adjourned since Christmas – I mean, it’s a helluva long time to wait for some sort of resolution. Is there any documentation? We’ve seen in recent days, of course, information that has come to light about the UVF and an invitation by MI5, allegedly, to kill Charlie Haughey and so on, information coming out, do you think there is information there that will inform the inquest in some way and that more might be known, ultimately?
Alan: There’s so many things, Pat, yes – there’s a lot of information but the authorities are very, very loathe to hand it over. They just don’t want to hand anything over. Like I, we had a – John McConville’s (Kingsmill victim) sisters, three sisters, Karen, Tanya and Mandy, came to me in I think it was 2012 or 13 and asked me would I help them in getting the inquest open. So I said I would and I made a statement to their solicitor and then Karen Armstrong took it to the Attorney General and there was a bit of correspondence between them two and then the Attorney General ordered the inquest to be re-opened. But from that day on, the inquest was ordered to be re-opened in 2013, it’s just been obstacle after obstacle after obstacle put in our way. And we sought a meeting with a very senior policeman and he was lawyered-up – he had a QC, junior barrister and three solicitors. And every time – Karen, Tanya and Mandy are very intelligent girls and they were asking genuine questions – but he couldn’t answer at any because the QC said: You can’t answer that. You can’t answer that. And I thought to myself: What are we doing in here? So I said: Is all this done to protect an informer? And I said: And was he in the gun gang? I just put it bluntly to him. And he got very, very upset with me and he said: Do you think we would do that? And he got all indignant. And I said: Didn’t you have Stakeknife running about and murdered fifty people! So what’s ten more to you?! And then they called a halt to the meeting. So they don’t like the truth being thrown at them.
Pat: Even forty years on – even forty years on! Alan, you’re living still in Bessbrook today?
Alan: Yes, I am.
Pat: And how would you characterise Bessbrook today? I mean, obviously one of the ambitions of the people who perpetrate this kind of crime is to poison the atmosphere to make sure that communities don’t get on with each other.
Alan: Well, that’s one thing that they haven’t succeeded in. Bessbrook is still a mixed village where people get on. And I’m delighted – I’m proud to be from Bessbrook because of that – people didn’t let it poison them. So they failed in that respect.
Pat: Well, Alan, thank you very much for talking to me this morning. Alan, of course, the sole survivor of the Kingsmill Massacre – really appreciate you giving us your time.
Alan: You’re welcome. You’re welcome.
The Transcripts, Of Interest to the Irish Republican Community.
You can follow The Transcripts on Twitter @RFETranscripts
Alan Black The Pat Kenny Show 11 January 2018 Newstalk
106-108FM
The Pat Kenny Show
11 January 2018
Where’s the audio? It’s not available for download. To listen as you read please click here.
Pat: Last week we spoke with Stephen Travers, a survivor of the Miami Showband Massacre. You’ll remember there were fresh allegations of British security forces being involved in the attack. It was yet another in the growing list of questions around collusion between security forces and paramilitary groups during The Troubles. Well another atrocity which has similar questions surrounding it is the Kingsmill Massacre. This time the perpetrators were not the UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) but the Provisional IRA and the shadow of collusion sits heavily over the memory of that awful event.
Kingsmill, as you know, has returned to the headlines this week in its own right after the Sinn Féin MP, Barry McElduff, posted a video on the anniversary of the attack showing him in a shop with a loaf of Kingsmill bread on his head. Now following that a former Sinn Féin Councillor, a Michael McIvor, has posted on Facebook: We tried to break bread with Unionists but they were not interested but here is a loaf they are interested in.
The atrocity of Kingsmill left a permanent mark on this island. On January the 5th in 1976 a group of armed men pulled over a minibus of workers returning home after their shift in a nearby textile factory. The workers were taken from the van, the solitary Catholic was told to run and the Protestant workers were shot – ten people were killed. And speaking to me now from his home is Alan Black, the sole survivor of that massacre. Alan, Good Morning.
AB: Good Morning, Pat.
Pat: Now, can you tell us first of all a bit about the factory where you and the others worked?
Alan Black: Shot 18 times and survived Photo: Belfast Telegraph Alan: Yes. It was situated out in the countryside – just outside Glenanne. It was a mixed workforce which got on really well with each other, We, in the minibus, we all came from Bessbrook which was totally integrated. It was a Quaker village and we lived, even though it was mostly Catholic and Protestant, we mostly lived by the Quaker ethos of respect and tolerance which meant that Protestant and Catholic lived side-by-side, next door to each other, we played together, we worked together, we went to dances together. Bessbrook was totally integrated.
Pat: Now, so therefore, you had Catholic friends and there was no issue at all – religion wasn’t anything that came between members of the community. So, do you remember what the chatter was like on the minibus as you made your way home?
Alan: Well, it was very subdued, Pat, because the night before the three Reavey Brothers were shot, three Catholic lads, and the minibus would have passed by their door. And the O’Dowd’s, further down the county, they were shot just the day before, twenty-four hours earlier, and so it was very subdued round the factory that day.
Pat: Because everyone was grieving for this family?
Alan: That’s right, yeah.
Pat: Now, the minibus then approached a checkpoint, having discharged some of the people on board.
Alan: That’s right. We went through Whitecross, there was probably seventeen on board and by the time that we came across the checkpoint there was eleven; there was ten Protestants and one Catholic – there was eleven Protestants and one Catholic – sorry.
Pat: Did anything appear amiss about the checkpoint?
Alan: Absolutely nothing. It was what we would have expected, because of what happened the night before to the Reavey Brothers, we would have expected to come across a checkpoint.
Pat: When you saw the checkpoint and the minibus stopped at what point did it become apparent this was not a regular checkpoint?
Alan: Well, what happened was there’s Bob Walker, who was driving the minibus, he rolled down his window and reached for his driving licence to show it like identification. But this guy at the window wasn’t interested in his driving licence. He just seemed very cross and very agitated and just: Everybody out! Everybody out! And he spoke with an English accent so we naturally took it: It was the British Army. It was only when we got out – and this same guy, there was only one fella that ever spoke, this same fella, he made us put our hands on top of the minibus, and we thought we were going to be searched but then he asked who the Catholic was – now, there was only one Catholic on board the bus at that time and that was Richard Hughes, and thought it very, very strange – the British Army didn’t normally ask that question – but he kept shouting: Who’s the Catholic? And Richard told me afterwards that (Kingsmill victims) Reggie and Walter Chapman – they had put their hands on top of his, where his was on the minibus, to hold him in – not to say anything because – well, we all started to get a bit uneasy.
Pat: Yeah…
Alan: …But they knew who he was.
Pat: So the impression was that they were looking for – these were ne’er-do-wells, these were people who were going to do you harm but they were looking for the Catholic to do him harm…
Alan: …That’s right…
Pat: …And the lads were trying to protect him saying: Don’t! Don’t identify yourself.
Alan: That’s right. That’s exactly right. But then, they obviously knew who Richard was, so one of the gunmen came forward and grabbed him by the shoulder and told him to run down the road and he said: Which direction? And this gunman said: Just run down the f’ing road. And Richard started to run down towards the Bessbrook side of the minibus and the gunman – he ran after him and we didn’t – we didn’t really know what was happening we were sort of in shock. But then, the same gunman, the only gunman that ever spoke, he said: Close up! So that’s, in the gap that Richard had left, so we closed up but we started to get very uneasy but then he just said: Right!
And the sound of the gunfire was, it was – I’ll never, ever forget it. It was deafening. And we were all hit multiple times. (I don’t know how many times I was hit at that stage.) But there was fellows still living and I was still alive and there was other people – they were moaning in pain, groaning. My nineteen year old apprentice had fallen across my legs and he was calling for his mammy: Mammy! Mammy! Mammy! And the next thing I see these boots, tips of the rifle and they blew his face away. And that has lived with me all these years and probably will until the day I die. I’ll never, ever forget him calling for his mammy and getting his face blown away. Then, the next thing the gunman said was: Finish them off. And I thought: Oh, my God!
