The Real Anthony Fauci: Bill Gates, Big Pharma, and the Global War on Democracy and Public Health

by Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

Dr. Fauci’s fraud persuaded hundreds of thousands of people to take AZT. For many of them, it was a lethal choice. In 1987, AZT became the AIDS “therapy” even though in the recommended dosage of 1,500 mg/day, it was absolutely fatal.122 Throughout the 1980s, the average lifespan of a patient on AZT was four years. The life expectancy only began to increase in 1990, when the FDA lowered the recommended dosages from 1,200 mg/day to 600.123 The quality of life on AZT was universally pretty miserable. Many credible scientists argued that AZT was killing more people than AIDS. Lauritsen estimated that AZT killed 330,000 gay men between 1987 and 2019.124 Many of the dead were perfectly healthy before beginning the AIDS regimen. Absent AZT, Lauritsen says, the vast majority of those men would not have died.

His success at using the AIDS crisis to bring a deadly, toxic, and ineffective AIDS drug to market taught Dr. Fauci some key career lessons that he would faithfully repeat again and again and again throughout his long regime. During his battle to win FDA approval for AZT, Dr. Fauci pioneered the strategies upon which he would build his career and then showcase for the world during the COVID epidemic. These include: • pumping up pandemic fears to lay the groundwork for larger budgets and greater powers, • incriminating an elusive pathogen, • fanning hysteria by exaggerating disease transmissibility, • periodically stoking waning fear levels by warning of mutant super-strains and future surges, • suggesting substantial changes in how people live, ostensibly to save their lives, • keeping the public and politicians engaged through confusing and contradictory pronouncements, • using faulty PCR and antibody tests and manipulating epidemiology to inflate non-verifiable case and death numbers, to maximize the perception of an imminent calamity, • ignoring and dismissing effective off-the-shelf therapeutic remedies, • directing energy and money toward profitable new patented drugs and vaccines, • championing dangerous and ineffective drugs originating in government laboratories as the only winning solution to end the pandemic, • funding and orchestrating confirmation-biased research to validate his chosen remedy, • partnering with large pharmaceutical companies and giving his part...

Mark Twain once observed that “It’s easier to fool people than to convince them that they have been fooled.” AIDS activist Christine Maggiore lamented this feature of human gullibility when she assessed the mendacious fifty-year travesty of corrupted public health research that Tony Fauci put in motion during the 1984 AIDS crisis: “Commercial interests are definitely part of the problem here, and it’s also our collective inability or challenge to say, ‘All this time, all these years, all these lives, all these billions and billions of dollars. Can we just stop a second and go back to the very beginning and make sure we got this right?’ I mean, that is so hard to do. People don’t even know it’s a lie. It’s not so much a lie as business as usual.”

AIDS. I include this history because it provides an important case study illustrating how—some four hundred years after Galileo—politics and power continue to dictate “scientific consensus,” rather than empiricism, critical thinking, or the established steps of the scientific method.

The clinical symptoms of African AIDS are high fever, a persistent cough, loose stools for thirty days, and a 10 percent loss of body weight over a two-month period. By that definition, a large percentage of Western tourists have AIDS while in Africa. The simple cure is to get on a plane back to New York, where no doctor would dream of bestowing an AIDS diagnosis based on that symptomology alone. After 1993, WHO added

The questions about widely divergent symptomology of this mysterious disease only amplify when we consider that WHO maintains twelve different descriptions of AIDS, depending on national boundaries.

The medical cartel dangled the prizes of redemption and reinstatement before Duesberg if he would only agree to reform. In 1994, a high-ranking NIH geneticist, Dr. Stephen O’Brien, called Duesberg and said he urgently needed to see him about a professional matter. O’Brien flew in from Bethesda the next day, and the two met at the opera in San Francisco. After some small talk about the good old days, O’Brien pulled a manuscript from the inside pocket of his tuxedo. Headlined “HIV Causes AIDS: Koch’s Postulates Fulfilled,” it had three very incongruous names at the bottom: Stephen O’Brien, William Blattner, and Peter Duesberg.43 Nature editor John Maddox had commissioned this apologia as inducement. If Duesberg would only sign the mea culpa, O’Brien implored, he could have everything back. He would be back at the top again, back in the safe bastion of Dr. Fauci’s medical and science establishment. Duesberg refused the bribe.44 In a 2009 documentary, Duesberg is somewhat empathetic, if not sympathetic, toward his detractors: “They are prostitutes, most of them, my colleagues–and to some degree, myself. You have to be a prostitute to get money for your research. You’re trained a little bit to be a prostitute.” He smiles and adds, “But some go all the way.”

