Torben Iversen

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Torben Iversen



Average rating: 3.61 · 80 ratings · 11 reviews · 16 distinct works
Democracy and Prosperity: R...

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3.40 avg rating — 35 ratings3 editions
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Women, Work, and Politics: ...

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3.86 avg rating — 28 ratings — published 2010 — 6 editions
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Capitalism, Democracy, and ...

3.67 avg rating — 9 ratings — published 2005 — 12 editions
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Unions, Employers, and Cent...

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liked it 3.00 avg rating — 3 ratings — published 2000 — 9 editions
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Contested Economic Institut...

3.50 avg rating — 2 ratings — published 1999 — 6 editions
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Big Data and the Welfare State

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[ Capitalism, Democracy, an...

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Big Data and the Welfare St...

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Juhu, det er Jul, Julius

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0.00 avg rating — 0 ratings — published 1992
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Big Data and the Welfare St...

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“[A] central theme is why social, political, and economic institutions tend to coevolve in a manner that reinforces rather than undermines one another. The welfare state is not 'politics against markets,' as commonly assumed, but politics with markets. Although it is popular to think that markets, especially global ones, interfere with the welfare state, and vice versa, this notion is simply inconsistent with the postwar record of actual welfare state development. The United States, which has a comparatively small welfare state and flexible labor markets, has performed well in terms of jobs and growth during the past two decades; however, before then the countries with the largest welfare states and the most heavily regulated labor markets exceeded those in the United States on almost any gauge of economic competitiveness and performance.

Despite the change in economic fortunes, the relationship between social protection and product market strategies continues to hold. Northern Europe and Japan still dominate high-quality markets for machine tools and consumer durables, whereas the United States dominates software, biotech, and other high-tech industries. There is every reason that firms and governments will try to preserve the institutions that give rise to these comparative advantages, and here the social protection system (broadly construed to include job security and protection through the industrial relations system) plays a key role. The reason is that social insurance shapes the incentives workers and firms have for investing in particular types of skills, and skills are critical for competitive advantage in human-capital-intensive economies. Firms do not develop competitive advantages in spite of systems of social protection, but because of it.

Continuing this line of argument, the changing economic fortunes of different welfare production regimes probably has very little to do with growing competitive pressure from the international economy. To the contrary, it will be argued in Chapter 6 that the main problem for Europe is the growing reliance on services that have traditionally been closed to trade. In particular, labor-intensive, low-productivity jobs do not thrive in the context of high social protection and intensive labor-market regulation, and without international trade, countries cannot specialize in high value-added services. Lack of international trade and competition, therefore, not the growth of these, is the cause of current employment problems in high-protection countries.”
Torben Iversen, Capitalism, Democracy, and Welfare

“Where economic efficiency gives males a bargaining advantage on account of greater mobility of their human capital from a gendered division of labor, families do best by socializing a daughter to cultivate the femininity that will help her win her a good man and the docility that will help her keep him. Because human history has been agrarian for most of recorded time, these are the values—let’s call it patriarchy—most familiar to humanity.”
Torben Iversen, Women, Work, and Power: The Political Economy of Gender Inequality

“To be sure, publicly provided day care helps reduce the problem because it shortens career interruptions and gives women more flexibility in balancing work and career. But child care does not eliminate the problem because women are still more likely than men to leave work for childbirth and for caring for sick children or elderly parents. In jobs where there is a premium on continuous careers, this means that employers are less likely to invest in the human capital of women. In response, women shift their career investment toward (more general skills) occupations with high job flexibility.”
Torben Iversen, Women, Work, and Power: The Political Economy of Gender Inequality

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