The Real Anthony Fauci: Bill Gates, Big Pharma, and the Global War on Democracy and Public Health
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Today CDC and NIAID promote the popular orthodoxy: that intrepid public health regulators, armed with innovative vaccines, played the key role in abolishing mortalities from these contagious illnesses. Both science and history dismiss this self-serving mythology as baseless. As it turns out, the pills, potions, powders, surgeries, and syringes of modern medicine played only a minor role in the historic abolition of infectious disease mortalities.
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Both CDC and the McKinlays attributed the disappearance of infectious disease mortalities not to doctors and health officials, but to improved nutrition and sanitation—the latter credited to strict regulation of food preparation, electric refrigerators, sewage treatment, and chlorinated water.
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Looking back from 1994, Red Cross officer Paul Cummings told the San Francisco Chronicle that “The CDC increasingly needed a major epidemic” to justify its existence.23 According to Peter Duesberg, author of Inventing the AIDS Virus, the HIV/AIDS theory was salvation for American epidemic authorities.24
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But the swine flu pandemic was a dud, and HHS’s response was a global embarrassment. Only one casualty—a soldier at Fort Dix34—succumbed to the “pandemic,” and Merck’s experimental vaccine triggered a national epidemic of Guillain-Barré syndrome, a devastating form of paralysis resembling polio, before regulators recalled the jab.35 The four vaccine manufacturers—Merck & Co., Merrell, Wyeth, and Parke-Davis—had refused to sell the vaccines to the government unless they were guaranteed profits and indemnity.
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Mainstream cancer research suggests that one-third of all cancers could be eliminated through lifestyle changes.
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Fauci had made political correctness the new revolutionary language, see? And that meant if you were “bad,” if you didn’t push agenda driven science, everything was taken away from you. And the media cheered. And anybody who didn’t was destroyed, vilified, harassed, fired, in a word, canceled.
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In his 1990 book, Nussbaum concludes that Fauci’s triumph over NCI cost many thousands of Americans their lives during the AIDS crisis.70 Myriad contemporary critics concurred with that assessment.
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PIs are pharmaceutical industry surrogates who play key roles promoting the pharmaceutical paradigm and functioning as high priests of all its orthodoxies, which they proselytize with missionary zeal. They use their seats on medical boards and chairmanships of university departments to propagate dogma and root out heresy. They enforce message discipline, silence criticism, censor contrary opinions, and punish dissent.
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These “experts”—Paul Offit, Peter Hotez, Stanley Plotkin, Ian Lipkin, William Schaffner, Kathleen Edwards, Arthur Caplan, Stanley Katz, Greg Poland, and Andrew Pollard—appear between Pharma ads on network and cable news shows to promote the annual flu shots and measles scares, to drum up fears about COVID, and to rail against “anti-vaxxers.”
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He brazenly claims, against all scientific evidence, that vaccine injuries are a myth—that all vaccines are safe and effective, that children can safely receive ten thousand vaccines at once,90 and that aluminum is safe in vaccines for babies because it is a “vital nutrient.”
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“You can never really say that MMR doesn’t cause autism but frankly when you get in front of the media you better get used to saying it because otherwise people hear a door being left open when a door shouldn’t be left open.”
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He voted that year to add Wyeth-Ayerst Pharmaceuticals’s rotavirus vaccine, RotaShield, to the mandatory schedule despite the absence of functional safety studies. Offit knew that ACIP’s positive vote on Wyeth’s rotavirus jab would virtually guarantee a similar approval for his own rotavirus vaccine during an upcoming ACIP session.
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The last of these bullet points referred to Paul “I Have No Conflicts” Offit. Dr. Fauci’s and Pharma’s corrupt control of those two panels allowed Wyeth to obtain both an FDA license and a CDC “recommendation” without having to genuinely safety test this product, a process that would have revealed terrible risks. Even the truncated trials of Wyeth’s RotaShield, conducted with no placebo, revealed serious side effects in babies, including “failure to thrive,” fevers high enough to cause brain injury, and a condition called intussusception, wherein a child’s intestines telescope into themselves, ...more
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Since its approval, Dr. Offit’s rotavirus vaccine has caused a wave of catastrophic illnesses and agonizing deaths in babies from intussusception.
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From 1985 to 1991, prior to the introduction of the rotavirus vaccine, the rotavirus disease caused only 20–60 deaths per year nationwide, mainly due to dehydration associated with diarrhea.
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Reported adverse reactions from Dr. Offit’s RotaTeq vaccine range from 953 to 1,689 per year. These included fever, diarrhea, vomiting, irritability, intussusception,
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SIDS, severe combined immunodeficiency, otitis media, nasopharyngitis, broncho-spasm, urinary tract infection, hematochezia, seizures, Kawasaki disease, bronchiolitis, urticaria, angioedema, gastroenteritis, pneumonia, and death.111
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The drug company also pays “legalized bribes” to the PI grantee through honoraria, expert witness fees, speaking gigs, and first-class travel to exclusive resorts for conferences. All these perquisites tend to fortify loyalty and incentivize the favorable research results necessary to securing FDA drug approvals. On all sides of these transactions, each stakeholder understands that positive reviews of the subject drug promise future work.