Drs. Duesberg, Willner, and others believed that AZT killed tens of thousands of Americans between 1986 and 1996 before less toxic chemotherapy drugs were introduced, causing far more fatalities than the immune deficiencies associated with the recreational drugs during the first wave of the AIDS pandemic.

There is little question that the character of AIDS changed dramatically in the early 1990s with the proliferation of AZT. Kaposi’s sarcoma uncoupled from the disease and AIDS cases began to look increasingly like AZT poisoning. “Then at a certain point, when really that sort of AIDS virtually ceased to exist, there came a new type of AIDS,” says John Lauritsen.106 “So they expanded the definition, and also they began giving the anti-HIV drugs to people who were in fact not even sick, but merely positive on the HIV test. And in that case, of course, when they finally became sick enough from the AIDS drugs they were called ‘AIDS patients.’ I would simply have to say that my main concern is the gay men, who have been murdered,” Lauritsen observed. “I don’t think ‘murder’ is too strong a word to use when you have a drug like AZT and all the nucleoside analogues that followed, more or less on its coat tail, approved on the basis of fraudulent research, and where, as you know, Joseph Sonnabend said, ‘AZT is incompatible with life.’ Well, if it’s incompatible with life, it’s a poison and if it’s a poison that kills people, in context like that, it is murder.”

According to the CDC, in the fifth full year of AIDS, 1986, 12,205 people “with” AIDS died in the United States. At that time, CDC—in a now-familiar scheme to stoke pandemic fears—used deceptive protocols to inflate the body counts. The CDC’s mortality numbers include anyone with an HIV positive antibody “status,” even if the deceased had no “AIDS defining illness,” and instead succumbed to suicide, a drug overdose, a car accident, or a heart attack.

The death rate climbed precipitously after the commercial introduction of AZT. In 1987, “AIDS” deaths rose by 46 percent with 16,469 people dying. In 1988, as more and more people received AZT, the death toll rose to 21,176, and then to 27,879 in 1989. Death rates rose to 31,694 in 1990, and 37,040 in 1991.110 At the end of the 1980s, HHS’s standard prescription for AZT was 1,500 mg a day. In 1988, the average survival time for patients taking AZT was four months.111 Even mainstream medicine couldn’t overlook the fact that the administration of higher doses led to much higher death rates.112 At the beginning of the 1990s, health officials lowered the daily dose to 500 mg. The average lifespan of AZT patients rose to twenty-four months in 1997, as deaths attributed to AIDS plummeted. Afterwards. CDC changed its counting metrics to make it difficult to count annual AIDS deaths.

“The minute someone suggests that the orthodoxy might be wrong, the establishment starts to call him crazy or a quack,” Rubin continued. “One week you’re a great scientist; the next week, you’re a jerk. Science has become the new church of America and is closing off all room for creative, productive dissent.”

Dr. Harvey Bialy argues that the medical establishment’s top concern is not public health, but their own reputations and perquisites. “The scientific and medical communities have a great deal of face to lose. It is not much of an exaggeration to state that when the HIV/AIDS hypothesis is finally recognized as wrong, the entire institution of science will lose the public’s trust, and science itself will experience fundamental, profound, and long-lasting changes. The ‘scientific community’ has risked its credibility by standing by the HIV theory for so long. This is why doubting the HIV hypothesis is now tantamount to doubting science itself, and this is why dissidents face excommunication.”

As Kary Mullis says in his book Dancing Naked in the Mind Field, “What people call science today is probably very similar to what was called science in 1634. Galileo was told to recant his beliefs or be excommunicated. People who refuse to accept the commandments of the AIDS establishment are basically told the same thing.”

The quasi-religious nature of the debate is evident in the loathing and pious moralizing expressed toward Duesberg by an unnamed Berkeley scientist, interviewed by Celia Farber for her 2006 book, Serious Adverse Events: An Uncensored History of AIDS: “He did it to himself, you know. You see, he wouldn’t give up an idea. He went at it with a hammer. He may well be 3,000 percent right, but he upset an awful lot of people. . . . Nobody believed in him because what he was doing was overturning generally held views. They felt betrayed. . . . You don’t just stand up and say everybody is wrong.”

