The Real Anthony Fauci: Bill Gates, Big Pharma, and the Global War on Democracy and Public Health

by Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

NIAID money is spread throughout the major medical institutions in the United States and for that reason, he wields enormous influence in the medical community.”

The 1980 Bayh–Dole Act8 allowed NIAID—and Dr. Fauci personally—to file patents on the hundreds of new drugs that his agency-funded PIs were incubating, and then to license those drugs to pharmaceutical companies and collect royalties on their sales. NIAID’s drug development enterprise quickly eclipsed HHS’s regulatory function. Millions of dollars began flowing in from drug royalties to NIH and to NIAID’s high-level personnel, including Dr. Fauci—further blurring the boundaries between public health and Pharma profits.

In 2004, investigative journalist Liam Scheff chronicled Dr. Fauci’s secretive experiments on hundreds of HIV-positive foster children at Incarnation Children’s Center (ICC) in New York City and numerous sister facilities in New York and six other states between 1988 and 2002.

NIAID’s Pharma partners remunerated Incarnation Children’s Center (ICC) for supplying children for the tests. As usual, Dr. Fauci had the safety oversight board rigged with his loyal PIs, foremost of whom was Dr. Stephen Nicholas, a generously funded NIAID AIDS drug researcher. “Stephen Nicholas was not only director of the ICC until 2002; he also simultaneously sat on the Pediatric Medical Advisory Panel, which was supposed to oversee the tests—which signifies a serious conflict of interest,” criticizes Vera Sharav, president of the Alliance for Human Research Protection (AHRP), a medical industry watchdog organization.

Scheff continued, “The drugs being given to the children are toxic—they’re known to cause genetic mutation, organ failure, bone marrow death, bodily deformations, brain damage, and fatal skin disorders.15 “If the children refuse the drugs, they’re held down and force fed. If the children continue to resist, they’re taken to Columbia Presbyterian hospital, where a surgeon puts a plastic tube through their abdominal wall into their stomachs. From then on, the drugs are injected directly into their intestines.

Vera Sharav spent years investigating Dr. Fauci’s torture chambers as part of her lifelong mission to end cruel medical experimentation on children. Sharav told me, “Fauci just brushed all those dead babies under the rug. They were collateral damage in his career ambitions. They were throw-away children.” Sharav said that at least eighty children died in Dr. Fauci’s Manhattan concentration camp and accused NIAID and its partners of disposing of children’s remains in mass graves. BBC’s heartbreaking 2004 documentary, Guinea Pig Kids,21 chronicles the savage barbarity of Dr. Fauci’s science projects from the perspective of the affected children.

“I found the mass grave at Gate of Heaven cemetery in Hawthorne, New York,”

Two years later, Farber would follow the trail of child casualties left by Dr. Fauci’s AIDS branch, DAIDS, in Uganda, exposing the pattern of abusing African mothers and children. After the BBC documentary

Solomon’s May 2005 AP investigation revealed that at least 465 NYC foster children were subjects in NIAID’s trials and that Dr. Fauci’s agency provided fewer than one-third (142) of those children with an advocate—the minimum legally mandated protection.22

For obvious reasons, clinical trials virtually always occur in hospital settings with trained medical personnel, doctors and nurses, in attendance. However, ICC was a non-medical facility. The decision to allow experiments with highly toxic drugs at an orphanage devoid of medical personnel was, itself, a stunning act of malpractice. Subsequent events suggest that the decision was deliberate, calculated to avoid scientific and ethical objections that might have put Pharma PIs at odds with trained medical professionals.