So the gunfire became more – oh! it was singular rather than salvos of gunfire – and I lay as quietly as I could. I was determined not to flinch and they just went methodically went round shooting everybody and it was my turn then and they shot at me. Now, they hit me in the head but the bullet didn’t penetrate my skull and I didn’t flinch; I didn’t move. When then they kind of walked away then – not rushed away, not marched away – just casually walked away. And I could smell the gun smoke, I could smell blood and I could smell death – I didn’t know you could ever smell death – but you can.
Pat: So you lay there after they had departed – you couldn’t move anyway, you were hit multiple times – how long before any help arrived and how long before you knew that nobody had survived?
Alan: Well, I never lost consciousness so I knew once all the screaming and the moaning had stopped I knew they were dead.
The victims of the Kingsmill massacre (clockwise from top left): Robert Chambers; John Bryans; Joseph Lemmon; James McWhirter; Robert Freeburn; Robert Walker; Reginald Chapman; Kenneth Worton; John McConville and Walter Chapman. Photo: Belfast Telegraph
And I could see blood spurting out of my chest and I was trying to get my fingers into the, to stop the blood from spurting out. And the next thing was this man, he was in shock, he’s a fellow called Gerry McKeown (I since found that out) and he was in an awful state – you could hear it in his voice – and he was walking round the boys praying – he had been on his way out to Whitecross and had come up on the scene – and he was praying and I thought: Please come to me! Please come to me! But I couldn’t speak at that stage so I moaned to let him know that I was still alive and he came round to me and the next thing his wife appeared – his wife, they had parked down at the bottom of a small hill leading up to the ambush point – and his wife came up and they put me in the recovery position and they stayed with me until the ambulance came. I’ll never forget his kindness.
Pat: When you ended up in the hospital there was a Catholic priest there.
Alan: That’s right. And I’ll never forget his humanity as well because he came across – when they took me out of the ambulance to put me on a trolley to take me into the theatre and they were cutting the clothes off me and he came over and he said to me: Are you a Catholic? And I was just glad to see a man of the cloth there – I didn’t care who he was or what he was and I said: No, Father, I’m not but don’t leave me. And he didn’t. And as they wheeled me to the theatre, the last thing I remember before I was put under the anaesthetic, was him walking along, holding my hand and praying. I’ve met him since then, quite a few times – we became quite friendly – and Father Devlin, Henry Devlin – I’ll never forget his humanity.
Pat: What you said at the very beginning, Alan, about the nature of the community in Bessbrook and how everyone got on with everybody else…
Alan: …Yes.
Pat: And yet, at the time and subsequently, there were rumours that what had happened to you and to your colleagues was as a revenge for the tragedy of the Reavey Family and you know…
Alan: …Well, what we’ve found out and just pretty recently found out – it wasn’t a knee-jerk reaction. They had this planned but they were just looking for an excuse to put it into operation and this was their excuse for doing it. But I got very friendly with Mr. and Mrs. Reavey, Sadie Reavey, and it’s the last thing they wanted – she said it added to their grief. And I’ll never forget her kindness either because I was really, really bad. I was shot to pieces. I was on all sorts of prescription drugs and I couldn’t get my head round what had happened. I just couldn’t get my head round it. And I would go up to the primary school to collect my two boys from school, they were primary school age, and I’d meet all the widows, I’d meet all the orphans and it was heartbreaking. Really, really heartbreaking!
And I just couldn’t take it anymore and I said to my wife: Look, let’s go off somewhere to get my head sorted. I can’t hack this at all. So we went to Scotland and it probably did a good job with me, getting away from it all, but the pull of home was too strong and after two years we came back and we sort of settled into a routine but this is something, Pat, that has lived with me all my life and it’s still living with me. And the events of this past few days has made it a hundred times worse. To hear a man mocking their deaths – what I seen that night on the road and Robert Chamber, the apprentice, calling for his mammy and getting shot and then to see a man mocking their deaths, actually nearly celebrating their deaths – that was awful hard to take.
Pat: And this Sinn Féin MP, Barry McElduff, who did this thing, who made that video and posted it using the Kingsmill loaf of bread on his head…
Alan: …Yes.
Pat: …he was suspended for three months from party activities by Sinn Féin. What do you think of that particular decision by that party?
Alan: Well, it’s not for me to tell Sinn Féin what to do but I know by talking to people when I’m walking out up the street there’s working fellas – they say: I wish somebody would give me three months holiday with pay – so that’s the attitude that round here that people have but like I say, I keep well-away from politics because I’m not political in any way. I don’t – I just have no faith in the politics in this country.
Pat: And there was a political moment when the Reverend Ian Paisley falsely accused Eugene Reavey, who had lost his three brothers in an attack by the UVF…
Alan: …Yes, I remember that.
Pat: I mean, he accused him of being involved in the Kingsmill massacre and I mean, you were deeply offended by that contention.
Alan: Of course I was! And right-minded person would have been offended by it. This is one of the reasons why I don’t take any part in politics – well it’s not just the only reasons, there’s quite a few of them – but the thing I keep having to remind myself is: These bigots, they are in a very tiny minority in this country and I just steer clear of all bigots and I steer clear of politics. So my way of dealing with bigots is not to face them, not to attack them, not to do anything – it’s just to steer clear of them.
Pat: Now, the upshot of all of this was that the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) said that the IRA had perpetrated the outrage. There doesn’t seem to be any doubt, given the forensics on the weapons, that this was so.
Alan: That’s right. You see, the thing that bothers me – and all this is coming out slowly at the inquest – Gerry McKeown, who was first at the scene with his wife, was never spoken to by the police. An off-duty policeman, a man that came along, he was never spoken to by the police – never gave a statement. There was a local farmer and his wife had come up, they had lived about two hundred yards from where the ambush happened, they came up with blankets and all but it has come out at the inquest they went round collecting the empty shells – now, they were never spoken to by the police. The minibus driver was never spoken to by the police.
Pat: And what about you? I mean, were you interviewed by the police in connection with it?
Alan: Yes, they came into the hospital and they wanted to take a statement and I was giving them a statement but the doctor was, the hospital doctor, was horrified and he tried to chase them but I was convinced I was going to die and no one would know what happened so I wanted to give the statement. And I did. And that statement was read out in the Coroner’s Court and that was taken forty-two years ago and do you know: Everything that I remember was in that statement and I could make the same statement at any time during the past forty-two years because every bit of it was as I remember it.
Pat: Now, the presence of this English accent in the attack…
Alan: …Yes.
Pat: What’s the theory about that English accent because, certainly, the IRA would not have been known for having people with English accents in their membership.
Alan: Well, that’s true. That’s true. No, it was – that (inaudible) was they had a suspect number for him. He was an ex-Para that joined the Provos and he was based in Dundalk. He has since died and is buried in Dundalk. He died of cancer. So we do know that he served with the Paras and then went rogue and started running, he was based in Dundalk. So we do know who he was.
Pat: Why do you think that the investigation wasn’t as rigourous as it should have been at the time?