In 1973, Dr. Stanley Plotkin penned a letter to the New England Journal of Medicine in which he justified his experiments on vulnerable intellectually disabled children, saying they “are humans in form but not in social potential.”1 Those sorts of prejudices did nothing to damage his lofty reputation among his colleagues. Vaccinologists consider the annual Stanley Plotkin Award the Nobel Prize of vaccinology. In 2019, the British Medical Journal called Plotkin “the Godfather of vaccines.”2 These homegrown American medical Mengeles most often targeted impoverished American Indians and Blacks in Africa, the Caribbean, and in the United States as their laboratory

In 2014, another CDC whistleblower, the agency’s senior vaccine safety scientist, Dr. William Thompson, disclosed that top CDC officials had forced him and four other senior researchers to lie to the public and destroy data that showed disproportionate vaccine injuries—including a 340 percent elevated risk for autism—in Black male infants who received the Measles, Mumps, Rubella (MMR) vaccine on schedule.

In 2004, investigative journalist Liam Scheff chronicled Dr. Fauci’s secretive experiments on hundreds of HIV-positive foster children at Incarnation Children’s Center (ICC) in New York City and numerous sister facilities in New York and six other states between 1988 and 2002.11 Those experiments were the core of Dr. Fauci’s career-defining effort to develop a second generation of profitable AIDS drugs as an encore to AZT.12

Scheff described how Dr. Fauci’s NIAID and his Big Pharma partners turned Black and Hispanic foster kids into lab rats, subjecting them to torture and abuse in a grim parade of unsupervised drug and vaccine studies: “This former convent houses a revolving stable of

Scheff continued, “The drugs being given to the children are toxic—they’re known to cause genetic mutation, organ failure, bone marrow death, bodily deformations, brain damage, and fatal skin disorders.15 “If the children refuse the drugs, they’re held down and force fed. If the children continue to resist, they’re taken to Columbia Presbyterian hospital, where a surgeon puts a plastic tube through their abdominal wall into their stomachs. From then on, the drugs are injected directly into their intestines.

“In 2003, two children, ages six and twelve, had debilitating strokes due to drug toxicities. The six-year-old went blind. They both died shortly after. Another fourteen-year-old died recently. An eight-year-old boy had two plastic surgeries to remove large, fatty, drug-induced lumps from his neck.”17 “This isn’t science fiction. This is AIDS research.”

BBC’s heartbreaking 2004 documentary, Guinea Pig Kids,21 chronicles the savage barbarity of Dr. Fauci’s science projects from the perspective of the affected children. That year, BBC hired investigative reporter Celia Farber to conduct field research for the film, which exposes the dark underside of Big Pharma’s stampede to develop lucrative new AIDS remedies. “I found the mass grave at Gate of Heaven cemetery in Hawthorne, New York,” she told me. “I couldn’t believe my eyes. It was a very large pit with AstroTurf thrown over it, which you could actually lift up. Under it one could see dozens of plain wooden coffins, haphazardly stacked. There may have been 100 of them. I learned there was more than one child’s body in each. Around the pit was a semi-circle of several large tombstones on which upward of one thousand children’s names had been engraved. I wrote down every name. I’m still wondering who the rest of those kids were. As far as I know, nobody has ever asked Dr. Fauci that haunting question.

Two years later, Farber would follow the trail of child casualties left by Dr. Fauci’s AIDS branch, DAIDS, in Uganda, exposing the pattern of abusing African mothers and children.

linked to the Chinese military? On my birthday in January 1961, three days before I watched my uncle John F. Kennedy take his oath as president of the United States, outgoing President Dwight Eisenhower, in his farewell address, warned our country about the emergence of a Military Industrial Complex that would obliterate our democracy. In that speech, Eisenhower made an equally urgent—although less celebrated—warning against the emergence of a federal bureaucracy, which, he believed, posed an equally dire threat to America’s Constitution and her values:

