Peril

by Bob Woodward

If there were ever a modern-day Rasputin, Joint Chiefs chairman Milley had concluded it was Miller.

“What did you do?” Trump yelled. “Why did you do that?” “Mr. President, I told you,” Esper said. “What I said before is I do not believe that this situation calls for invocation of the Insurrection Act. I think it would be terrible for the country and terrible for the military.” “You took away my authority!” Trump screamed. “Mr. President, I did not take away your authority. That is your authority. I offered my views on it and whether or not I would support it.” Trump retorted fiercely, quoting some garbled version of Esper’s comments to the media earlier in the day. Esper pulled a transcript of his press conference from his binder. He had highlighted his comments on the Act and slapped it on the Resolute Desk. He pushed it toward the president. “That’s what I said!” Trump glanced at it. “I don’t care a fuck about your fucking transcript.” Esper wasn’t sure Trump read the comments but felt he had at least called the president on it. Trump’s face steadily grew redder and Esper believed the president thought his ability to invoke the Insurrection Act was over. Esper was fine with that. Trump had been contained. “Who do you think you are?” Trump screamed at Esper. “You took away my authorities. You’re not the president! I’m the god damn president.” Milley, sitting silently next to Esper, watched Trump carefully. He believed the escalation and rage he was witnessing firsthand was disturbing, another face-off that reminded him of Full Metal Jacket. An avalanche of invective kep...

Election night at the Trump White House began like other Trump parties over the previous four years: with fast food orders. Pizzas and bags of Chick-fil-A piled up in the Roosevelt Room. The Map Room, where Franklin Roosevelt tracked battles during World War II, was set up as the nerve center.

Biden then said he wanted to recite some of his favorite lines from the great Irish poet Seamus Heaney. He considered it a prayer and quoted it often, most recently to close out his acceptance speech for the Democratic nomination in August. “History says, don’t hope On this side of the grave. But then, once in a lifetime The longed-for tidal wave Of Justice can rise up. And hope and history rhyme.” Thank you, President Biden, the three boys each said.

In any event, once Holmes started checking on hundreds of names, he found no credible evidence of fraud. Robert Drakeford, for example, was 88 years old, and got a ballot on September 18. The ballot was returned five days later. He died on November 2, according to the document. Another old person had voted and died, proving nothing even if the document was accurate. But Giuliani had said in his memo to Graham that the data was “definitive.” It was a reckless claim.

“Well, what if these people say you do?” Trump asked, gesturing beyond the White House to the crowds outside. Raucous cheering and blasting bullhorns could be heard through the Oval Office windows. “If these people say you had the power, wouldn’t you want to?” Trump asked. “I wouldn’t want any one person to have that authority,” Pence said. “But wouldn’t it almost be cool to have that power?” Trump asked. “No,” Pence said. “Look, I’ve read this, and I don’t see a way to do it. “We’ve exhausted every option. I’ve done everything I could and then some to find a way around this. It’s simply not possible. My interpretation is: No.

“But wouldn’t it almost be cool to have that power?” Trump asked. “No,” Pence said. “Look, I’ve read this, and I don’t see a way to do it. “We’ve exhausted every option. I’ve done everything I could and then some to find a way around this. It’s simply not possible. My interpretation is: No. “I’ve met with all of these people,” Pence said, “they’re all on the same page. I personally believe these are the limits to what I can do. So, if you have a strategy for the 6th, it really shouldn’t involve me because I’m just there to open the envelopes. You should be talking to the House and Senate. Your team should be talking to them about what kind of evidence they’re going to present.” “No, no, no!” Trump shouted. “You don’t understand, Mike. You can do this. I don’t want to be your friend anymore if you don’t do this.”

Your team should be talking to them about what kind of evidence they’re going to present.” “No, no, no!” Trump shouted. “You don’t understand, Mike. You can do this. I don’t want...

Trump did not seem to grasp the gravity of the situation. He never asked about McCarthy’s safety. And one remark stood out: “Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.”

Klain had lots of meetings and talks with those lawmakers. He was astonished to find what he called a “complete inversion in American politics.” Bernie Sanders and progressive allies wanted to make sure the stimulus checks went to people making six figures—$100,000—or more. Moderates, in contrast, were saying no, no, no, the money should be directed more to poor people. They finally reached a compromise. Couples making $150,000 could get the full check, but a partial check would go to those making up to $200,000 with a sharper phasing out.

Manchin started to talk about unemployment. With vaccines being rapidly distributed, he said he wanted to see people go back to work rather than choose to take their unemployment benefits and stay home. He was worried about businesses that could not find people to work. “You know,” she said, “you’ve been governor. Nothing’s perfect. You try to get it to be good. “You’re being selfish.” Stabenow knew she had been forceful, maybe even a little much. But she felt it was appropriate. Everyone in the Senate Democratic Caucus was tiptoeing around Joe. Somebody needed to tell him how everybody else felt. The anger about the holdup was real. She also knew—everybody knew—that Manchin liked to be liked. He had people over to his boat. He was not the kind of senator who relished becoming a villain.

He called Manchin, who was outside his hideaway when the phone rang. He slipped inside. Biden was terse. This had gone on too long. And Manchin was still a wild card, regardless of what Schumer’s and Manchin’s aides were cooking up. “What the fuck are you doing, Joe?” Biden asked him. “Come on, man. “Look,” Biden said. “We’ve worked it out so you can vote with Portman. It’s time for this to be over. You’ve won, Joe. You’re going to come out of this looking like you’re the most powerful senator. You’re going to come out of this looking like you’re the dealmaker. “Take yes for an answer,” Biden said. “You get your

Democrats were exhausted and relieved. Senator Blumenthal noticed Schumer’s approach with Manchin. Yell, but keep him close, on the team. He and others wondered if Harry Reid, in the same position, would have been as patient. Manchin’s chairmanship of the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee had never been threatened. Biden might have cursed—and the number of “fucks” Biden uttered seemed to multiply as the story went from senator to senator. But Biden or Schumer had never really threatened anything.

A Walker candidacy would present a test case for Republicans. He was famous and conservative and a Black American. But in Washington, many veteran consultants were worried about Walker’s past and mental health. He once told ABC he liked to play “Russian Roulette” with a loaded gun pressed to his temple when he had houseguests. He had cheered Trump’s claims of election fraud and his fight to “Stop the Steal.” The Georgia race in 2022 would likely demand discipline.

Milley, ever the historian, thought of the little remembered 1905 revolution in Russia. The uprising had failed, but it had set the stage for the successful 1917 revolution that led to the creation of the Soviet Union. Vladimir Lenin, the leader of the 1917 revolution, had later called the 1905 revolution “The Great Dress Rehearsal.” Had January 6 been a dress rehearsal? Milley told senior staff, “What you might have seen was a precursor to something far worse down the road.”