Alan: Well, it’s a very, very strange thing: Because of all the murders with the Reavey Brothers and the O’Dowds and now Kingsmill there was a team of ten detectives sent up from Belfast to help out. They were sent home. There was two detectives working all them cases but the ten detectives were sent home and there was no will to go after them. Now, my reasoning is: They were told not to go after anyone to protect someone – to protect an informer. And that was reinforced at the inquest by learning that there was two On-the-Run letters given to the gunmen at Kingsmill – so that reinforces my belief that they had an informer, maybe even in the gun gang, and this is why they didn’t go after anyone. There was one suspect in, I think, I just forget the exact date, but he was on a wanted list and he was stopped at Heathrow, he was carrying on to America, he was connecting up at Heathrow and he was stopped and held. And he was let go. He was let go to continue his journey. So it all fits in with – it’s dirty! It’s a dirty game played by dirty people. And I don’t know if we’ll ever get to the bottom of it.
Pat: Now, the inquest has adjourned since Christmas – I mean, it’s a helluva long time to wait for some sort of resolution. Is there any documentation? We’ve seen in recent days, of course, information that has come to light about the UVF and an invitation by MI5, allegedly, to kill Charlie Haughey and so on, information coming out, do you think there is information there that will inform the inquest in some way and that more might be known, ultimately?
Alan: There’s so many things, Pat, yes – there’s a lot of information but the authorities are very, very loathe to hand it over. They just don’t want to hand anything over. Like I, we had a – John McConville’s (Kingsmill victim) sisters, three sisters, Karen, Tanya and Mandy, came to me in I think it was 2012 or 13 and asked me would I help them in getting the inquest open. So I said I would and I made a statement to their solicitor and then Karen Armstrong took it to the Attorney General and there was a bit of correspondence between them two and then the Attorney General ordered the inquest to be re-opened. But from that day on, the inquest was ordered to be re-opened in 2013, it’s just been obstacle after obstacle after obstacle put in our way. And we sought a meeting with a very senior policeman and he was lawyered-up – he had a QC, junior barrister and three solicitors. And every time – Karen, Tanya and Mandy are very intelligent girls and they were asking genuine questions – but he couldn’t answer at any because the QC said: You can’t answer that. You can’t answer that. And I thought to myself: What are we doing in here? So I said: Is all this done to protect an informer? And I said: And was he in the gun gang? I just put it bluntly to him. And he got very, very upset with me and he said: Do you think we would do that? And he got all indignant. And I said: Didn’t you have Stakeknife running about and murdered fifty people! So what’s ten more to you?! And then they called a halt to the meeting. So they don’t like the truth being thrown at them.
Pat: Even forty years on – even forty years on! Alan, you’re living still in Bessbrook today?
Alan: Yes, I am.
Pat: And how would you characterise Bessbrook today? I mean, obviously one of the ambitions of the people who perpetrate this kind of crime is to poison the atmosphere to make sure that communities don’t get on with each other.
Alan: Well, that’s one thing that they haven’t succeeded in. Bessbrook is still a mixed village where people get on. And I’m delighted – I’m proud to be from Bessbrook because of that – people didn’t let it poison them. So they failed in that respect.
Pat: Well, Alan, thank you very much for talking to me this morning. Alan, of course, the sole survivor of the Kingsmill Massacre – really appreciate you giving us your time.
Alan: You’re welcome. You’re welcome.
The Transcripts, Of Interest to the Irish Republican Community.You can follow The Transcripts on Twitter @RFETranscripts
Radio Free Eireann Broadcasting 3 February 2018
Martin Galvin
with details of this weekend's broadcast from
Radio Free Eireann.
While Irish flags and "England Out of Ireland" banners are a feature of St. Patrick's Day Parades in New York, Independent Irish Republican Councillor Paul Gallagher, will report on British officials banning Irish flags from the St. Patrick's Day Parade in the overwhelmingly nationalist town of Strabane, County Tyrone,and the fight to overturn that ban.
Award winning journalist, author and historian Ed Moloney, will tell us about Stakeknife, a top British agent within the IRA Freddie Scappaticci, and the political fallout from his arrest, questioning and release by British constabulary despite being suspected of involvement in up to 50 murders.
John McDonagh and Martin Galvin co- host.
Radio Free Eireann is heard Saturdays at 12 Noon New York time on wbai 99.5 FM and wbai.org.
It can be heard at wbai.org in Ireland from 5pm to 6pm or anytime after the program concludes on wbai.org/archives.
Award winning journalist, author and historian Ed Moloney, will tell us about Stakeknife, a top British agent within the IRA Freddie Scappaticci, and the political fallout from his arrest, questioning and release by British constabulary despite being suspected of involvement in up to 50 murders.
John McDonagh and Martin Galvin co- host.
Radio Free Eireann is heard Saturdays at 12 Noon New York time on wbai 99.5 FM and wbai.org.
It can be heard at wbai.org in Ireland from 5pm to 6pm or anytime after the program concludes on wbai.org/archives.
February 2, 2018
The Trials And Tribulations Of Moving House ➽ Part 1
Sean Mallory moved house lately and in true curmudgeonly fashion tells us what it has been like.
Unfortunately and due to an innocuous decision to move to a bigger space we found ourselves falling into the latter category, that of the real estate chain.
There are two opposing poles in the housing market – those who are selling and those who are purchasing – and both are fraught with their own nuances.
We zealously adopt each position at varying times throughout the process and unconscious of playing both roles, we heavily personalise our criticism of those in the opposite pole and especially vent our frustrations on the process ‘managers’ i.e., the estate agents and the solicitors.
We were about to discover this paradigm as we entered the dark realm of the real estate market!
Selling – the Vendor
What purchasers need to fully grasp is that when you make an appointment to view a house the Vendor and after initial pleasantries, is not interested in becoming your best mate nor are they interested in your career choice, how many kids you have, what age they are or even your dog’s name...none of the idle chit chat. They are only interested in selling you their house and will only reluctantly enter in to a conversation in order to enhance their sales potential. Every other aspect of the conversation is irrelevant!
So having watched Phil and Kirsty's Location Location Location for several years, the tips and tricks of selling one’s home came in to play. The fact that the show is staged, played no reason in the real world!
Like a bird of paradise in its attempts to attract a mate, decluttering, tidying and a greater effort spent on general house work are suddenly thrown in to overdrive as the Vendors, try to present their home in the most attractive manner and thus make it highly desirable and hopefully lead to a potential sale.
Kid’s toys, clothes removed off radiators, dressers are swept off unopened and opened mail, papers, books, pens, keys and other bits of unwanted paper and assorted knickknacks are stored out of sight.
Cupboards and drawers with their overly stocked contents, bulge at the intrusion of these alien objects. All to attract the potential buyer.
Then came the crunch. Decluttering and tidying were the simple side of selling. We now were compelled by law to prep the house for sale.
As the selling began we were informed by our solicitors that Regularisation certificates for all past structural work carried out in the house would have to be obtained. Building regulations are there for very logical reasons and would have to be complied with. After all, who would wish to purchase a house structurally altered by DIY Dave and his cowboy mates!
As well as that we had to have a Gas Safety certificate for our conversion from oil to gas central heating and a Gas Safety certification for our LPG gas installation (bottled gas to the cooker which we didn’t convert to mains gas when we converted our heating from oil to gas...involved too much in costs at the time.)
Drawing up a list of the changes we made to the house I rang the Council's building control department to find out what the certification process involved. Unusually, they were extremely helpful and advised us to list all the work we had carried out on to one application, using additional A4 pages where necessary and detailing as much as possible. This would reduce our cost down to one assessment visit by a surveyor.
For instance, to write that you blocked up a door was not sufficient, you had to write what access it affected and access to what points in the house. Application in and a few days later we were informed of the date and time of the Surveyor's visit to assess our unauthorised work....anxiety was the norm.
While waiting on the above we organised for a plumber to do the gas inspections and these were to be carried out a few days after the Surveyor's inspection.
Speaking of which, the Surveyor came and went. Everything was in order EXCEPT the step from the patio doors out to the back garden. He needed to be able to place at minimum a 10” footprint on the top step and he couldn’t. Regulations are regulations and the steps would have to be rebuilt! We couldn’t have the new owners tripping and falling down the steps every time they went out to the garden, now could we.....well....we managed never to trip once in the whole 12 years we were there!