Gates’s closest boyhood friend and the Microsoft cofounder, Paul Allen, described Gates in his 2011 book (Idea Man: A Memoir) as a sarcastic bully who in 1982 schemed to oust him and steal his share of their company. Back at work following a bout with cancer, an anemic Allen, depleted by radiation and chemotherapy, overheard Gates conniving with Microsoft’s new manager, Steve Ballmer, to dilute Allen’s stake. Allen recalled bursting in and shouting: “This is unbelievable! It shows your true character, once and for all.”26 Declining Gates’s $5-a-share buyout offer, Allen left Microsoft with his 25 percent stake intact, becoming a billionaire when the company went public in 1986.27

A doctrinal canon of the germ theory credits vaccines for the dramatic declines of infectious disease mortalities in North America and Europe during the twentieth century. Anthony Fauci, for example, routinely proclaims that vaccines eliminated mortalities from the infectious diseases of the early twentieth century, saving millions of lives. On July 4, 2021, he commented to NBC’s Chuck Todd, “You know, as the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, it was my responsibility to make sure that we did the science that got us to the vaccines that as we know now have already saved millions and millions of lives.”46 Most Americans accept this claim as dogma. It will therefore come as a surprise to learn that it is simply untrue. Science actually gives the honor of having vanquished infectious disease mortalities to nutrition and sanitation. A comprehensive study of this foundational assertion published in 2000 in the high-gravitas journal Pediatrics by CDC and Johns Hopkins scientists concluded, after reviewing a century of medical data, that “vaccination does not account for the impressive decline in mortality from infectious diseases

In August 1941, President Franklin Roosevelt forced Winston Churchill to sign the Atlantic Charter as a condition for US support of the Allied effort in World War II. The Charter—a heartening emblem of American idealism—required the European allies to relinquish their colonies following the war. For two centuries, unimpeded access to the colonized world’s rich national resources had been the principal source of European wealth. The Atlantic Charter and nationalist liberation movements in the 1950s and ’60s dismantled the traditional colonial model in Africa. The continent, however, quickly reopened to “soft colonization” by multinational corporations and their state sponsors.

During the Cold War, the US military and intelligence agencies largely replaced Europe’s colonial armies in those regions, supporting virtually any tinhorn dictator who proved his “anti-Communist” bona fides by rolling out red carpets for US multinationals. When the Berlin Wall fell, the United States already had 655 military bases (now 800)80 across the developing world, and US companies had blank checks in host nations to extract agricultural, mineral, petroleum, and lumber resources, and large markets for finished goods including, notably, pharmaceuticals. After the Soviet bugaboo collapsed, Islamic terrorism and biosecurity supplanted communism as the rationale for a continued US military and corporate presence all over the developing world.

In January 2003, as Gates and Dr. Fauci opened dozens of clinical trials for experimental AIDS vaccines across Africa, Dr. Fauci’s perennial hagiographer, Michael Specter, writing in The New Yorker, raised trenchant questions about “the ethical problems associated with long-term vaccine trials in the developing world—funded by Western donors and designed, largely, by Western scientists.” Specter asks, “Has the race to save Africa from AIDS put Western science at odds with Western ethics?” The article quotes African leaders asking why their continent needed to shoulder the burden of testing expensive vaccines and medicines that—if successful—would be primarily used in Western countries. They complained about pharmaceutical companies automatically lowering safety standards for clinical trials when they stepped onto the African continent. “Why us?” a prominent African journalist asked Specter. “It seems it’s always us. For how many years does Uganda have to be the test case?”

“If Fauci’s HIV/AIDS hypotheses were true, they should have been able to develop a vaccine,” observes Dr. David Rasnick, a PhD biochemist who has worked for thirty years in the pharmaceutical biotech field. “Fauci’s fundamental conundrum is that he has told everybody to diagnose AIDS based on the presence of HIV antibodies. With every other disease, the presence of antibodies is the signal that the patient has vanquished the disease. With AIDS, Fauci and Gallo, and now Gates, claim it’s a sign you’re about to die. Think about it; if the objective of an AIDS vaccine is to stimulate antibody production, then success would mean that every vaccinated person would also have an AIDS diagnosis. I mean, this is fodder for a comedy bit. It’s like someone gave the Three Stooges an annual billion-dollar budget!”