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It was the beginning of the mass censorship of any vaccine information that departs from official narratives.
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Starting in 2019, PIs at NYU attempted to force the ouster of popular historian and propaganda expert Professor Mark Crispin Miller from its faculty roster and law professor Mary Holland from its law school faculty because they dared question reigning vaccine orthodoxies.
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Dr. Fauci would later mimic this successful model to populate key drug and vaccine approval committees in FDA, CDC, and at the Institute of Medicine (IOM) with his Pharma PIs, giving him, and his Pharma partners, complete, vertically integrated control over the drug approval process from molecule to market.
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One of the most promising of these “street drugs” was AL 721, an antiviral that was far less toxic than AZT. Two of Dr. Fauci’s top scientists, Robert Gallo and Jeffrey Laurence from NCI, had found AL 721 effective in reducing HIV viral loads—but, under pressure from his phalanx of Burroughs Wellcome PIs, Dr. Fauci refused to follow up.
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One of NCI’s top virologists, Dr. Frank Ruscetti, who worked directly under Robert Gallo, recalls of that era, “We could have saved millions of lives with repurposed and therapeutic drugs. But there’s no profit in it. It’s all got to be about newly patented antivirals and their mischievous vaccines.”
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Despite pleas from patients, their doctors, and advocates, despite the vast financial windfalls flowing to his agency from the HIV community’s adept lobbying, Dr. Fauci refused to meet with the AIDS community leadership during his first three years as America’s “AIDS Czar.” That reticence further soured Dr. Fauci’s already difficult relationships with the community he was responsible to serve.
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In his history of the AIDS crisis, And the Band Played On, author Randy Shilts reports that the world’s leading AIDS expert, Arye Rubinstein, was “astounded” at Fauci’s “stupidity” because his statement did not reflect the contemporary scientific knowledge.
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In 1987, the Wall Street Journal won a Pulitzer Prize for its investigation of an HHS scheme its writers characterized as a deliberate campaign by officials to misre-present AIDS as a general pandemic to secure greater public funding and financial support.
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Melisa Wallack and Craig Borten, who received Oscar nominations for their script, Dallas Buyers Club, intensively researched NIAID’s institutional hostility to patient care and repurposed drugs during the 1986 AIDS crisis. Dr. Fauci’s campaign to sabotage therapeutic remedies played a key role in precipitating the emergence of the organized underground medical network. So-called “Buyers Clubs” filled the vacuum by providing treatments that community doctors and their patients considered effective against AIDS, but that FDA refused to approve. “Dr. Fauci was a liar,” recalls Wallack, who ...more
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The activists were aware of this increasingly lethal irony: It had been NIAID’s decision to not fund any randomized trials on these unpatented drugs. Dr. Fauci himself had constructed this dead end. This pattern of resourceful stonewalling to obstruct repurposed off-patent drugs with lifesaving potential would become a pattern familiar to Dr. Fauci’s critics during the COVID crisis.
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Michael Callen told Nussbaum that Dr. Fauci’s single-minded concern seemed to be avoiding the mortification of acknowledging success by doctors outside his agency. “He would not be humiliated even if ‘Fauci’s decision cost the lives of tens of thousands of people with AIDS.’”47
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Senator Kennedy was beginning to suspect that Dr. Fauci was either inept or “in the tank” with Pharma.
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For three years, Dr. Fauci had done everything in his power to deny aerosol pentamidine and its companion drug, Bactrim, to AIDS sufferers. But here’s what he told the panel in 1988: “If I were an individual patient, I would probably take aerosolized pentamidine if I already had a bout of Pneumocystis. In fact, I might try, even before then, taking prophylactic Bactrim.”57 These were two promising remedies that everyone on the panel and in the audience knew that Fauci had refused to either test or recommend. At that very moment, Dr. Fauci was denying tens of thousands of AIDS patients access ...more
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On May 31, 1988, Kramer wrote his famous “Open Letter to Tony Fauci” in the Village Voice. Kramer’s diatribe compared NIAID to the fraternity of miscreants, delinquents, and dimwitted knuckleheads in the comedy film Animal House. He called Dr. Fauci an “idiot” and a “murderer.” He described Fauci sweating and squirming under Representative Ted Weiss’s questioning: “You were pummeled into admitting publicly what some have been claiming since you took over some three years ago. You have admitted that you are an incompetent idiot.”62
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In an extraordinary volte-face, he fiercely argued that if a drug looked promising for alleviating potentially lethal illness during pandemics, patients ought to be able to get access to it, even if it hadn’t been through a double-blind placebo trial.