So, thanks to the Council's advice the certificate couldn’t be issued as I had put everything on the one application, even though all the other work was fine, so the sum total had to pass for it be issued. Makes perfect sense but when you are severely hindered by budget these little trials can be quite costly and frustrating.
On arriving home from work and discussing this and how much it was going to eat in to our budget our hearts sank. The Surveyor had left his number to ring him when the work was done and he would arrange another visit to assess the work.....more money!
In a fit of pique I rang the Surveyor to ask him what exactly needed doing. After a lengthy discussion I twigged on to something that he said, for the life of me which I can’t recall now, and I asked him did the step need to be permanently fixed or could it be mobile. He replied that it didn’t need to be permanent but why would you have a need for it to be moved? All it needed was for it to support a 10” footprint. So I enquired that if I went out and bought a step would that do and he said yes but where would I be able to purchase a step that exact height....mmmmm.....after further discussion he, may be through his own frustration, told me to go out and buy a 4”x8” length of timber and build it up with feet to the correct height.
Armed with this cheap option, I set off to my favourite ‘man store’, B&Q. Nothing in the timber yard would suit. Dejected as I was walking out I looked up to see arrows pointing to the garden centre section and I thought that maybe there is something in there that would suffice. Low and behold a fence post exactly that size!!!!! I purchased it with a few other pieces of fencing panels for the step feet and headed home. An in-law joiner quickly put it all together and quite a nice job it was too.
I then rang the Surveyor who decided that it would be easier and no cost for me to send him photos of it. So I placed it against the existing step, placed my foot on it and took photographs and sent them off and 2 days later my certificate arrived in the post – hurrah!
As for the gas, while the step fiasco was going on, the plumber came out and examined my gas central heating installation and stated that there were a few things needed resolving before he could issue the certificate....it just wasn’t meeting the regulation standards. Now the frustrating aspect of this was the fact that he did the original install!!!! But what could we do so we had to go along with his proposal. After that I asked him to assess the LPG configuration and he said he would have a look and tell me what needed doing but he couldn’t do the work as he no longer held the ticket to do so...there was so little work in it that he didn’t bother renewing it as the cost of the ticket wasn’t covered by the work anymore.
This was even more frustrating as the reason I rang him and asked him was because he could cover both. So I had to look for another plumber with the correct ticket to do so. In the meantime the first plumber informed me that the bottle gas set up was a serious health and safety issue as the hoses hadn’t been changed in 10 years and are supposed to be changed every 5 years (hoses are date stamped), the positioning of the bottles was too close to a drain, the regulator wasn’t working properly and the gas hob needed replacing as the off notch on the knobs didn’t match the off markings on the hob itself.
So, when the knob was turned to turn off the gas it didn’t stop exactly at the ‘gas off’ hob markings and went slightly past it....fine for us to use as we are used to it but for someone new coming it would not do as they would think the gas is off at the markings when it isn’t....too dangerous.....bloody great!
So we had to go out replace the hoses and reposition the gas bottles at least 1.5 metres from the drain. Manufactured gas is heavier than air and if the bottles leaked it could drop down in to the drain and move along the street underground presenting a potential explosive catastrophe in the street....this would involve moving the bottles and moving the regulator which would also quite possibly mean re-piping the connection to the hob. After more serious thought I looked on Amazon and from a plumbing supplier purchased 2x 2 metre lengths of hoses and used these. Thus, in replacing the hoses we also were able to distance the bottles away from the drain and as for the regulator a few twists and turns fixed the leak.
As for the hob, it would have to be replaced and the LPG plumber would have to fit it. A replacement was bought and it arrived without key component screws and the bloody LPG fittings!!!!!! Ringing the manufacturer, they sent them out at a cost or £30. Unknowingly to the purveyor, their kits only retail with natural gas fittings.
So butchering our old hob for other components the LPG plumber was able to install the new hob and issued the certificate while amusing at the length of the hoses which he had never seen that length before.
Now keep in mind that while this was going on so was the step issue. All done, the certificates were handed over to our solicitors. We were set to really begin the sales pitch!
The house having been on the market for several months with only the odd potential buyer or more commonly the overly inquisitive person calling (nosey shites to you and me), lead us to believe that may be our home wasn’t that marketable after all. Doubt of sale began to creep in and Phil and Kirsty were denounced as carpet bagging lying bastards.
But eventually the market roared and after much haggling, extensive negotiations, and toing and froing on the phone, actually it took about 10 minutes to agree the sale, we had a buyer, aka the purchaser. When you have only one offer in on your house after several months you jump at it but try not to sound too eager! Phil and Kirsty were forgiven and extolled for their profound wisdom.
So, provisionally armed with a budget and a reversal of roles, we set off to find our new home as potential buyers.
Sean Mallory is a Tyrone republican and TPQ columnist
Unfortunately and due to an innocuous decision to move to a bigger space we found ourselves falling into the latter category, that of the real estate chain.
There are two opposing poles in the housing market – those who are selling and those who are purchasing – and both are fraught with their own nuances.
We zealously adopt each position at varying times throughout the process and unconscious of playing both roles, we heavily personalise our criticism of those in the opposite pole and especially vent our frustrations on the process ‘managers’ i.e., the estate agents and the solicitors.
We were about to discover this paradigm as we entered the dark realm of the real estate market!
Selling – the Vendor
What purchasers need to fully grasp is that when you make an appointment to view a house the Vendor and after initial pleasantries, is not interested in becoming your best mate nor are they interested in your career choice, how many kids you have, what age they are or even your dog’s name...none of the idle chit chat. They are only interested in selling you their house and will only reluctantly enter in to a conversation in order to enhance their sales potential. Every other aspect of the conversation is irrelevant!
So having watched Phil and Kirsty's Location Location Location for several years, the tips and tricks of selling one’s home came in to play. The fact that the show is staged, played no reason in the real world!
Like a bird of paradise in its attempts to attract a mate, decluttering, tidying and a greater effort spent on general house work are suddenly thrown in to overdrive as the Vendors, try to present their home in the most attractive manner and thus make it highly desirable and hopefully lead to a potential sale.
Kid’s toys, clothes removed off radiators, dressers are swept off unopened and opened mail, papers, books, pens, keys and other bits of unwanted paper and assorted knickknacks are stored out of sight.
Cupboards and drawers with their overly stocked contents, bulge at the intrusion of these alien objects. All to attract the potential buyer.
Then came the crunch. Decluttering and tidying were the simple side of selling. We now were compelled by law to prep the house for sale.
As the selling began we were informed by our solicitors that Regularisation certificates for all past structural work carried out in the house would have to be obtained. Building regulations are there for very logical reasons and would have to be complied with. After all, who would wish to purchase a house structurally altered by DIY Dave and his cowboy mates!
As well as that we had to have a Gas Safety certificate for our conversion from oil to gas central heating and a Gas Safety certification for our LPG gas installation (bottled gas to the cooker which we didn’t convert to mains gas when we converted our heating from oil to gas...involved too much in costs at the time.)
Drawing up a list of the changes we made to the house I rang the Council's building control department to find out what the certification process involved. Unusually, they were extremely helpful and advised us to list all the work we had carried out on to one application, using additional A4 pages where necessary and detailing as much as possible. This would reduce our cost down to one assessment visit by a surveyor.
For instance, to write that you blocked up a door was not sufficient, you had to write what access it affected and access to what points in the house. Application in and a few days later we were informed of the date and time of the Surveyor's visit to assess our unauthorised work....anxiety was the norm.
While waiting on the above we organised for a plumber to do the gas inspections and these were to be carried out a few days after the Surveyor's inspection.