Magical vaccines are Gates’s preeminent cookie-cutter solution for the ills of poverty, famine, drought, and disease. The absurdity of expensive shots as a remedy for indigence, a salve for malnutrition, or the dearth of potable water is obvious when one considers that three billion people live on less than two dollars per day. Eight hundred and forty million people don’t have enough to eat. One billion lack clean water, or access to sanitation. One billion are illiterate. About a quarter of children in poor countries do not finish primary school.122 Poverty is a target-rich environment, but the data suggest that Gates’s vaccines miss the target altogether. Sociologist Linsey McGoey quotes a young health researcher based at the University of Cape Coast, on western Ghana: “From my point of view, it’s more like [the Gates Foundation] are selling technology than solving problems. Most of their calls have to do with developing some new technology or vaccines.”

In 2012, WHO’s then-Director General Margaret Chan complained that because the WHO’s budget is highly earmarked, it is “driven by what [she calls] donor interests.”126 According to McGoey, “According to its charter, the WHO is meant to be accountable to member governments. The Gates Foundation, on the other hand, is accountable to no one other than its three trustees: Bill, Melinda, and Berkshire Hathaway CEO Warren Buffett. Many civil society organizations fear the WHO’s independence is compromised when a significant portion of its budget comes from a private philanthropic organization with the power to stipulate exactly where and how the UN institution spends its money.” McGoey observes that “Virtually every significant decision at WHO is first vetted by the Gates Foundation.”127 As the UK-based NGO Global Justice Now told Grayzone, “the Foundation’s influence is so pervasive that many actors in international development which would otherwise critique the policy and practice of the Foundation are unable to speak out independently as a result of its funding and patronage.”128 (See also “The Perils of Philanthrocapitalism,” Eric Franklin Amarante, Maryland Law Review, 2018.)

unofficial—albeit unelected—leader of the WHO. By 2017, Gates’s power was so complete that he handpicked his deputy, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, as the WHO’s new director general despite complaints that Tedros would be the first director general to the WHO without a medical degree and despite Tedros’s dubious background. Critics credibly charge

serve his own purposes.”140 As Jeremy Loffredo and Michele Greenstein concede in their July 2020 article, “The Gates Foundation has already effectively privatized the international body charged with creating health policy, transforming it into a vehicle for corporate dominance. It has facilitated the dumping of toxic products onto the people of the Global South, and even used the world’s poor as guinea pigs for drug experiments. . . . The Gates Foundation’s influence over public health policy is practically contingent on ensuring that safety regulations and other government functions are weak enough to be circumvented. It therefore operates against the independence of nation states and as a vehicle for Western capital.”141

When Cicely Tyson, Marvin Hagler, and rapper Earl Simmons—a.k.a. DMX— all died soon after taking COVID vaccines, the medical community and CDC rushed in to assure the African American community that the deaths were not vaccine related. Social media and mainstream outlets censored or removed stories that suggested a vaccine association. Gates-funded “fact checker” organizations “debunked” any link. The desperation to discredit such talk inspired many “respectable” media outfits to simply lie. When home run king Hank Aaron, whom I knew, died seventeen days after receiving a vaccine at a staged press conference at Atlanta’s Morehouse College, I wrote that his death was among a wave of deaths in older people following vaccination. (I never said the vaccine caused Aaron’s death.) The New York Times, CNN, ABC, NBC, Inside Edition, and a hundred news organizations across the globe rushed to castigate me and rebuff my article as “vaccine misinformation,” assuring the public that the Fulton County Coroner had declared Aaron’s death “unrelated to the vaccine.” When I called the Fulton County Coroner, the office informed me that they had never seen Hank Aaron’s body and that Aaron’s family had buried him without autopsy.161 After I published this embarrassing fact, not a single news organization posted a retraction.

Federal law requires that every injury or death following vaccination during clinical trials—or, by logical extension, with emergency use products—must be attributed to the vaccine unless proven otherwise. Nevertheless, as of August 2021, the CDC officially took the Pollyannaish view that not one of the 13,000-plus deaths162 reported to VAERS following vaccination as of August 20, 2021, was vaccine related.163 Not one. As was the case with Hank Aaron, CDC apparently did nothing to actively investigate any of those deaths, exonerating the vaccines, instead, by fiat.