AP writer John Solomon confirmed that despite contrary requirements in official NIAID protocols, NIAID was knowingly allowing its Pharma partners to violate NIAID’s written study protocols by conducting these experiments on children with and without proof of HIV infection.33,34

Another HIV Phase I vaccine trial, ACTG #230, tested two experimental vaccines, one by Genentech, another by Chiron/Biocine. This time, the protocol openly declared: “Accepts Healthy Volunteers.”38 As Solomon discovered, the “volunteer” subjects of that unethical experiment were newborns aged three days or less.39 NIAID randomized these infants to one of three doses of either experimental HIV vaccine or placebo. These reports validate AHRP’s concerns that Dr. Fauci experimented on infants and children who were never at risk of AIDS, and that he exposed them to deadly risks and agonizing discomforts in a speculative drug and vaccine exercise that offered absolutely no potential benefit for them.

The subsequent independent investigations—by the Associated Press,47 by the federal Office of Human Research Protections,48 and by the Vera Institute of Justice49—confirmed that most children did not have the protection of an independent advocate to give or refuse consent to experimental interventions, and that they were almost all children of color: predominantly African American (64 percent) and Latino (30 percent), suggesting discriminatory policies consistent with HHS’s long history of medical racism.

During the decades since Dr. Fauci took over NIAID, he has sanctioned drug companies to experiment on at least fourteen thousand children, many of them Black and Hispanic orphans living in foster homes. He permitted these companies to operate without oversight or accountability. Under Dr. Fauci’s laissez faire rubric, these companies systematically abused and, occasionally, killed children.54, 55

That same year, Dr. Fauci’s agency gave $400,000 to University of Pittsburgh scientists to graft the scalps of aborted fetuses onto living mice and rats.59

NIAID portrayed the devastating Boehringer withdrawal as merely a temporary setback, which Dr. Fauci, in a perverse but inspired twist of Orwellian Newspeak, recast as an admirable demonstration of corporate responsibility.

In the course of his IL-2 investigation, Dr. Fishbein stumbled on another awkward fact: Anthony Fauci personally owned patents to IL-2 and stood to make millions in royalties if the treatment won FDA approval. Dr. Fishbein was shocked: “Dr. Fauci had a personal financial interest in the drug being tested! He was listed as a co-owner on the patent for Proleukin, and stood to earn royalties from it!” According to little-known HHS rules at that time, NIH employees could collect unlimited royalty payments from drugs they worked on during their agency tenures.51

Contemporaneous records obtained by the AP found that some fifty-one NIH scientists were then involved in testing products for which they secretly receive royalties; Dr. Fauci and his trusty longtime sidekick, Dr. H. Clifford Lane, “have received tens of thousands of dollars in royalties for an experimental AIDS treatment they invented [interleukin-2]. At the same time, their office has spent millions in tax dollars to test the treatment on patients across the globe.”52

“I left the private sector and took the NIH job because I wanted to do public service. But I was very naive. I believed the government could find solutions, and that justice always prevailed. My experience at the Division of AIDS really opened my eyes about how the system really operated. The federal budget is a big trough to feed special interest groups. But if you become wise to it, open your mouth, and get on the wrong side of someone really powerful, they are out for blood. The government lawyers up, and they have unlimited resources to burn you. Truth may not be on their side, but they can throw every obstacle in your way to getting a fair hearing of your grievance. And you can’t get justice because litigation will drain you to your last penny. The system isn’t designed to help the aggrieved party. I couldn’t coerce Fauci for a deposition. He was too busy doing interviews and accepting awards. There were never any consequences for the perpetrators. They continued merrily in their careers. I had to start all over again. If they are determined to ruin your life, they can do it.”

“were the millions of African women and babies forced to take Nevirapine, a drug that does not prevent AIDS but sickens and kills people who take it.” In the end, Dr. Fauci succeeded in rigging corrupt clinical trials, concealing catastrophic cheating, and deftly manipulating the politics to bring his dangerous and inefficacious drug, Nevirapine, to market.

