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So, what does one do when a party or coalition secures a decisive mandate in Lok Sabha election but finds that some of its plans are stymied in the Rajya Sabha where it is in minority?
Going by the debates in the Constituent Assembly, it is clear that the makers of the Indian Constitution did not anticipate that the Upper House could become an impediment to lawmaking and governance.
In 1952, there were just six recognized political parties in the Rajya Sabha, whereas today there are 30.
Rajya Sabha. The latter’s composition is such, that the six states with the highest population and their ruling parties (rather than the ruling party at the Centre) determine the majority in the Rajya Sabha.
The Parliament of the Union would be designated ‘National Assembly’.
As such, it is impossible to have a two-thirds majority, or even a simple majority, unless the ruling party wins all of these six large State Assemblies, or all others, through a process of simultaneous election (which in turn is impossible because that too would require a constitutional amendment).
In other words, till 2017, only regional parties have ruled UP, Bihar, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal.
Parliament is the ‘Gangotri’ of Indian democracy. It represents the will and the aspirations of one billion-plus people and is also the link between the people and the government.
Disruption hurts the Opposition more than the government since it denies them the opportunity to raise the concerns of the people.
The evolutionary principle of effective functioning of the parliamentary system is that the majority will rule and the minority will oppose, expose and, if possible, depose.
legislation must be preceded by adequate discussion and scrutiny. If not, it will fail to deliver the desired results or meet its objectives.
It must be kept in mind that no expenditure can be incurred by the Executive, no tax levied and no money withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund of the Centre and States without the approval of the elected legislature.
The instrument of ordinances gives the Executive extraordinary powers to make laws to meet exigencies during a time when the Parliament (or State Assembly) is not in session.
there are two distinct periods when the central government resorted to ordinances quite frequently: the period coinciding with Indira Gandhi’s tenure, and the early to mid-1990s.
I am of the firm belief that the ordinance route should be used only in compelling circumstances and that there should be absolutely no recourse to ordinances on monetary matters, which has been the practice so far
P.V. Narasimha Rao provided stellar leadership to India at a critical juncture. Not only did he stabilize and turn around the nose-diving economy, he also revitalized India’s foreign policy.
The fact that he led a minority government did not stop him from putting in place the necessary correctives.
Perhaps President Sharma thought that as the leader of the single largest group it would be easier for him to manage the support of others.
The United Front government had many talented ministers like veteran former Congress leader I.K. Gujral, who was a minister in Indira Gandhi’s Cabinet from 1967 to 1976 and India’s Ambassador to the erstwhile USSR thereafter.
He made a directional change in the budgetary exercise and his second budget was described by industrialists, taxpayers, and others as a ‘dream budget’.
Chidambaram set a trend and gave a new direction to the Indian taxation system by drastically reducing the rates of taxation from excessively high levels to reasonably low levels.
Chidambaram has presented second highest number of budgets in the country after a record 10 by former Prime Minister Morarji Desai.
sometimes appears to be arrogant because of his very strong convictions and style of presentation.
After assuming office as Congress president, Sonia decided to hold a brainstorming session of senior Congressmen on 4–6 September 1998. Around 300 delegates
On Sharma’s advice, Sonia Gandhi asked me to compile them and put them together in the form of a Declaration. With the assistance of Mani Shankar Aiyar and a couple of others, I compiled the conclusions into a Declaration for the approval of the general session on the concluding day.
On that day, I was not only asked to explain the salient features of the Declaration to the delegates but also to interact with the media on the subject.39
The fact that we are going through a coalitional phase at national politics reflects in many ways the decline of the Congress.
Following my active participation in the conclave, Sonia Gandhi started consulting me more frequently. A certain detachment which had earlier existed in our relationship gradually transformed into warmth and mutual respect.
I believe that this detachment and her decision of not being aligned with anybody in particular is her greatest strength.
The mere fact that the Congress party led the coalition of UPA-I and II from 2004–14, despite the lack of adequate numbers, speaks of her ability to forge an alliance with various parties
loss in the Congress’s vote share from 39.5 per cent in 1989 to 25.9 per cent in 1998. • An increase in the number of regional or state-level political actors.