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AIDS activists afterward learned that at the same time Dr. Fauci was telling them and Senator Kennedy’s office that he was finally testing AL 721, Teflon Tony was confiding to his Pharma PIs that he had rigged the AL 721 studies to fail: “I wanted to debunk it,” he reassured them.76 Just as he would do with hydroxychloroquine during the COVID crisis thirty years later, he designed his AL 721 clinical trials in a way that would ensure their failure and thus discredit the unpatentable medicine. Dr. Fauci told the Burroughs Wellcome PIs who dominated his “independent” committee, “Let’s put the ...more
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“The data had not been generated out of Tony Fauci’s multimillion-dollar drug-testing system,” Callen recalled. “That [Fauci’s] system has not been able to enroll a single person in its trials of aerosol pentamidine. The HIV community and community doctors generated the data. A private company, LyphoMed, funded the study.” Said Nussbaum, “The community has rolled up its sleeves and done an end run around federal incompetence and indifference.”79
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This omission was unprecedented in the history of chemotherapy drugs, but again foreshadowed the decision to allow the Pfizer/BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine to proceed to human testing without completing the usual panel of safety testing in animal models.
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These documents showed that the “double-blind, placebo-controlled” trials had become unblinded almost immediately, which alone rendered them invalid. Internal FDA communications with the research team revealed rampant falsification of data, sloppiness, and departure from accepted procedures.
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The FDA argued that if all the false data were excluded, there would be an insufficient number of patients left to complete the trials. Lauritsen pointed out that FDA’s knowing use of false data constituted fraud.
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As it turned out, the Boston Principal Investigators (PIs) cheated on almost every patient. The Burroughs Wellcome PIs had quickly realized that AZT was so reliably deadly that they were hard-pressed to keep the trial recruits alive for the full six-month study. The Boston team solved this dilemma by lying about the length of time patients were in the trials. The company incentivized this sort of fraud by paying its PIs according to how many months they kept the AZT trial subjects alive. “Simply put,” says Lauritsen, “the doctors received a great deal more money,” from longer-term enrollments.
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Dr. Willner, who died in 1995, accused Dr. Fauci of using transfusions and other artifices to systematically conceal AZT’s horrendous toxicity. “What do we have to say about the National Institutes of Health, when a private, independent laboratory, found AZT to be 1,000 times more toxic than the laboratory of the NIH? We can understand a 5 percent error in a laboratory, even a 10 percent error, but a 10,000 percent error or a 100,000 percent error? That’s fraud.”
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Even in that innocent era, the United States mainstream media heavily censored journalistic criticism of Dr. Fauci and the corruption in the AZT studies.
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Millions around the world viewed the UK documentary, but neither it nor any of the Medical AIDS-critical documentaries have ever been broadcast in the US.
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Of course, Dr. Fauci remained a constant presence on the more obeisant media outlets. Despite years of ineptitude and catastrophe, he has managed to survive by cultivating credulous journalists who do not ask critical questions and give him free rein to broadcast self-serving propaganda. Furthermore, he had already become a master at persuading media outlets against giving platforms to his critics, a technique that served him well in 2020 and 2021.
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Only thirty-three years later did Dr. Fauci finally concede that AZT’s performance in his ballyhooed clinical trials—ostensibly saving lives at a 19-1 ratio—was actually less than stellar. Ironically, his delayed confession arrived just as Dr Fauci was minting a new whopper. In May 2020, during the White House meeting where he pronounced the miraculous efficacy of Gilead’s antiviral remdesivir—another beneficiary of Dr. Fauci’s manipulations—he admitted, “The first randomized placebo-controlled trial with AZT . . . turned out to give an effect that was modest.”
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In that sense, an unbroken devolution of FDA’s regulatory function leads from AZT to the fraud-fueled “Emergency use approvals” of remdesivir and the Moderna mRNA vaccine during the COVID pandemic.
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As Michael suggests, the unique skill sets that allowed Dr. Fauci’s extraordinary longevity and continuing public credibility—despite his miserable record of preventing and managing chronic and infectious disease—were his gifts for weaponizing media relationships, magically deploying journalists to promote his self-serving narratives, and relentlessly silence dissent.
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During his battle to win FDA approval for AZT, Dr. Fauci pioneered the strategies upon which he would build his career and then showcase for the world during the COVID epidemic. These include:
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In addition, Dr. Fauci honed the skill of always speaking with authority—even when making contradictory assertions with no scientific basis—to rapidly reshape all government pronouncements into dogma, efficiently perpetuated in a quasi-religious manner by the media.
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Mark Twain once observed that “It’s easier to fool people than to convince them that they have been fooled.”
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During the thirty-six years since Dr. Fauci and his colleague, Dr. Robert Gallo, first claimed that HIV is the sole cause of AIDS, no one has been able to point to a study that demonstrates their hypothesis using accepted scientific proofs.