“Dealing with Tony Fauci is like dealing with organized crime,” says Dr. Fishbein. “He’s like the godfather. He has connections everywhere. He’s always got people that he’s giving money to in powerful positions to make sure he gets his way—that he gets what he wants. These connections give him the ultimate power to fix everything, control every narrative, escape all consequence, and sweep all the dirt and all the bodies under the carpet and to terrorize and destroy anyone who crosses him.”

only a few months before the COVID-19 pandemic, Dr. Fauci made a surprise announcement: he finally had a working HIV vaccine. While the inoculation had demonstrated a bare-bones 30 percent efficacy in human trials in Thailand, data from the Phase III trial in South Africa looked promising, and NIAID was getting teed up to test the vaccine on Americans.4 Dr. Fauci added some deflating caveats: While his new vaccine didn’t prevent transmission of AIDS, the nimble technocrat jauntily predicted that intrepid souls who took the jab would find that when they did get AIDS, the symptoms would seem to be much reduced. So confident was Dr. Fauci of the media’s slavish credulity that he assumed, correctly, that he’d never need to answer the many questions raised by this feverish gibberish. That entire odd proposition received zero critical press commentary. His success at slapping lipstick on this donkey and selling it to the world as a Thoroughbred may have emboldened his ruse—a year later—of placing similar cosmetics on the COVID vaccines that, likewise, neither prevent disease nor preclude transmission.

In 1992, an Air Force medical office accused Redfield of engaging in “a systematic pattern of data manipulation, inappropriate statistical analyses and misleading data presentation in an apparent attempt to promote the usefulness of the GP160 AIDS vaccine.”14 A specially convened Air Force tribunal on scientific fraud and misconduct concluded that Redfield’s “misleading or, possibly, deceptive” information “seriously threatens his credibility as a researcher and has the potential to negatively impact AIDS research funding for military institutions as a whole. His allegedly unethical behavior creates false hope and could result in premature deployment of the vaccine.” 15 The tribunal recommended investigation by a “fully independent outside investigative body.”16 Under threat of court-martial, loss of his medical license, and possible imprisonment, Dr. Redfield confessed to angry DOD interrogators and to the tribunal that his analyses were faulty and deceptive. He agreed to correct them and to publicly admit the vaccine was worthless at an upcoming AIDS conference at which he was scheduled to speak in July 1992. Perhaps it was the grandeur of the hall, the microphone, and the audience that conspired to weaken his resolve. Instead of retracting his falsehood, he boldly repeated his fraudulent claims at this and two subsequent international HIV conferences.17 As astonished prosecutors watched, he then brazenly parroted his debunked perjuries in testimony before Congress, swea...

Redfield’s bold gambit worked. Bamboozled by Redfield’s brazen ballyhoo, Congress immediately appropriated $20 million to the military to support Redfield and Birx’s research project.

Redfield’s misdeeds.20 By snatching triumph from the jaws of career-ending disaster, Redfield had pulled off the perfect crime. The bold flimflam catapulted Birx and Redfield into their stellar careers as top federal health officials.

Since 2014, PEPFAR’s administrator has been Deborah Birx, who simultaneously served on the board of the Bill Gates–backed Global Fund.

Despite Redfield’s well-publicized history as a charlatan and pretender, President Donald Trump put him in charge of the CDC at a time when the agency’s overarching mission was promoting COVID vaccines. Trump also elevated Birx, a lifelong protégée to both Redfield and Anthony Fauci and confidante to Bill Gates. These three vaccine mountebanks—Redfield, Birx, and Fauci—led the White House coronavirus task force and steered America’s COVID response during the first year of the pandemic. The

‘Tony, you run the biggest infectious disease institute of the world. And I want to be sure the money I spend is well spent. Why don’t we really get to know each other? Why don’t we be partners?’”25 Over the next two decades, that partnership would metastasize to include pharmaceutical companies, military and intelligence planners, and international health agencies all collaborating to promote weaponized pandemics and vaccines and a new brand of corporate imperialism rooted in the ideology of biosecurity. That project would yield Mr. Gates and Dr. Fauci unprecedented bonanzas in wealth and power and have catastrophic consequences for democracy and humanity.

