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  • #1
    Walter Brueggemann
    “The most remarkable observation one can make about this interface of exilic circumstance and scriptural resource is this: Exile did not lead Jews in the Old Testament to abandon faith or to settle for abdicating despair, nor to retreat to privatistic religion. On the contrary, exile evoked the most brilliant literature and the most daring theological articulation in the Old Testament.”
    Walter Brueggemann, Cadences of Home: Preaching among Exiles

  • #2
    “We must keep in mind Edward Said's important warning that the first reality for thinking creatively (and for us, theologically) about exile is that it is a form of disaster and trauma that is inseparably connected to human actions related to power, dominance, and brutality:

    'To think of exile as beneficial, as a spur to humanism or to creativity, is to belittle its mutliations.' (p. 21)”
    Daniel L. Smith-Christopher, A Biblical Theology of Exile

  • #3
    “The assessment of the impact of the Babylonian exile must make far more use of nonbiblical documents, archaeological reports, and a far more imaginative use of biblical texts read in the light of what we know about refugee studies, disaster studies, postcolonialist reflections, and sociologies of trauma. (p. 33)”
    Daniel L. Smith-Christopher, A Biblical Theology of Exile

  • #4
    “In the first part of the first millennium the surrounding lands, including Babylonia, were terrorized by the Assyrians. Their diplomatic policy of 'peace' involved deportation and demolition. ...Deportations totally disrupted life in the inhabited world in the first millennium. It was not enough for the conquerors to raze every sign of human habitation to the ground, not enough to cut down the trees and burn the crops in what today would be described as a scorched-earth policy; they disinterred the dead and denuded the earth by removing the fertile topsoil, loading it on to carts and taking it back home with the expressed aim of ensuring that, '...their name and that of the descendants, their remains and those of their offspring, should no longer be on the lips of humanity.' We know of 157 mass deportations undertaken by Assyrian dictators, by means of which they intended to do their utmost to eradicate any traces of the memory of their opponents; they were not content 'until nothing remained.' (pp. 47-48)”
    Gerdien Jonker, The Topography of Remembrance: The Dead, Tradition and Collective Memory in Mesopotamia

  • #5
    “Part of the myth of Persian benevolence is the idea of an end to the exile in 539. But all that was ended was Neo-Babylonian hegemony, to be replaced by that of the Persians. (p. 65)”
    Daniel L. Smith-Christopher, A Biblical Theology of Exile

  • #6
    “That language is demonstrably stereotypical -- in either the Bible or the modern Mediterranean cultures -- is not the same thing as saying that a language is demonstrably fraudulent -- or that it is language that is not reacting to real trauma. (p. 103)”
    Daniel L. Smith-Christopher, A Biblical Theology of Exile

  • #7
    “If we are able to read stereotypical language of the Bible in reference to suffering -- and particularly the suffering involved in siege warfare -- as a measure not so much of the historical details of the disaster or catastrophe, but rather as a measure of the emotional, social, and obviously therefore spiritual impact of the disaster (after all, this is religious literature), then our analysis of a good deal of biblical literature in relation to the exile would need to be rethought. Stereotypical literature of suffering is not literature that can somehow be 'decoded' to mean that the exiles actually lived in Babylonian comfort. (p. 104)”
    Daniel L. Smith-Christopher, A Biblical Theology of Exile

  • #8
    Ilaria Ramelli
    “Supporters of apokatastasis in roughly chronological order:

    - [c. 30-105] Apostle Paul and various NT authors
    - [c. 80-150] Scattered likely references among Apostolic Fathers
    o Ignatius
    o Justin Martyr
    o Tatian
    o Theophilus of Antioch (explicit references)
    - [130-202] Irenaeus
    - [c. 150-200] Pantaenus of Alexandria
    - [150-215] Clement of Alexandria
    - [154-222] Bardaisan of Edessa
    - [c. 184-253] Origen (including The Dialogue of Adamantius)
    - [♱ 265] Dionysius of Alexandria
    - [265-280] Theognustus
    - [c. 250-300] Hieracas
    - [♱ c. 309] Pierius
    - [♱ c. 309] St Pamphilus Martyr
    - [♱ c. 311] Methodius of Olympus
    - [251-306] St. Anthony
    - [c. 260-340] Eusebius
    - [c. 270-340] St. Macrina the Elder
    - [conv. 355] Gaius Marius Victorinus (converted at very old age)
    - [300-368] Hilary of Poitiers
    - [c. 296-373] Athanasius of Alexandria
    - [♱ c. 374] Marcellus of Ancrya
    - [♱378] Titus of Basra/Bostra
    - [c. 329-379] Basil the Cappadocian
    - [327-379] St. Macrina the Younger
    - [♱387] Cyril of Jerusalem (possibly)
    - [c. 300-388] Paulinus, bishop of Tyre and then Antioch
    - [c. 329-390] Gregory Nazianzen
    - [♱ c. 390] Apollinaris of Laodicaea
    - [♱ c. 390] Diodore of Tarsus
    - [330-390] Gregory of Nyssa
    - [c. 310/13-395/8] Didymus the Blind of Alexandria
    - [333-397] Ambrose of Milan
    - [345-399] Evagrius Ponticus
    - [♱407] Theotimus of Scythia
    - [350-428] Theodore of Mopsuestia
    - [c. 360-400] Rufinus
    - [350-410] Asterius of Amaseia
    - [347-420] St. Jerome
    - [354-430] St. Augustine (early, anti-Manichean phase)
    - [363-430] Palladius
    - [360-435] John Cassian
    - [373-414] Synesius of Cyrene
    - [376-444] Cyril of Alexandria
    - [500s] John of Caesarea
    - [♱520] Aeneas of Gaza
    - [♱523] Philoxenus of Mabbug
    - [475-525] Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite
    - [♱543] Stephen Bar Sudhaili
    - [580-662] St. Maximus the Confessor
    - [♱ c. 700] St. Isaac of Nineveh
    - [c. 620-705] Anastasius of Sinai
    - [c. 690-780] St. John of Dalyatha
    - [710/13-c. 780] Joseph Hazzaya
    - [813-903] Moses Bar Kepha
    - [815-877] Johannes Scotus Eriugena”
    Ilaria Ramelli

  • #9
    Ilaria Ramelli
    “Indeed, the first thing to be noticed is the complexity of the notions of apokatastasis that Clement received, as they were already present in various traditions with which he was acquainted:

    – the idea of ἀποκατάστασις in Stoic philosophy, which was characterized by necessity and an infinite repetition;
    – the notion of eschatological universal ἀποκατάστασις as described in Peter's speech in the Acts of the Apostles, who connects it with the return of Christ and with comfort and consolation coming from God;
    – the "Gnostic" (and especially "Valentinian") concept of ἀποκατάστασις which was generally neither holistic [e.g., denied physicality] nor universal;
    – the notion of an eschatological intercession of the just and of the salvation of the damned from the "river of fire" in the Apocalypse of Peter, which Clement considered to be divinely inspired;
    – Irenaeus's concept of ἀνακεφαλαίωσις [recapitulation] and of ἀναστασις-ἀποκατάστασις, which Clement very probably knew;
    – Bardaisan's clear concept of the eventual universal ἀποκατάστασις in which, thanks to instruction, "the fools will be persuaded," "the lacks will be filled," and "there will be safety and peace, as a gift of the Lord of all natures" (a concept that Clement may indeed have known);
    – the eschatological notion of ἀποκατάστασις as a return to unity in Pantaenus, a notion that Clement knew very well and indeed is preserved precisely by him (whatever its exact formulation by Pantaenus himself was). (pp. 119-120)”
    Ilaria Ramelli, The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis: A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena

  • #10
    Clement of Alexandria
    “Kακίας πάντη πάντως ἀναίτιος ὁ Θεὸς

    "God is in all ways absolutely guiltless of evil." (Strom. 7.2.12)”
    Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies

  • #11
    Clement of Alexandria
    “Τέλος διδάσκει τὴν τῆς ἐλπίδος ἀποκατάστασιν.