For the first time in Indian politics, a post-electoral coalition of minor state-based parties constituted the government at the Centre. The United Front government of 1996 was formed primarily by parties which were based in, and limited to, particular states.
Hailing the tests, Sonia Gandhi said: I would like to place on record in this formal meeting of the Congress Working Committee the pride we feel in the achievement of our nuclear scientists and engineers for putting India’s nuclear capability in the front rank… The nuclear question is a national matter; not a partisan one. On this, every Indian stands united.46 However, the international response was very negative.
No creditf to bjp. Only to scientists .
He made his now historical bus yatra to Lahore in February 1999, after which India and Pakistan signed the Lahore Declaration to usher in peace and stability in South Asia.48 Within three months of the signing of this Declaration, India and Pakistan went to war at Kargil,
The Vajpayee government managed the situation admirably while keeping all the Opposition parties informed of the developments throughout that time.
Though Vajpayee was the consummate consensus-builder, the coalition was fraught with internal friction. This came to a head when J. Jayalalithaa, General Secretary of AIADMK, who had 17 members in the Lok Sabha, withdrew support from the NDA
When the Motion was put to vote, he voted against it and made the crucial difference. Members of the ruling party questioned Gamang’s participation in any proceedings of the Lok Sabha since he was the chief minister of a state. However, Lok Sabha Speaker G.M.C. Balayogi ruled that as he had not resigned from his Lok Sabha seat and had not yet been elected to the State Assembly, he was entitled to cast his vote. Once the government lost the confidence of the House, Vajpayee accepted the verdict and resigned immediately.
The Congress president sought the opinion of the CWC on extending support to the proposed Third Front government. She asked me to initiate the discussion for it. I strongly opposed this move, pointing out that while the Third Front would survive with the support of the party, the Congress would be held accountable for the coalition’s misdeeds.
Winds changed for the BJP with the next set of Assembly elections in November 2003. They won decisively in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh (Hindi heartland), the Mizo National Front (MNF) retained power in Mizoram.
Sonia Gandhi said: Taking into account the present political scenario, the Congress would be prepared to enter into appropriate electoral coalition arrangements with secular parties on the basis of mutual understanding but without compromising on its basic ideologies… No sacrifice would be too great to ensure the defeat of the BJP and its allies in the forthcoming polls.
Her aim wasn't to improve india but to defeat the bjp.
I wanted to follow the principle espoused by Nehru—that any Rajya Sabha member who becomes a minister should get himself elected to the Lok Sabha at the earliest opportunity.
Defeats the purpose of democracy.
while this question was burdening my mind,
The media speculation and frenzy began. Some media commentators reported that I would not join the government because I could not work under Manmohan Singh, who had been my junior when I was the finance minister.
In that context, Sonia called me and asked which of the four portfolios I would prefer to take. Her inclination was for me to take up Finance. However, I told her that I would not like to be charged with Finance due to my ideological differences on economic policy with the Prime Minister-designate. I also told her that I would prefer Home over External Affairs
and that I had no experience in Defence. She heard me out, making no commitment, nor indicating a decision other than saying that Defence was a world in itself and the Defence Ministry would offer me maximum autonomy, taking into account my seniority. It was at the swearing-in that I got to know that I was to be the minister for Defence.
He was the prime mover in the Sonia Gandhi foreign origin issue. I am still not sure what his reasons were—maybe he thought that she would not be able to rally the party and get the requisite numbers in the next general election; or maybe he just had larger ambitions.
Put forward with a positive spin. Nice way to see things.
The Left had decided not to join the government, and I felt that giving them the Speaker’s position would ensure they remained committed to the coalition.
A strong nationalist, a man of courage and conviction, Manmohan Singh was certainly not an ‘accidental prime minister’. I am convinced that the future will judge Manmohan Singh in a different light as P.V. is assessed today.
The frequent crashes of MIG-21 planes, which had already claimed the lives of 170 pilots since 1970, earned the aircraft the opprobrium of ‘flying coffin’.
also persisted in my demand that defence allocations should match the annual budget estimates and this ministry should be spared the usual cuts that North Block applied on demands.
