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Pure social scarcity is implied when the satisfaction is derived from scarcity itself. It is not pure but a by-product of positional goods (in the sense that satisfaction is influenced by extensive use by others) the congestion of crowding reduces the quality perceived by the consumers.

Hirsch talks in terms of social scarcity - which is a general case of physical scarcity (since physical scarcity would often result in social scarcity). Studying of congestion in societies, then, becomes a legitimate way of understanding different social norms.

The distributional struggle is in fact higher because of growth. This is the result of the adding up problem. A proper indicator of social progress hasn't been found.

There is competition for every public good - for example the quality of schooling exists in two dimensions - there is one absolute dimension where quality is added by receptive students and good facilities but there is a relative dimension in which quality consists of differential with education levels against others.

As demands for private goods decreases the competition for public goods increases. The problem did socialism faced is that opportunities for economic advance as they present themselves serially to one person after another do not constitute equivalent opportunities for Economic advance by all. What each others can achieve all cannot

The differences between private and public consumption isn't always clear.

To a hungry man, satisfaction from meal is less sensitive to meals eaten by others.

Corruption had a lot to do with donor disquiet.

In 1991, the restoration of cooperative societies began. 1992 saw establishment of PSRC - to enable sell off of SOEs.

In 1991, the restoration of cooperative societies began.

In mid-80s Tanzania and Ghana became case-studies of poorly administered central planning programs.

By mid-1980s donors had reached the limit of their willingness to provide aid-money.

Dependency theory became the favorite escape for many intellectuals in Tanzania.

Producer cooperative societies were banned by Nyrere.

Economic reforms started in 1986.

Deeply ingrained rent-seeking in bureaucracy and capita-intensive technology (related to industries seen as a rent-seeking opportunity) resulted in oversubsidizing and overreliance on capital. The capacity utilization declined from 60% in 1979 to 10% in 1986.

NMC became a system of extraction from poor (even while Nyrere was giving speeches on self-reliance).

NMC had every disadvantage of a state-monopoly.

Author believes that the ISI approach taken by Nyrere eventually backfired with underdevelopment of banking and urban facilities (which could have improved agriculture itself).

Corruption is (deeply) rooted sociological and urban/rural barriers. Novels like The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born and research by Edward Hoseah - comment on the pervasive bribery.

Rural Tanzanians have reversed their direction from subsistence-towards-marketplace to mixed-cultivation-towards-subsistence.

The Economic sabotage act in 1983 targeted Asian saboteurs.

With famine in 1970s, Nyrere had to readjust the financial flow to import grains (to address starvation) at the cost of investments in industrialization.

With famine in 1970s, Nyrere had to readjust the financial flow to assist in starvation at the cost of investments in industrialization.

The growth of parallel-economy became necessary because the state-regulated economy had no ways to expand.

The politico-economic oligarchy relies on suppression of leaders and parties.

Public officials had an advantage in becoming entrepreneurs.

ISI (import substituting industrialization) was considered appropriate for Tanzania under Nyrere's leadership. This seems to have imposed higher taxes on smallholder farmers.