    St. Paul "teaches that the ultimate end is the restoration we hope for." (Strom. 2.22.134.4).”
    Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies

  • #12
    Clement of Alexandria
    “παιδεύσεις δὲ αἱ ἀναγκαῖαι ἀγαθότητι τοῦ ἐφορῶντος μεγάλου κριτοῦ διά τε τῶν προσεχῶν ἀγγέλων διά τε προκρίσεων ποικίλων καὶ διὰ τῆς κρίσεως τῆς παντελοῦς τοὺς ἐπὶ πλέον ἀπηλγηκότας ἐκβιάζονται μετανοεῖν.

    "But those who have hardened too much [Eph. 4:19] are compelled to repent by necessary corrections, inflicted either through the agency of the attendant angels or through various preliminary judgments or through the great and final judgment, by the goodness of the great overseeing Judge." (Strom. 7.2.12)”
    Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies

  • #13
    Clement of Alexandria
    “God does not punish [τιμωρεῖτα] – since punishment is the retribution of evil with further evil – but corrects [κολάζει] for the sake of those who are corrected, both in general and singularly." (Strom. 7.16.102.1-3)”
    Clement of Alexandria, Clement of Alexandria

  • #14
    Clement of Alexandria
    “Clement calls the πῦρ αἰώνιον that was sent by God against Sodom "full of discernment" (φρόνιμον) and declares that the very punishment of that city is τῆς εὐλογίστου τοῖς ἀνθρώποις σωτηρίας εἰκών, "for the human beings, the image of their well calculated salvation." (Paed. 3.8.44-45)”
    Clement of Alexandria, Le Pédagogue, Tome II

  • #15
    Clement of Alexandria
    “ἄφες καὶ ἀφεθήσεταί σοι, βιαζομένης
    ὥσπερ τῆς ἐντολῆς εἰς σωτηρίαν δι' ὑπερβολὴν ἀγαθότητος.

    'Forgive, and it shall be forgiven you'; the commandment, as it were, compelling people to salvation, out of a superabundance of goodness. (Strom. 7.14.86.6)”
    Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies

  • #16
    Origen
    “I do not deny in the least that the rational nature will always keep its free will, but I declare that the power and effectiveness of Christ's cross and of his death, which he took upon himself toward the end of the aeons, are so great as to be enough to set right and save, not only the present and the future aeon, but also all the past ones, and not only this order of us humans, but also the heavenly orders and powers." (Comm. in Rom. 4.10)”
    Origen, Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, Books 6-10

  • #17
    Origen
    “In souls, there is no illness caused by evilness [ἀπὸ κακίας] that is impossible to cure [ἀδύνατον θεραπευθῆναι] for God the Logos, who is superior to all." (CC 8.72)”
    Origen, Contra Celsum