Speaking of which, the Surveyor came and went. Everything was in order EXCEPT the step from the patio doors out to the back garden. He needed to be able to place at minimum a 10” footprint on the top step and he couldn’t. Regulations are regulations and the steps would have to be rebuilt! We couldn’t have the new owners tripping and falling down the steps every time they went out to the garden, now could we.....well....we managed never to trip once in the whole 12 years we were there!
So, thanks to the Council's advice the certificate couldn’t be issued as I had put everything on the one application, even though all the other work was fine, so the sum total had to pass for it be issued. Makes perfect sense but when you are severely hindered by budget these little trials can be quite costly and frustrating.
On arriving home from work and discussing this and how much it was going to eat in to our budget our hearts sank. The Surveyor had left his number to ring him when the work was done and he would arrange another visit to assess the work.....more money!
In a fit of pique I rang the Surveyor to ask him what exactly needed doing. After a lengthy discussion I twigged on to something that he said, for the life of me which I can’t recall now, and I asked him did the step need to be permanently fixed or could it be mobile. He replied that it didn’t need to be permanent but why would you have a need for it to be moved? All it needed was for it to support a 10” footprint. So I enquired that if I went out and bought a step would that do and he said yes but where would I be able to purchase a step that exact height....mmmmm.....after further discussion he, may be through his own frustration, told me to go out and buy a 4”x8” length of timber and build it up with feet to the correct height.
Armed with this cheap option, I set off to my favourite ‘man store’, B&Q. Nothing in the timber yard would suit. Dejected as I was walking out I looked up to see arrows pointing to the garden centre section and I thought that maybe there is something in there that would suffice. Low and behold a fence post exactly that size!!!!! I purchased it with a few other pieces of fencing panels for the step feet and headed home. An in-law joiner quickly put it all together and quite a nice job it was too.
I then rang the Surveyor who decided that it would be easier and no cost for me to send him photos of it. So I placed it against the existing step, placed my foot on it and took photographs and sent them off and 2 days later my certificate arrived in the post – hurrah!
As for the gas, while the step fiasco was going on, the plumber came out and examined my gas central heating installation and stated that there were a few things needed resolving before he could issue the certificate....it just wasn’t meeting the regulation standards. Now the frustrating aspect of this was the fact that he did the original install!!!! But what could we do so we had to go along with his proposal. After that I asked him to assess the LPG configuration and he said he would have a look and tell me what needed doing but he couldn’t do the work as he no longer held the ticket to do so...there was so little work in it that he didn’t bother renewing it as the cost of the ticket wasn’t covered by the work anymore.
This was even more frustrating as the reason I rang him and asked him was because he could cover both. So I had to look for another plumber with the correct ticket to do so. In the meantime the first plumber informed me that the bottle gas set up was a serious health and safety issue as the hoses hadn’t been changed in 10 years and are supposed to be changed every 5 years (hoses are date stamped), the positioning of the bottles was too close to a drain, the regulator wasn’t working properly and the gas hob needed replacing as the off notch on the knobs didn’t match the off markings on the hob itself.
So, when the knob was turned to turn off the gas it didn’t stop exactly at the ‘gas off’ hob markings and went slightly past it....fine for us to use as we are used to it but for someone new coming it would not do as they would think the gas is off at the markings when it isn’t....too dangerous.....bloody great!
So we had to go out replace the hoses and reposition the gas bottles at least 1.5 metres from the drain. Manufactured gas is heavier than air and if the bottles leaked it could drop down in to the drain and move along the street underground presenting a potential explosive catastrophe in the street....this would involve moving the bottles and moving the regulator which would also quite possibly mean re-piping the connection to the hob. After more serious thought I looked on Amazon and from a plumbing supplier purchased 2x 2 metre lengths of hoses and used these. Thus, in replacing the hoses we also were able to distance the bottles away from the drain and as for the regulator a few twists and turns fixed the leak.
As for the hob, it would have to be replaced and the LPG plumber would have to fit it. A replacement was bought and it arrived without key component screws and the bloody LPG fittings!!!!!! Ringing the manufacturer, they sent them out at a cost or £30. Unknowingly to the purveyor, their kits only retail with natural gas fittings.
So butchering our old hob for other components the LPG plumber was able to install the new hob and issued the certificate while amusing at the length of the hoses which he had never seen that length before.
Now keep in mind that while this was going on so was the step issue. All done, the certificates were handed over to our solicitors. We were set to really begin the sales pitch!
The house having been on the market for several months with only the odd potential buyer or more commonly the overly inquisitive person calling (nosey shites to you and me), lead us to believe that may be our home wasn’t that marketable after all. Doubt of sale began to creep in and Phil and Kirsty were denounced as carpet bagging lying bastards.
But eventually the market roared and after much haggling, extensive negotiations, and toing and froing on the phone, actually it took about 10 minutes to agree the sale, we had a buyer, aka the purchaser. When you have only one offer in on your house after several months you jump at it but try not to sound too eager! Phil and Kirsty were forgiven and extolled for their profound wisdom.
So, provisionally armed with a budget and a reversal of roles, we set off to find our new home as potential buyers.
Sean Mallory is a Tyrone republican and TPQ columnist
RUC Not Remotely Interested
Eamon Sweeney on the RUC non-investigation of the Bloody Sunday massacre.
Some of the relatives of those killed on the day are seeking the prosecution of soldiers who carried out the shootings. In 2010, the conclusions of the Saville Inquiry completely exonerated those killed and wounded from any suggestion of any wrong doing.
Yesterday was the 46th anniversary of Bloody Sunday when 13 civilians were shot dead. A fourteenth man died later from his injuries.
A letter sent last December from the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) to relatives of those killed and those wounded on January 30,1972 has revealed that old RUC archive files are being examined in advance of a decision on whether or not to prosecute the soldiers involved.
The RUC investigation at the time was headed up by a Detective Inspector McNeill.
Asked about how the RUC report on Bloody Sunday was formulated a spokesperson for the PSNI said:
And, the recent letter from the a senior member of PPS, updating the Bloody Sunday relatives on the progress of the current case says:
However, none of the soldiers involved were directly interviewed by the RUC at the time.
A PSNI statement confirming this to the Telegraph said: "The British soldiers were not interviewed by the police at the time of the incident. The military police recorded their statements and provided the evidence gathered from them for Widgery."
With regard to the current and ongoing consideration for prosecution by the PPS, the PSNI statement also said: "The soldiers involved were interviewed by police under caution by the PSNI investigation team."
However, the PPS letter also points out that the RUC file from 1972 will have no bearing on their ongoing consideration of whether the former British soldiers will be prosecuted for their roles on Bloody Sunday.
The letter states:
Last year the Telegraph revealed that prosecutions are being considered against 18 soldiers in relation to Bloody Sunday and also that for the first time legal action was also considered against republicans-specifically two former members of the Official IRA.
The Public Prosecution Service have also said they have now engaged the services of a senior Queen's Counsel to examine the cases against each of the soldiers as they near completion.
And, that whilst they are still aiming for a final decision on prosecutions by their previously hoped for deadline of spring this year, the PPS letter also says "the main point preventing something definite is the possibility of specific legal issues arising in each individual case against an accused soldier."
A spokesperson for the PPS told the Telegraph:
Eamon Sweeney is a Derry Journalist and has often focussed on what are called legacy matters.
Some of the relatives of those killed on the day are seeking the prosecution of soldiers who carried out the shootings. In 2010, the conclusions of the Saville Inquiry completely exonerated those killed and wounded from any suggestion of any wrong doing.
Yesterday was the 46th anniversary of Bloody Sunday when 13 civilians were shot dead. A fourteenth man died later from his injuries.