While unusual numbers of Black celebrities were dying postvaccination in America, an eyebrow-raising number of anti-vax political leaders were simultaneously expiring in Africa. The epidemic of untimely deaths among high-profile black African heads of state and key government ministers and physicians who opposed Bill Gates/COVAX policies provoked a wave of conspiracy theories suggesting that these men were murdered to silence dissent. The phenomenon was so striking during the first year of the pandemic that both Reuters and the British Medical Journal (BMJ) published articles seeking to explain the troubling trend. The Internet assassination speculations reached a boil following the strange murder of President Jovenel Moïse of Haiti by a team of elite, well-trained Colombian mercenaries with links to United States intelligence agencies. Moïse was a vocal opponent of the WHO vaccine program. The African leaders who died suddenly after criticizing WHO vaccination policy included President John Magufuli of Tanzania (March 17, 2021), Prime Minister Hamed Bakayoko of Ivory Coast (March 10, 2021), President Pierre Nkurunziza of Burundi (January 8, 2020), and Madagascar’s popular, infl...

The team at the Los Angeles Times documents how, in a single Lesotho hospital, one or two babies die from asphyxiation every day for lack of a $35 oxygen valve: “That life-saving valve is outside the purview of Gates’s $400 million annual vaccine giving—almost all of which goes to HIV, polio, TB, and malaria vaccines.” Gates’s regimen has also deprioritized the off-patent malaria medicines like hydroxychloroquine that could prevent half of all malaria deaths at 12 cents per dose, as well as $4 mosquito nets that can spare a child from contracting malaria. It estimates that three dollars of food and conventional medicines to each new mother could prevent five million child deaths annually.

By narrowing the focus of international relief aid to fund pharma solutions to a handful of celebrity diseases, Gates has not only reduced public expenditures on basic equipment and lifesaving food and water, he has pulled many of the best health-care workers and researchers away from lifesaving basic care.

The Los Angeles Times concludes that Gates’s obsession with vaccine-preventable diseases has proportionally reduced assistance streams for nutrition, transportation, hygiene, and economic development, causing negative overall impacts on public health: “Many AIDS patients have so little food that they vomit their free AIDS pills. For lack of bus fare, others cannot get to clinics that offer lifesaving treatment.”

Instead, every effort to measure the health outcomes of Gates’s interventions has exposed them as cataclysmic for their beneficiaries. In 2017, the Danish Government commissioned a study of health outcomes among African children who received WHO’s flagship DTP vaccine—the world’s most popular inoculation. They found that vaccinated girls had ten times the death rate compared to unvaccinated girls.

The Gates Foundation has poured billions into sub-Saharan Africa through the Global Fund, to finance vaccines and antivirals for AIDS and TB treatment for 3.9 million people. But one AIDS patient, Moleko, told the Times, “The clinics don’t have what we need: food.”185 Majubilee Mathibeli, the nurse at Queen II hospital who gives Moleko her pills, wept in frustration as she told the Times reporter that four out of five of her patients ate fewer than three meals a day. “Most of them,” she said, “are dying of hunger.” In Lesotho and Rwanda, dozens of patients described hunger “so brutal that nausea prevented them from keeping their anti-AIDS pills down.”186 Mathibeli said that Gates’s Global Fund was out of touch. “They have their computers in nice offices and are comfortable,” she said, nervous about speaking bluntly. But “they are not coming down to our level. We’ve got to tell the truth so something will be done.”187 Dr. Jennifer Furin, the Lesotho director for Partners in Health, a Boston-based NGO, made a similar complaint. By giving African patients medicine without food, she said, “You’re consigning that person to death because they are poor.”188

Piller and Smith’s Los Angeles Times exposé on Gates’s calamitous African adventure is an artifact of an expired era. Investigative journalism of this probative quality is a quaint relic of a time when editors and producers still permitted their reporters and correspondents to express skepticism toward Gates. Even before the open censorship of the COVID epoch, US media reports about Gates’s charities operated in the narrow range between obsequious fawning and adulation. This is no accident. By 2006, the tsunami of advertising revenues from pharmaceutical firms—about $4.8 billion annually—had already drowned out most of the voices of vaccine dissent in mainstream media.200 By 2020, those expenditures grew to $9.53 billion.

