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August 14 - August 23, 2022
The one piece of information that best predicts whether Mr. Trump won or lost a county in November 2016 was the degree of opioid abuse. In Scioto County, ground zero of the opioid epidemic, Mr. Trump took a third more votes in 2016 than Mitt Romney had in 2012. It was a surprise when Donald Trump won Pennsylvania. He got the majority of votes in several Pennsylvania counties that Barack Obama had won four years before. Every single one of those counties was in public health crisis as a result of opioid abuse. This also held for the counties in Ohio that Barack Obama had won and Mr. Trump took
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The downward spiral from pain to desperation and from pride to resentment is something that politicians like Mr. Trump understand and accelerate. They want people staggered by suffering, and so they oppose health care. Pain is their politics; their propaganda is a death trap.
It is also tempting to rest on the laurels of tradition, to refer back to the eighteenth century, to say that the Founding Fathers did not imagine modern public health. There are many things, of course, that they did not imagine. It is impossible for me to believe, as a citizen and as a historian, that the Founding Fathers wanted an America where people would live shorter and worse lives than necessary, where the sickness of the many would become a zone of profit for the few. The optimism in the preamble of the Constitution rings down the centuries: good government means justice, tranquility,
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Now that we have better knowledge of the natural world, we can consider health care as a human right. The Constitution does not prevent us from doing so. On the contrary: its authors had the wisdom to specify that “the enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.” This leaves room for a right to health care. If we accept Jefferson’s famous trio of rights to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” the case for a right to health care is made. If we have a right to life, we have a right to the means of
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In the United States one has to have good insurance or spare cash to see a lactation consultant, and most people do not. In this way, inequality affects the biology of babies from their first hours. It does no honor to the idea that “all men are created equal” to mandate an unequal start of life.
This attitude to parents and young children is certainly not a result of Austrians being friendlier than Americans. It has to do with an understanding that rearing children is not something that a parent or even a family can do without help. The institutions that helped us, from the public hospital to the public kindergarten to the public transport (with an elevator at every subway stop), were not one-way gifts to families with children. They were an infrastructure of solidarity that held people together, making them feel that at the end of the day they were not alone.
Such magical thinking was tyrannical, delusive, and irresponsible. It was tyrannical, in Plato’s sense of the word, because it revealed the tyrant’s narcissistic concern for his own image (“the numbers”) over the reality lived by others—in this case the reality of an epidemic that would kill more Americans than any in the past hundred years. It was delusive because it confused looking away with taking action, the absence of testing with the absence of infection. Mr. Trump’s unwillingness to test did not mean that we were healthy, only that we were ignorant. It was irresponsible because it
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No social platform can improve health, since any algorithm with such a goal would alert people to shut down their computers, wash their hands, and get some exercise. No social platform can promote freedom, since social platforms aim at addiction. No social platform can promote truth, because truth, as Euripides realized twenty-five hundred years ago, is about human daring. We care about free speech not because a machine can dump endless garbage into the maw of our worst instincts, but because an individual human being can say something true that others do not know and that power wants hidden.
If patients understood how enserfed doctors have become, they would be less likely to come to hospitals, and less money would be made. American doctors are becoming props in advertisements, the front men and women whose coached smiles are meant to cover the gaps in our ragged patchwork of competing hospitals.
The pandemic was a moment when the cover dropped, when we could see that doctors do not matter in society and politics. The coronavirus was a financial bonanza for people with unrelated economic interests, such as owners of commercial real estate. The floodgates were opened for firms working for the Trump presidential campaign and companies whose owners donated to it. The richest zip code in America was granted two million dollars for no very clear reason. Insurance companies and private equity firms had a voice in policy; physicians and patients had none.
In the United States, implants are essentially unregulated. We do not keep a register of which objects are in which bodies. Because legal standards are as lax as regulatory ones, we do not even learn from lawsuits about suffering and death caused by implants going wrong. It is likely that implants are one of the leading causes of death in the United States, perhaps even the single leading cause. But they make money.
As one doctor explained, “Notes are used to bill, determine level of service, and document it rather than their intended purpose, which was to convey our observations, assessment, and plan. Our important work has been co-opted by billing.”
Most of the insurance industry simply collects rents from disease, like trolls on a bridge demanding a toll. The trolls’ profits misleadingly count in gross national product, though they are supplying no good and performing no service. Economic logic says that the middleman should be removed when possible, and we know how it is possible in this case: with a single-payer system at the center of things, and private insurance at the margins. Countries where people live longer have shown that this works. Thousands of doctors have made the case for it. If we all cross the bridge to health together,
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The most influential of the market economists, Friedrich Hayek, opposed oligopoly, or ownership by a few, which he compared to Soviet central planning. Our medical-industrial complex is a set of oligopolies. Our big data industry is also a set of oligopolies. Hayek is right: they should be broken up. In his most famous work, The Road to Serfdom, Hayek worried about a “dispossessed middle class,” which commercial medicine is now creating. He took for granted that in civilized countries everyone would have access to care: “The case for the state’s helping to organize a comprehensive system of
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What we take for granted can change quickly and for the better. It can also change quickly and for the worse. Now we choose. It is easy to give money to the wrong people during a pandemic, and easy to give away freedom at any time. It takes work to be free, and courage to see opportunity. This crisis is a chance to rethink the possible. Health care should be a right, doctors should have authority, truth should be pursued, children should see a better America. Let us begin our recovery.
Health is our common vulnerability, and our shared chance to grow freer together. Healing our malady would enrich life, extend liberty, and allow us to pursue happiness, alone and together, in solitude and in solidarity. To be free we need our health, and for our health we need one another.