A letter sent last December from the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) to relatives of those killed and those wounded on January 30,1972 has revealed that old RUC archive files are being examined in advance of a decision on whether or not to prosecute the soldiers involved.
The RUC investigation at the time was headed up by a Detective Inspector McNeill.
Asked about how the RUC report on Bloody Sunday was formulated a spokesperson for the PSNI said:
Inspector McNeill was responsible for compiling reports for the then Director of Public Prosecutions using the material from the Widgery Inquiry. These reports were reflective of the findings from Widgery.
And, the recent letter from the a senior member of PPS, updating the Bloody Sunday relatives on the progress of the current case says:
I have obtained a number of old prosecution files from 1972.
The RUC submitted papers to the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions following the publication of the report of the WidgeryTribunal. The RUC investigation at the time appears to have been based on material for the Widgery Inquiry and the findings of the Widgery Inquiry.
None of the files I have seen contain any recommendation by any officer (including Detective Inspector McNeill) for a prosecution of any soldier.
However, none of the soldiers involved were directly interviewed by the RUC at the time.
A PSNI statement confirming this to the Telegraph said: "The British soldiers were not interviewed by the police at the time of the incident. The military police recorded their statements and provided the evidence gathered from them for Widgery."
With regard to the current and ongoing consideration for prosecution by the PPS, the PSNI statement also said: "The soldiers involved were interviewed by police under caution by the PSNI investigation team."
However, the PPS letter also points out that the RUC file from 1972 will have no bearing on their ongoing consideration of whether the former British soldiers will be prosecuted for their roles on Bloody Sunday.
The letter states:
The opinion of a police officer as to whether a crime has or has not been committed is not admissible as evidence in a criminal trial. The recommendations made in 1972, are neither here nor there for present purposes.
The decision in this case is one for the PPS and will be based on evidence that is currently available and admissible under the rules of evidence that apply today in relation to criminal proceedings.
Last year the Telegraph revealed that prosecutions are being considered against 18 soldiers in relation to Bloody Sunday and also that for the first time legal action was also considered against republicans-specifically two former members of the Official IRA.
The Public Prosecution Service have also said they have now engaged the services of a senior Queen's Counsel to examine the cases against each of the soldiers as they near completion.
And, that whilst they are still aiming for a final decision on prosecutions by their previously hoped for deadline of spring this year, the PPS letter also says "the main point preventing something definite is the possibility of specific legal issues arising in each individual case against an accused soldier."
A spokesperson for the PPS told the Telegraph:
The Public Prosecution Service is continuing to make steady progress in this complex case. As we indicated [to the families] at the outset of our consideration of this case, the volume of material and complexity of legal issues involved continue to make it difficult to provide a definitive time frame for decision and we have endeavoured to keep the families updated on progress.
We remain hopeful that we will be moving towards taking final decisions in accordance with this time frame. A clearer indication of the exact timings of final decisions is likely to be known in coming months and we will continue to update the families regularly.
Eamon Sweeney is a Derry Journalist and has often focussed on what are called legacy matters.
February 1, 2018
Ramaphosa The Rancid
Writing in December Mick Hall slammed Cyril Ramaphosa for corruption.
You wouldn't know it from the UK media but Cyril Ramaphosa is even more corrupt than Jacob Zuma.
With the result of the powerful 80 member ANC Executive committee to be announced tomorrow, (Wednesday) the power of the newly appointed head of the ANC Cyril Ramaphosa hangs in the balance.
Ramaphosa has made much of the corrupt relationship between Jacob Zuma and the Gupta family and this has been reported extensively in the British media.
What has not been touched on is Ramaphosa own dirty dealing. He left the SA trade union movement to 'pursue a business career,' and within a short space of time became a multimillionaire as international and home ground corporations filled his boots with gold.
Is it any wonder the same business interests whether in SA or beyond, have been the cheerleaders in his rise to head the ANC. He is a man who claims to believe neo liberal economics will reduce the gross inequalities which inflict the overwhelming majority of the South African population. One only has to glance at the USA and UK to understand this is complete drivel, and he knows it as he is one of the world's ruling elites who have become enriched by neo liberal economics and have left poverty, low wages, and unemployment in their wake.
He first came to prominence in the ANC when he helped build the biggest and most powerful trade union in South Africa, the National Union of Mineworkers. (NUM) He later shit all over its membership when as a member of the board of directors of the British multinational Lonmi he sided with his corporate masters when the Marikana Massacre took place at Lonmin's Marikana mine.
Cyril Ramaphosa, from his position on the board of Lonmin, could have argued for negotiation, a better deal for the workers. Instead, as a chain of emails released to the Farlam inquiry prove, some of which he sent 24 hours before the massacre took place, disclosed he bad mouthed the striking miners and argued for the police to move in.
In one message to his corporate masters in the city of London, he wrote:
A scab and a strike breaker with corporate blood on his hands is how one former member of uMkhonto we Sizwe described Ramaphosa to me.
When Zuma retires, or is winkled out of office by Ramaphosa before his period as president is over, he will be the last of the ANC exiles to hold the highest SA post. He has undoubtedly been a poor president and was blinded by his ambitions, a man who lost site of what he once fought for, but to claim he is totally corrupt and Ramaphosa is whiter than white is a negation of the truth.
Whether it be Zimbabwe or South Africa, the people of both nations paid a high price for their new democracy when General Josiah Tongogara and Chris Hani died prematurely.
Mick Hall blogs @ Organized Rage.
Follow Mick Hall on Twitter @organizedrage
You wouldn't know it from the UK media but Cyril Ramaphosa is even more corrupt than Jacob Zuma.
With the result of the powerful 80 member ANC Executive committee to be announced tomorrow, (Wednesday) the power of the newly appointed head of the ANC Cyril Ramaphosa hangs in the balance.
Ramaphosa has made much of the corrupt relationship between Jacob Zuma and the Gupta family and this has been reported extensively in the British media.
What has not been touched on is Ramaphosa own dirty dealing. He left the SA trade union movement to 'pursue a business career,' and within a short space of time became a multimillionaire as international and home ground corporations filled his boots with gold.
Is it any wonder the same business interests whether in SA or beyond, have been the cheerleaders in his rise to head the ANC. He is a man who claims to believe neo liberal economics will reduce the gross inequalities which inflict the overwhelming majority of the South African population. One only has to glance at the USA and UK to understand this is complete drivel, and he knows it as he is one of the world's ruling elites who have become enriched by neo liberal economics and have left poverty, low wages, and unemployment in their wake.
He first came to prominence in the ANC when he helped build the biggest and most powerful trade union in South Africa, the National Union of Mineworkers. (NUM) He later shit all over its membership when as a member of the board of directors of the British multinational Lonmi he sided with his corporate masters when the Marikana Massacre took place at Lonmin's Marikana mine.
Cyril Ramaphosa, from his position on the board of Lonmin, could have argued for negotiation, a better deal for the workers. Instead, as a chain of emails released to the Farlam inquiry prove, some of which he sent 24 hours before the massacre took place, disclosed he bad mouthed the striking miners and argued for the police to move in.
In one message to his corporate masters in the city of London, he wrote:
The terrible events that have unfolded cannot be described as a labour dispute. They are plainly dastardly criminal and must be characterised as such... There needs to be concomitant action to address this situation. Claiming the Marikana striking miners were acting like "dastardly criminals."
A scab and a strike breaker with corporate blood on his hands is how one former member of uMkhonto we Sizwe described Ramaphosa to me.
When Zuma retires, or is winkled out of office by Ramaphosa before his period as president is over, he will be the last of the ANC exiles to hold the highest SA post. He has undoubtedly been a poor president and was blinded by his ambitions, a man who lost site of what he once fought for, but to claim he is totally corrupt and Ramaphosa is whiter than white is a negation of the truth.