  • #18
    Ilaria Ramelli
    “Apokatastasis, as is clear from some passages cited and many others, depends on illumination and instruction, which goes hand in hand with correction. This is fully consistent with Origen's ethical intellectualism, a Platonic-Socratic and Stoic heritage that is found in other Fathers as well, such as Gregory of Nyssa. How one behaves depends on what one knows and how one thinks and regards reality; will depends on the intellect and is not an autonomous force. As a consequence, evil is never chosen qua evil, but because it is mistaken for a good, out of an error of judgment, due to insufficient knowledge and/or obnubilation (e.g., Hom. 1 in Ps. 37.4; Hom. in Ez. 9.1). Hence the importance of instruction. If one's intellect is illuminated, and achieves the knowledge of the Good, one will certainly adhere to the Good. Apokatastasis itself, as the end of Book 2 of Περὶ ἀρχῶν, is described as an illumination and a direct vision of the truth, as opposed to the mere 'shadows' that the logika knew beforehand (Origen is reminiscent not only of Plato's Cave myth, but also of 1 Tim 2:4-6, that God wants all humans to reach the knowledge of the truth, and of 1 Cor 13:12 on eventually knowing God 'face to face'). Only with full knowledge is choice really free, and a choice done with full knowledge is a choice for the Good. A choice for evil is not really free: it results from obnubilation, ignorance, and passion. This is why Origen was convinced that divine providence will bring all logika to salvation by means of education and rational persuasion, instruction and illumination – or fear of punishments, but only initially, when reason is not yet developed, and not by means of compulsion, since the adhesion to the Good must be free, and to be free it must rest on a purified intellectual sight. This is why for Origen divine providence will lead all to salvation, but respecting each one's free will; each logikon will freely adhere to God, and to do so each will need its own times, according to its choices and development, so that both divine justice first and then divine grace are saved. (pp. 178-179)”
    Ilaria Ramelli, The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis: A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena

  • #19
    Simone Weil
    “To love God all-powerless.”
    Simone Weil, The Notebooks of Simone Weil

  • #20
    Simone Weil
    “To accept what is bitter; acceptance must not be allowed to project itself on to the bitterness and lessen it; otherwise the force and purity of the acceptance are proportionally lessened. For the object of the acceptance is to taste what is bitter, as such, and not anything else. (St. Thomas on the suffering of Christ.)—To say like Ivan Karamazov: nothing can possibly make up for a single tear from a single child. And yet to accept all tears, and the countless horrors which lie beyond tears. To accept these things not simply in so far as they may admit of compensations, but in themselves. To accept that they should exist, simply because they do exist.

    To accept that event because it exists, and by this acceptance to love God through and beyond it. To accept that it should exist, because it does exist, what exactly does this mean? Is it not simply to recognize that it is?

    When one loves God through and beyond evil as such, it is indeed God whom one loves.”
    Simone Weil, The Notebooks of Simone Weil

  • #21
    Simone Weil
    “The Gospels: God's perfection consists in non-intervention.”
    Simone Weil, The Notebooks of Simone Weil

  • #22
    Simone Weil
    “Purity is the ability to contemplate defilement.”
    Simone Weil, The Notebooks of Simone Weil

  • #23
    “In all these cases, we find that because of the way ancient writers write about, and rewrite, the past, it is often impossible to tell the difference between what we would call history on the one hand and midrash, legend, or expansion on the other. Perhaps the distinction is our problem: perhaps for ancient readers the notion of what really happened is not crucial.”
    Philip R. Davies, Memories of Ancient Israel: An Introduction to Biblical History--Ancient and Modern

  • #24
    “What matters is that these things are allowed to stand in the text without resolution. The discrepancies either were not noticed (which seems unlikely) or were not bothered about. Either way, we learn something about the extent to which biblical
    historians are punctilious about facts. They are not-at least not in the way we are. Contradictions are allowed to stand, details are embellished without any basis in historical knowledge. Are these writers bad or careless historians, or are we reading them wrongly and failing to share their understanding of the past?”
    Philip R. Davies, Memories of Ancient Israel: An Introduction to Biblical History--Ancient and Modern

  • #25
    Ilaria Ramelli
    “Origen admits of a tension between the logika's free will and God's will during history (Hom. in Gen. 3.2: 'Many things happen without God's will, but nothing without God's providence'), but not in the end, when God's will shall unfailingly be fulfilled. And the object of this will is revealed by 1 Tim 2:4-6 […] The realization of God's will in the end will not annihilate the logika's free will, exactly because their will shall be then completely free, thanks to their achieved complete knowledge (note again Origen's ethical intellectualism): once all have come to know the Good, in the end, all will certainly adhere to it, and this adhesion will be absolutely free and voluntary. That providence leads each logikon to salvation, all the way respecting its free will, is hammered home also in Princ. 2.1.2; 3.5.5.1.8.3 and elsewhere in a later work such as the Commentary on Matthew. For Origen, the reconciliation between providence (and its outcome, apokatastasis) and free will is a weighty philosophical issue; at the same time he is also aware of the divine mystery: thus, he is certain that these two poles are in harmony, but God only knows how this reconciliation takes place in each single case." (pp. 180-181)”
    Ilaria Ramelli