Rockefeller’s crusade caused the closure of more than half of American medical schools; fostered public and press scorn for homeopathy, osteopathy, chiropractic, nutritional, holistic, functional, integrative, and natural medicines; and led to the incarceration of many practicing physicians.

Science actually gives the honor of having vanquished infectious disease mortalities to nutrition and sanitation. A comprehensive study of this foundational assertion published in 2000 in the high-gravitas journal Pediatrics by CDC and Johns Hopkins scientists concluded, after reviewing a century of medical data, that “vaccination does not account for the impressive decline in mortality from infectious diseases . . . in the 20th century.”47 As noted earlier, another widely cited study, McKinlay and McKinlay—required reading in virtually every American medical school during the 1970s—found that all medical interventions including vaccines, surgeries, and antibiotics accounted for less than about 1 percent—and no more than 3.5 percent—of the dramatic mortality declines.

The McKinlays presciently warned that profiteers among the medical establishment would seek to claim credit for the mortality declines for vaccines in order to justify government mandates for those pharmaceutical products.48

Kass recognized that the real heroes of public health were not the medical profession, but rather the engineers who brought us sewage treatment plants, railroads, roads, and highways for transporting food, electric refrigerators, and chlorinated water.50

Noguchi’s flexible scruples had greased his dicey experimentation on colonized “volunteers” and fueled his meteoric rise in the ethically barren landscapes of virology. At the time of his death, the New York district attorney was investigating Noguchi for illegally experimenting on New York City orphans with syphilis vaccines without the consent of their legal guardians.58

Must have been faucis textbook

But the RF rarely addressed the most important causes of death, notably infantile diarrhea and tuberculosis, for which technical fixes were not then available and which demanded long-term, socially oriented investments, such as improved housing, clean water, and sanitation systems. The RF avoided disease campaigns that might be costly, complex, or time-consuming (other than yellow fever, which imperiled [the military, and] commerce). Most campaigns were narrowly construed so that quantifiable targets (insecticide spraying or medication distribution, for example) could be set, met, and counted as successes, then presented in business-style quarterly reports. In the process, RF public health efforts stimulated economic productivity, expanded consumer markets, and prepared vast regions for foreign investment and incorporation into the expanding system of global capitalism.63 Here was a business model tailor-made for Bill Gates.

Fauci accomplished this daunting mission by transforming his existing HIV trials, practically overnight, into Phase 3 COVID-19 vaccine trials.

Andersen was the first grantee to alert Tony Fauci, in a 10:32 p.m. email on January 31, 2020, to the strong evidence that COVID-19 was lab-generated and that the experiment that created it may bear NIAID’s fingerprints.100,101 After midnight, Dr. Fauci warned his chief aide to keep his phone on and stand ready for some important work: To arrange a secretive emergency meeting to discuss damage control with eleven of the world’s top virologists, including Andersen and five key researchers from the Wellcome Trust.102 Dr. Fauci was the only US government official on this phone call. Four days later, Andersen, who less than a hundred hours earlier was convinced the virus did not come from nature, submitted a letter—secretly edited by Fauci—signed by five prominent virologists—all NIAID and Wellcome Trust PIs—ridiculing the suggestion that the circulating coronavirus could possibly have been lab generated.103 One month later, Dr. Fauci—without disclosing his secretive involvement—cited that very letter at a White House press conference as proof that COVID-19 was naturally evolved.104,105 In the months that followed, Andersen’s employer, Scripps Research Institute, received an array of substantial grants from NIAID totaling $78 million for the calendar year.106 The NIAID, by the end of 2020, had granted the employers of four of the five signatories on the paper a total of nearly $155,000,000.107,108,109,110 That’s how the game gets played. Dr. Fauci’s disciples and soldiers unde...

The absurdity of expensive shots as a remedy for indigence, a salve for malnutrition, or the dearth of potable water is obvious when one considers that three billion people live on less than two dollars per day. Eight hundred and forty million people don’t have enough to eat. One billion lack clean water, or access to sanitation. One billion are illiterate. About a quarter of children in poor countries do not finish primary school.122 Poverty is a target-rich environment, but the data suggest that Gates’s vaccines miss the target altogether.