Whether it be Zimbabwe or South Africa, the people of both nations paid a high price for their new democracy when General Josiah Tongogara and Chris Hani died prematurely.
Mick Hall blogs @ Organized Rage.Follow Mick Hall on Twitter @organizedrage
Always Read The Fine Print
Pauline Mellon gives her take on an ongoing controversy in Derry.
As with previous years division has again reared its ugly head in Derry in the run up to the annual Bloody Sunday March for Justice. The issues which caused the most controversy this year were the design / content of the march poster and the lack of accountability from the organising committee responsible for the march.
How can a poster cause controversy? Well the poster as you can see has the words ‘We Shall Over Come’ in large letters but the controversial element stems from the inclusion of a range of names and campaign issues the majority of which have no relevance to Bloody Sunday.
The publication of names and campaigns on a poster was always going to be problematic because of some of the following reasons:
· The poster would not accommodate the names of all those who died during the troubles therefore someone was always going to feel that the name of their loved one should have been listed. In the case of the English family from the city who lost two family members during the troubles, one son Gary who was murdered by the British Army in 1981 was listed whereas his brother IRA volunteer Charles English who died in 1985 was not. How the inclusion of one son and not the other was acceptable is beyond me. Common sense was clearly missing here given the names of other IRA volunteers were listed. It is worth noting that Charles English joined the ranks of the IRA after his brother was murdered, similar to many others who joined the IRA after Bloody Sunday.
· The Brady family from Strabane raised issue with poster and the fact that they were not consulted about the inclusion of John’s name. John Brady was a former republican prisoner who died in suspicious circumstances whilst being held at the Strand Road PSNI station in 2009.
· The inclusion of Ranger William Best a member of the British Army from Derry alongside victims of state violence and Republicans who lost their lives was a bone of contention for many republicans contradicting the position taken by members of the march committee who recently staged a protest at the Museum of Free Derry. A protest in opposition to the names of their loved ones being listed alongside state forces who were killed during the Free Derry period (1968-1972).
· The inclusion of internee Tony Taylor on the same poster as Mozamm Begg when Tony’s wife refused to sit on a fringe event platform with Mr Begg last year due to his connection with M15 should have been blatantly obvious to the organisers.
· The pro-life lobbyists were always going to raise issue with the inclusion of the Repeal the 8th Amendment given that they too have a contingent on the march each year. Therefore the banner was not inclusive.
It would seem from the information on the poster that the organisers had absolutely no concept of hypocrisy, inclusiveness or contemporary Irish history and the sensitivities around it, well either that or they chose to ignore them. As pointed out above the inclusion of names of loved ones was an issue that members of the organising committee raised with the Bloody Sunday Trust regarding the Museum of Free Derry. So, at some level the organisers had to consider the possibility of others raising the same objection. Yet when they did rather than trying to rectify the situation or address concerns they blocked people on social media, ignored and in some cases demonised them. These actions were not only dismissive of the individuals and groupings in question, but of the very notion of democracy, openness, transparency and accountability.
What struck me as strange was the refusal of this committee to explain the rationale behind the poster or account for things like the committee membership. Granted they are not a public body but they are a group who rely on public support, financially and otherwise, so for that reason an explanation was the least people deserved including those who supported the continuation of the march long before the organising committee was formed. People may have not liked or agreed with their rationale, but at least concerns could have been addressed.
The Bloody Sunday March Committee was introduced during a meeting to discuss Bloody Sunday in the Pilots Row Centre on November 28, 2012 without explanation as to how the committee was formed given that some of those named were against the continuation of the march on the 40th anniversary of Bloody Sunday. Eamonn McCann who refused to speak on the march platform that year only resigned as chairman from the Bloody Sunday Trust board on 2nd February 2012, less than one week after the march and was later given a place on the committee which was fair enough when you consider Eamonn’s connection to the Bloody Sunday campaign.
However, numerous references have been made recently to the march being used as a vehicle to transport and promote People Before Profit policies. Whether you agree with this or not this is something the organising committee themselves have been deeply critical of Sinn Fein and the Bloody Sunday Trust for. An organising committee which has called for accountability on numerous occasions from the Bloody Sunday Trust who in contrast publish their committee membership and in fairness to them have accounted for their decisions when questioned. I have had first-hand experience of this having accompanied a representative of the March for Justice Committee (Kate Nash) and former Chief Steward Vincent Coyle to meet with members of the Trust in 2014 over a development proposal.
There can be a certain sadness when history repeats itself for all the wrong reasons. On the evening following last year’s march, I published a blog highlighting how I had been accused by a few of the March for Justice Committee’s supportive rent a mob of trying to destroy the march, this despite my public support for the march. The rantings of the main mud thrower at that time were not only absolute lies but part of a concerted attempt by this person and a few lackies to vilify and felon set me, and sadly despite exposing them for what they are their efforts did not end there.
This year I once again found myself in the frame, this time accused of trying to destroy and control the march. The individual responsible was an advertised speaker at one of the Bloody Sunday annual events on the subject of punishment attacks and brutal justice. Considering this persons history of online abuse and online Kangaroo courts and character assassination he was the ideal speaker, although he should've been speaking from a perpetrators perspective as I'm sure he would agree violence takes many forms.
Using the online alias ‘Nayland Smith’, Dr Deaglan O’Donaghaile accused Belfast Republican Dee Fennell, (with whom I have no connection, no offence Dee) and I of being main antagonists in alleged attempts to destroy this year’s march. This as Deaglan’s father Michael was on social media accusing me of having the profile of a member of a Scottish flute band, of being local man Seamus Crawley and any number of other people on social media who would dare to have a different viewpoint to his. Trust me if I had the amount of free time these clowns think I have, I wouldn’t be spending it on social media!
At this point the words of Dr Deaglan spring to mind from an article he penned on ‘punishment attacks’ for the Belfast Telegraph:
“Deliberately engineered to appear vague and its indeterminate quality is intended to cultivate a collective response along the lines of: "Well, he/she must have done something.”
As usual with Dr. Deaglan, he seems to confuse whatever fiction is rattling around in his head for reality. Maybe Dr. Deaglan should heed his own words? After all his words above easily describe his accusatory attacks upon me.
Anyway, back to the main and more important issue. The current Bloody Sunday march is so far removed from what it was on the 40th anniversary were the issues prevalent in 72 were centre stage on the platform. On that year you had the significance of the 40th anniversary coupled with the sense of optimism that the march was returning to community ownership, today however is very different.
People raising concerns today are being accused of trying to take control of and destroy the march, people are abused for voicing an opinion, or in my case for not even commenting. Yet if people are attacked and accused of having agendas for questioning something how can it be the ‘people’s march' as it has often been referred to? As a note to the march organisers; the people are the march anything else is the mere submission of an 11/1 form to the PSNI/NI Parade’s Commission and the related responsibility. And a further note to the organisers; when three members of your 12-strong committee are being publicly singled out for questioning or criticism over a committee decision the very least you owe them is public support and if you can’t manage that then you may want to rethink the position you have been gifted. Despite my differences with some of those ‘organisers’ I think it is horrendous that they have been left to face the backlash as others sit on the sidelines.
Where this goes now when the dust has settled is something that needs serious consideration and will require open, inclusive discussion without recrimination. In practice and belief, I have always supported the need for the Bloody Sunday March as it provides a platform to highlight injustice and can serve as a litmus test of public feeling on a range of social issues, one that political parties pay heed to. I might not agree with every issue or cause highlighted however, I support the right of people to promote their cause but common sense is needed in that the main banner must be neutral.
As the saying goes there are bigger fish to fry, this is one march, in one year and no barrier is insurmountable if the will is there. I for one would hope the will is there and the issues of this year can be overcome, however I do share the reservations of many who refuse to be on the streets marching to the tune of one political party.