Gates has also made large strategic investments in Poynter and the International Network of Fact Checking Organizations, which dutifully “debunks” virtually every public statement that seems critical of Gates, whether accurate or

Tellingly, in March 2017, I met with Dr. Fauci, Francis Collins, and a White House referee (and separately with Peter Marks from CBER at FDA) to complain that HHS was, by then, mandating 69 doses of sixteen vaccines1 for America’s children, none of which had ever been tested for safety against placebos prior to licensing. Dr. Fauci and Dr. Collins denied that this was true and insisted that those vaccines were safety tested. They were unable, however, after several weeks, to provide us a citation for a single clinical trial using an inert placebo against a vaccine. In October 2017, Del Bigtree and Aaron Siri— who both attended these meetings—joined me in suing HHS under the Freedom of Information Act to produce the long-promised safety studies.2 Ten months after the meeting with Fauci and Collins, on the courthouse steps, HHS admitted that we were, in fact, correct: none of the mandated childhood vaccines had been tested for safety in pre-licensing inert placebo tests.3 The best of Bill Gates’s African vaccines are all on this list. But Bill Gates also uses a large retinue of much more dangerous and demonstrably ineffective vaccines in Africa—ones that Western countries have actually rejected because of dire safety signals.

In the colonial era, Africa provided model precincts for testing new vaccines. In the 1950s, white colonial overlords rolled out the red carpet for pharmaceutical companies to perform vaccine experiments on compliant test subjects numbering in the millions. Drug companies spend some 90 percent of their drug development costs on Phase III human trials.4 Every trial delay eats into the critical time period when the product enjoys patent protection. In the 1980s, Pharma therefore moved most of its clinical trials to poor nations where human guinea pigs are cheap and even the most severe injuries will rarely delay the study. Government complicity and anemic corporate liability laws allow vaccine makers to write off injuries as collateral damage with little consequence or accountability.

A wave of gruesome brain injuries and deaths followed the introduction of diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis (DTP) vaccines in the United States and Europe in the 1970s. As early as 1977, a study published by British physicians and researchers in The Lancet established that the risks of the whole-cell pertussis jab (used in the DTP vaccine) exceed the risks associated with wild pertussis.10 Six years later, a 1983 NIH-funded UCLA study found that Wyeth’s DTP vaccine was killing or causing severe brain injury, including seizures and death, in 1 in every 300 vaccinated children.11 The resultant lawsuits caused the collapse of insurance markets for vaccines and threatened to bankrupt the industry. Wyeth—now Pfizer—claimed to be losing $20 in downstream liability for every dollar it earned on vaccine sales, and induced Congress to pass the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act in 1986 shielding vaccine makers from liability.12

That 2017 study (Mogensen et al., 2017)20 shows that, following their DTP immunization at three months, vaccinated girls had tenfold higher mortality than unvaccinated children. The girls were dying of a wide range of diseases—pneumonia, anemia, malaria, dysentery—and for two decades no one noticed that the dying children were predominantly those who received the vaccine. The DTP vaccine—while protecting children against diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis—had ruined their immune systems, making them vulnerable to a wide range of deadly nontarget infections. Mogensen’s team arrived at that conclusion, as had the 1977 Lancet study researchers exactly forty years earlier: “DTP vaccine may kill more children from other causes than it saves from diphtheria, tetanus or pertussis.”

After completing the study and verifying its shocking results, Peter Aaby—a virtual deity among African vaccine researchers—made an impassioned, and remorseful, plea to the WHO to reconsider the DTP vaccine. “I guess most of you think that we know what our vaccines are doing,” he said. “We don’t.”

Alarmed at the exploding epidemics of neurodevelopmental, allergic, and autoimmune diseases in children that began in 1986, CDC commenced in 1999 an in-house study of the vast repository of health and vaccination data from the ten largest HMOs stored in the Vaccine Safety Datalink (VSD). A specially assembled CDC research team led by Belgian epidemiologist Thomas Verstraeten compared health outcomes in hundreds of thousands of vaccinated versus unvaccinated children. The raw data from CDC’s 1999 Verstraeten study showed that children who took thimerosal-containing hepatitis B vaccines in their first thirty days suffered an astonishing 1,135 percent higher rate of autism than children who did not.30 Verstraeten also documented a grim inventory of other neurological injuries including ADD/ADHD, speech and language delays, tics, and sleep disorders in children exposed to thimerosal. Verstraeten reported that these shocking signals prompted him to review, for the first time, the published medical literature, where he confirmed the alarming toxicity of mercury (thimerosal) to cause these injuries was biologically plausible.