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Kindle Notes & Highlights
by
Andrew Doyle
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August 6 - August 22, 2025
Pluckrose’s distinction of ‘Critical Social Justice’ and ‘Liberal Social Justice’. The latter is the belief that inequalities and injustices in society are best addressed through civil discourse, the free exchange of views, and evidence-based analysis. The former is the belief that society is irredeemably unequal and unjust, that these structures are maintained by oppressive groups wielding power over the oppressed, that these groups are defined in terms of identity (i.e., race, gender, sexuality), and that the solution lies in the forcible reconfiguration of language, history and social
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The truest commitment to diversity, of course, involves a recognition of the primacy and sovereignty of the individual. To borrow a metaphor from C. S. Lewis, the symphony of the world would be insufferably bland if all the instruments in the orchestra played the same note.
Censorship First and foremost, ‘wokeness’ is a belief system underpinned by the postmodernist notion that our understanding of reality is constructed through language. Its adherents are convinced that words can be a form of violence and that censorship – either by the state or Silicon Valley tech giants or societal pressure (colloquially known as ‘cancel culture’) – is therefore necessary to guarantee social justice. Power The ‘woke’ maintain that society operates on the basis of invisible power structures that only those who are trained in Critical Theory are qualified to detect. This
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Richard Delgado has emphasised how critical race theorists differ in their various approaches, but has helpfully identified four common traits. Firstly, Critical Race Theory ‘takes as a given that racism is not a series of isolated acts, but is endemic in American life, deeply ingrained legally, culturally, and even psychologically’. Secondly, that it ‘reinterprets civil-rights law in the light of its ineffectuality, showing that laws to remedy racial injustices are often undermined before they can fulfill their promise’. Thirdly, that it ‘portrays the traditional claims of the legal system to
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the obsession with ‘equity’ over ‘equality’. The distinction is an important one, often misunderstood. Whereas liberals have always been determined to promote equality of opportunity for all, irrespective of race, gender, sexuality or class, the new puritans believe in equality of outcome.
In early 897, Pope Stephen VI had the body of his predecessor Formosus exhumed, dressed in its priestly attire, and propped up in the council chamber to face trial for trumped-up charges of perjury and usurping the bishopric of Rome. During what came to be known as the Synodus Horrenda (Cadaver Synod), Stephen hurled abuse at the corpse and tauntingly challenged it to reply to his accusations. When he was inevitably found guilty, Formosus was stripped, mutilated, and thrown to mobs who obligingly consigned him to the River Tiber.
According to surveys by social scientists, the percentage of American citizens who are afraid to express their political views openly has tripled since the McCarthy era. As I have argued elsewhere, self-censorship rather than state censorship represents the most direct threat to the intellectual health of contemporary society. This is what John Stuart Mill meant when he wrote about the ‘despotism of custom’ and ‘the tyranny of the prevailing opinion and feeling’.
This is the fallacy of mistaking change for progress. No doubt the Iranian revolution of 1979 felt like a step in the right direction for Islamic fundamentalists, but women who bore the brunt of the reimposition of strict religious codes of conduct and dress were, on the whole, less enthusiastic.
We have seen how the culture war is not just a matter of competing ideologies, but competing realities. The first is the liberal model deriving from the Enlightenment, promoting human and civil rights, free speech, scientific enquiry, individualism and justice. The second maintains that truth is illusory, speech can be violence, and we are products of systems of power and privilege revolving around group identity. The paradox of this model of reality should not go unnoticed; it believes that the only truth is the one we feel as individuals – ‘lived experience’ – but at the same time it
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We have seen how the culture war is not just a matter of competing ideologies, but competing realities. The first is the liberal model deriving from the Enlightenment, promoting human and civil rights, free speech, scientific enquiry, individualism and justice. The second maintains that truth is illusory, speech can be violence, and we are products of systems of power and privilege revolving around group identity. The paradox of this model of reality should not go unnoticed; it believes that the only truth is the one we feel as individuals – ‘lived experience’ – but at the same time it
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The new puritans would like to think of themselves as the underdogs, brave tellers of truths in a corrupt and unequal world. But if the ideas you are advancing are endorsed by Hollywood, big tech, all major corporations, academia, the mainstream media, the United States government and the Duke and Duchess of Sussex, it’s difficult to make any great claims to radicalism. Far from fighting against the establishment, the ‘woke’ are the establishment.
‘Of all tyrannies,’ wrote C. S. Lewis, ‘a tyranny sincerely exercised for the good of its victims may be the most oppressive’, for ‘those who torment us for our own good will torment us without end for they do so with the approval of their own conscience’.
Thomas Paine put it: ‘To argue with a man who has renounced the use and authority of reason, and whose philosophy consists in holding humanity in contempt, is like administering medicine to the dead, or endeavouring to convert an atheist by scripture’.
All the convictions had come about due to a reliance on ‘spectral evidence’; without the visions of the girls there was nothing left to justify the verdicts. It was the girls’ ‘lived experience’ that damned the accused, and anyone who expressed scepticism was inviting the spotlight of suspicion to fall upon them.
To oppose the new puritans is to be concerned about an inherently divisive ideology whose natural terminus is segregation according to race, gender and sexuality. It is to be concerned about a worldview based on the faith of intersectionality, which pits minority groups against each other in ever-more elaborate hierarchies of ‘privilege’. It is to be concerned about how many of those who believe themselves to be ‘on the right side of history’ are increasingly intolerant of viewpoints that do not precisely match their own, and have no compunction about bullying, demonising and threatening those
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As they crossed the Ipswich Bridge they passed by an elderly woman. Almost by instinct, the girls broke into convulsions and cried out their usual accusations of sorcery. But the passers-by simply ignored them, or moved away. Without an audience to validate their cries, the girls had little choice but to fall silent and resume their journey. After this remarkable event, it is said that the girls made no further accusations. This is our Ipswich Bridge moment. While those in authority continue to heed the cries of the new puritans, our society will continue to be dominated by the witches of
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