Add caption
Pauline Mellon Blogs @ The Diary Of A Derry Mother
As with previous years division has again reared its ugly head in Derry in the run up to the annual Bloody Sunday March for Justice. The issues which caused the most controversy this year were the design / content of the march poster and the lack of accountability from the organising committee responsible for the march.
How can a poster cause controversy? Well the poster as you can see has the words ‘We Shall Over Come’ in large letters but the controversial element stems from the inclusion of a range of names and campaign issues the majority of which have no relevance to Bloody Sunday.
The publication of names and campaigns on a poster was always going to be problematic because of some of the following reasons:
· The poster would not accommodate the names of all those who died during the troubles therefore someone was always going to feel that the name of their loved one should have been listed. In the case of the English family from the city who lost two family members during the troubles, one son Gary who was murdered by the British Army in 1981 was listed whereas his brother IRA volunteer Charles English who died in 1985 was not. How the inclusion of one son and not the other was acceptable is beyond me. Common sense was clearly missing here given the names of other IRA volunteers were listed. It is worth noting that Charles English joined the ranks of the IRA after his brother was murdered, similar to many others who joined the IRA after Bloody Sunday.
· The Brady family from Strabane raised issue with poster and the fact that they were not consulted about the inclusion of John’s name. John Brady was a former republican prisoner who died in suspicious circumstances whilst being held at the Strand Road PSNI station in 2009.
· The inclusion of Ranger William Best a member of the British Army from Derry alongside victims of state violence and Republicans who lost their lives was a bone of contention for many republicans contradicting the position taken by members of the march committee who recently staged a protest at the Museum of Free Derry. A protest in opposition to the names of their loved ones being listed alongside state forces who were killed during the Free Derry period (1968-1972).
· The inclusion of internee Tony Taylor on the same poster as Mozamm Begg when Tony’s wife refused to sit on a fringe event platform with Mr Begg last year due to his connection with M15 should have been blatantly obvious to the organisers.
· The pro-life lobbyists were always going to raise issue with the inclusion of the Repeal the 8th Amendment given that they too have a contingent on the march each year. Therefore the banner was not inclusive.
It would seem from the information on the poster that the organisers had absolutely no concept of hypocrisy, inclusiveness or contemporary Irish history and the sensitivities around it, well either that or they chose to ignore them. As pointed out above the inclusion of names of loved ones was an issue that members of the organising committee raised with the Bloody Sunday Trust regarding the Museum of Free Derry. So, at some level the organisers had to consider the possibility of others raising the same objection. Yet when they did rather than trying to rectify the situation or address concerns they blocked people on social media, ignored and in some cases demonised them. These actions were not only dismissive of the individuals and groupings in question, but of the very notion of democracy, openness, transparency and accountability.
What struck me as strange was the refusal of this committee to explain the rationale behind the poster or account for things like the committee membership. Granted they are not a public body but they are a group who rely on public support, financially and otherwise, so for that reason an explanation was the least people deserved including those who supported the continuation of the march long before the organising committee was formed. People may have not liked or agreed with their rationale, but at least concerns could have been addressed.
The Bloody Sunday March Committee was introduced during a meeting to discuss Bloody Sunday in the Pilots Row Centre on November 28, 2012 without explanation as to how the committee was formed given that some of those named were against the continuation of the march on the 40th anniversary of Bloody Sunday. Eamonn McCann who refused to speak on the march platform that year only resigned as chairman from the Bloody Sunday Trust board on 2nd February 2012, less than one week after the march and was later given a place on the committee which was fair enough when you consider Eamonn’s connection to the Bloody Sunday campaign.
However, numerous references have been made recently to the march being used as a vehicle to transport and promote People Before Profit policies. Whether you agree with this or not this is something the organising committee themselves have been deeply critical of Sinn Fein and the Bloody Sunday Trust for. An organising committee which has called for accountability on numerous occasions from the Bloody Sunday Trust who in contrast publish their committee membership and in fairness to them have accounted for their decisions when questioned. I have had first-hand experience of this having accompanied a representative of the March for Justice Committee (Kate Nash) and former Chief Steward Vincent Coyle to meet with members of the Trust in 2014 over a development proposal.
There can be a certain sadness when history repeats itself for all the wrong reasons. On the evening following last year’s march, I published a blog highlighting how I had been accused by a few of the March for Justice Committee’s supportive rent a mob of trying to destroy the march, this despite my public support for the march. The rantings of the main mud thrower at that time were not only absolute lies but part of a concerted attempt by this person and a few lackies to vilify and felon set me, and sadly despite exposing them for what they are their efforts did not end there.
This year I once again found myself in the frame, this time accused of trying to destroy and control the march. The individual responsible was an advertised speaker at one of the Bloody Sunday annual events on the subject of punishment attacks and brutal justice. Considering this persons history of online abuse and online Kangaroo courts and character assassination he was the ideal speaker, although he should've been speaking from a perpetrators perspective as I'm sure he would agree violence takes many forms.
Using the online alias ‘Nayland Smith’, Dr Deaglan O’Donaghaile accused Belfast Republican Dee Fennell, (with whom I have no connection, no offence Dee) and I of being main antagonists in alleged attempts to destroy this year’s march. This as Deaglan’s father Michael was on social media accusing me of having the profile of a member of a Scottish flute band, of being local man Seamus Crawley and any number of other people on social media who would dare to have a different viewpoint to his. Trust me if I had the amount of free time these clowns think I have, I wouldn’t be spending it on social media!
At this point the words of Dr Deaglan spring to mind from an article he penned on ‘punishment attacks’ for the Belfast Telegraph:
“Deliberately engineered to appear vague and its indeterminate quality is intended to cultivate a collective response along the lines of: "Well, he/she must have done something.”
As usual with Dr. Deaglan, he seems to confuse whatever fiction is rattling around in his head for reality. Maybe Dr. Deaglan should heed his own words? After all his words above easily describe his accusatory attacks upon me.
Anyway, back to the main and more important issue. The current Bloody Sunday march is so far removed from what it was on the 40th anniversary were the issues prevalent in 72 were centre stage on the platform. On that year you had the significance of the 40th anniversary coupled with the sense of optimism that the march was returning to community ownership, today however is very different.
People raising concerns today are being accused of trying to take control of and destroy the march, people are abused for voicing an opinion, or in my case for not even commenting. Yet if people are attacked and accused of having agendas for questioning something how can it be the ‘people’s march' as it has often been referred to? As a note to the march organisers; the people are the march anything else is the mere submission of an 11/1 form to the PSNI/NI Parade’s Commission and the related responsibility. And a further note to the organisers; when three members of your 12-strong committee are being publicly singled out for questioning or criticism over a committee decision the very least you owe them is public support and if you can’t manage that then you may want to rethink the position you have been gifted. Despite my differences with some of those ‘organisers’ I think it is horrendous that they have been left to face the backlash as others sit on the sidelines.
Where this goes now when the dust has settled is something that needs serious consideration and will require open, inclusive discussion without recrimination. In practice and belief, I have always supported the need for the Bloody Sunday March as it provides a platform to highlight injustice and can serve as a litmus test of public feeling on a range of social issues, one that political parties pay heed to. I might not agree with every issue or cause highlighted however, I support the right of people to promote their cause but common sense is needed in that the main banner must be neutral.
As the saying goes there are bigger fish to fry, this is one march, in one year and no barrier is insurmountable if the will is there. I for one would hope the will is there and the issues of this year can be overcome, however I do share the reservations of many who refuse to be on the streets marching to the tune of one political party.
Add caption
Pauline Mellon Blogs @ The Diary Of A Derry Mother
Anthony McIntyre's Blog
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