Gates’s vaccine obsession has diverted WHO’s giving away from poverty alleviation, nutrition, and clean water to make vaccine uptake its preeminent public health metric.

Tedros’s key qualification for the WHO gig was his loyalty to Gates. Tedros previously served on the boards of two organizations that Gates founded, funded, and controls: GAVI and the Global Fund, where Tedros was Gates’s trusted chair of the board.137,138

Western nations once funneled their foreign aid through traditional NGOs for food and economic development. Gates has captured those “deal flows” for GAVI and his pharma partners by pressuring Western countries to fork over their foreign aid to GAVI. Gates thereby hijacks the foreign assistance monies from wealthy governments, diverting it to drugmakers. In

Gates had once again used his international reputation and money authority to shield corporate greed with a “halo effect.”147, 148 International health officials warned, for example, that despite all government expressions of concern about Africa, “Less than 2 percent of all doses administered globally have been in Africa. Just 1.5 percent of the continent’s population are fully vaccinated.” (Paradoxically, these nations happen to have lower COVID mortalities by orders of magnitude.)

When Cicely Tyson, Marvin Hagler, and rapper Earl Simmons—a.k.a. DMX— all died soon after taking COVID vaccines, the medical community and CDC rushed in to assure the African American community that the deaths were not vaccine related.

Federal law requires that every injury or death following vaccination during clinical trials—or, by logical extension, with emergency use products—must be attributed to the vaccine unless proven otherwise. Nevertheless, as of August 2021, the CDC officially took the Pollyannaish view that not one of the 13,000-plus deaths162 reported to VAERS following vaccination as of August 20, 2021, was vaccine related.163 Not one. As was the case with Hank Aaron, CDC apparently did nothing to actively investigate any of those deaths, exonerating the vaccines, instead, by fiat.

The team at the Los Angeles Times documents how, in a single Lesotho hospital, one or two babies die from asphyxiation every day for lack of a $35 oxygen valve: “That life-saving valve is outside the purview of Gates’s $400 million annual vaccine giving—almost all of which goes to HIV, polio, TB, and malaria vaccines.” Gates’s regimen has also deprioritized the off-patent malaria medicines like hydroxychloroquine that could prevent half of all malaria deaths at 12 cents per dose, as well as $4 mosquito nets that can spare a child from contracting malaria. It estimates that three dollars of food and conventional medicines to each new mother could prevent five million child deaths annually.168 The

In fact, the Times found an inverse correlation between dollars spent by Gates’s charities and declines in children’s health. The nations that get the most Gates money see the worst health outcomes.169

Overall, child mortality improved more often in nations that received smaller than average GAVI grants per capita. In seven nations that received greater-than-average funding, child mortality rates worsened.”

Gates has also made large strategic investments in Poynter and the International Network of Fact Checking Organizations, which dutifully “debunks” virtually every public statement that seems critical of Gates, whether accurate or not.210

Dr. Fauci and Dr. Collins denied that this was true and insisted that those vaccines were safety tested. They were unable, however, after several weeks, to provide us a citation for a single clinical trial using an inert placebo against a vaccine.

Ten months after the meeting with Fauci and Collins, on the courthouse steps, HHS admitted that we were, in fact, correct: none of the mandated childhood vaccines had been tested for safety in pre-licensing inert placebo tests.

That 2017 study (Mogensen et al., 2017)20 shows that, following their DTP immunization at three months, vaccinated girls had tenfold higher mortality than unvaccinated children. The girls were dying of a wide range of diseases—pneumonia, anemia, malaria, dysentery—and for two decades no one noticed that the dying children were predominantly those who received the vaccine. The DTP vaccine—while protecting children against diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis—had ruined their immune systems, making them vulnerable to a wide range of deadly nontarget infections.