  • #26
    Origen
    “It is not only possible, but also the case that all rational creatures will eventually submit to one Law […] We profess that at a certain point the Logos will have obtained the hegemony over all rational creatures and will have transformed every soul to the perfection that is proper to it, when each one, exerting its own free will, will have made its own choices and reaches the state that it had elected. But we hold that it will not happen as in the case of material bodies […] it is not so in the case of illnesses derived from sin. For it is certainly not the case that the supreme God, who dominates over all rational creatures, can not cure them. Indeed, since the Logos is more powerful than any evil that can exist in the soul [πάντων γὰρ τῶν ἐν ψυχῇ κακῶν δυνατώτερος ὁ Λόγος], it applies the necessary therapy to every individual, according to God's will. And the ultimate end of all things will be the elimination of evil [τὸ τέλος τῶν πραγμάτων ἀναιρεθῆναί ἐστι τὴν κακίαν]. (CC 8.72)”
    Origen, Contra Celsum

  • #27
    Origen
    “Christ reigns in order to save." (Hom. in Luc. 30)”
    Origen, Homilies on Luke, Fragments on Luke

  • #28
    Ilaria Ramelli
    “Origen calls apokatastasis also "palingenisis" (παλιγγενεσία) and declares that it will take place in Christ (ἐν Χριστῷ) at the end of the time, when he will sit on the throne of his glory, and it depends only on Christ, who will make those involved "pure to the highest degree" (Comm. in Matth. 5.15.23). (p. 200)”
    Ilaria Ramelli, The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis: A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena

  • #29
    “ξύλα καὶ χόρτος καὶ καλάμη ὥστε μηκέτι ὑπάρχειν—ἀδύνατον δέ ἐστιν οὕτως ἀφανισθῆναι, ἀλλὰ ᾗ χόρτος εἰσὶν ἀφανίζονται· καὶ γὰρ τὸ πῦρ τοῦτο τὸ τῆς κολάσεως οὐκ ἐνεργεῖ εἰς οὐσίαν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἕξεις καὶ ποιότητας. ἀναλίσκει τὸ πῦρ τοῦτο οὐ κτίσματα, ἀλλὰ ποιὰς καταστάσεις, ἕξεις τοιάσδε.

    It is impossible that wood, grass, and straw disappear in such a way as to not exist any more, but they [viz., sinners] will disappear insofar as they are grass and so on. Indeed, this fire of the corrective punishment is not active against the substance, but against the habits and qualities. For this fire consumes, not creatures, but certain conditions and certain habits. (Didymus, Comm. In Ps. 20-21 col. 21.15)”
    Didymus the Blind

  • #30
    “Καλεῖ ἡμᾶς εἰς σωτηρίαν. τὸ "ἐπιστραφήσονται" δείκνυσιν ὅτι οὐδεὶς κατὰ οὐσίαν κακός ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ κατὰ προαίρεσιν. εἰ δὲ ἴσχυσεν τὸ κακὸν ἐλάσαι τὴν προαίρεσιν εἰς ἄλλο τι ἄλλως, ἰσχύσει τὸ ἀγαθὸν ἀνακαλέσασθαι αὐτὴν εἰς τὴν προτέραν κατάστασιν.

    He calls us to salvation. The verb "they will return/convert" indicates that nobody is evil by essence, by nature, but rather by free choice. But if evil had the power to push the [human] free choice toward something else, something alien, the Good will have the power to call it back to its original condition. (Didymus, Comm. In Ps. 20-21 col. 54.20)”
    Didymus the Blind



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