Nathuram Godse: The Hidden Untold Truth

by Anup SarDesai

Following the advice of the God-man, the child’s nose was pierced and he was made to wear a ‘Nath’ (nose ring) and he was made to dress like a girl.

On 6th February 1940, the separatist Muslim organization, ‘All India Muslim League’, passed a resolution in Lahore demanding the partition of India and creating a separate Islamic state of Pakistan. The whole country was aghast with the ‘Lahore Resolution’ as it was known then. But, Gandhi whole heartedly supported it by saying “If the vast majority of Muslims regard themselves as a separate nation having nothing in common with the Hindus, no power on earth can compel them to think otherwise. And if they want to partition India on that basis, they must have it, unless Hindus want to fight against such a division”.1 Nathuram was outraged when he read about Gandhi’s views on the partition of India. But, he could not do anything more than just express his anguish.

Nathuram immediately spoke “Yes Tatyarao, the time has come to take a hard radical step to protect our ‘Dharma’ (Religion). Ever since that rogue, Golwalkar, has taken over the RSS, they have been speaking the language of Gandhi’s ‘Ahimsa’. It is futile to depend on the RSS any longer”

Thus, in May 1942, an organization called ‘Hindu Rashtra Dal’ came into existence. It later became popularly known as ‘Dal’. K.B. Limaye was elected as founder president of the ‘Dal’ and both, Nathuram and Narayan were selected to become its office bearers. Nathuram was made the head of the Pune branch.

In mid-1944, Savarkar fell seriously ill. His family doctors put him under strict bed-rest and confined him within the boundaries of his house. As a result, Savarkar resigned as the president of the ‘Hindu Mahasabha’ and was replaced by Dr. Syama Prasad Mookherjee, the former minister in the Bengal Government.

With the exit of Savarkar, Nathuram became disillusioned with the party. In the Gorakhpur convention of the ‘Hindu Mahasabha’, Nathuram moved a resolution demanding a pledge by the party towards an ‘Akhand Bharat’ (United India).

On the evening of 9th July 1944, Nathuram and Narayan were in their printing press when they received an evening newsfeed which stated, “Senior Congress leader, C. Rajgopalchari, recommending the acceptance of partition of India in principle, has mooted his proposal on Pakistan in the Congress session held at Allahabad this evening. Addressing a small gathering, he stated ‘…it has become necessary to choose the lesser evil and acknowledge the Muslim League’s claim for separation.’ C. Rajgopalchari has further stated that, on 2nd May 1944 he met Gandhi at the Aga Khan

Nathuram and Narayan decided to stage a protest against Gandhi’s consent for the partition of India. On 22nd July 1944, Nathuram published an article in the editorial of the ‘Agranee’ which said, “Gandhiji, you have committed an offence of stabbing the nation, by giving your consent to Pakistan formula. You have already confessed that you have no right to speak on behalf of Hindus. Today, we are demonstrating peacefully our protest on behalf of Hindu Youths. You bear in mind that if you do not change your behavior, more difficult situations and ill fame await you. We will treat them as traitors who will try to vivisect our motherland. We, by this statement call on national minded people to treat Gandhi-Rajaji formula in this manner”.3 This article appeared in the July 23rd issue of the newspaper. On the morning of 23rd July 1944, Nathuram, Narayan and Vishnu along with 20 members of the ‘Dal’ arrived at Panchagani in a chartered bus. They held a day long protest outside the ‘Dilkush Bungalow’, shouting slogans against Gandhi. Within a few minutes, a volunteer approached Nathuram and said “Bapu has called you inside to discuss the matter in private

But, Nathuram rejected the offer saying “We are not the type of people who discuss things in private. We challenge your Mahatma to make a public announcement on his stand on the Pakistan issue” The volunteer went inside the ‘Dilkush Bungalow’ to convey Nathuram’s message to Gandhi. Nathuram, Narayan and their colleagues waited for the reply. However, there was no response from the Mahatma. In the evening, as Gandhi arrived for his prayer meeting in the garden outside the bungalow, Nathuram charged towards him brandishing his ‘Jambhiya’ (dagger) and shouting slogans “You traitor, you have betrayed the nation. Henceforth, if you dare speak about partitioning the country, I will not spare you” Suddenly, around ten Congress workers pounced on Nathuram and his colleagues and started beating them. The ‘Messiah of Non-Violence’ began praising his disciples for their outstanding ‘Violent’ work.

The next day, Nathuram and Narayan were in their printing press when the morning newspapers arrived. Narayan picked up a newspaper and was shocked to read the headilines which screamed loud “AN ATTEMPT TO KILL MR. GANDHI FAILS’ Narayan roared “What …….?” Nathuram pulled the newspaper from Narayan’s hand and began reading it loud “Today, in Panchagani, an editor of leading news daily from Pune made an unsuccessful attempt on the life of Mahatma Gandhi. But, thanks to the brave volunteers standing around Gandhiji, the attempt was foiled”

Nathuram said “I don’t want to know the reasons behind the Mahatma’s actions. All I want to do is stop him from vivisecting our beloved motherland”

On 9th September 1944, as Gandhi was about to leave his ashram, Nathuram, Narayan, Vishnu and twenty others picketed at the front gate of the Sevagram Ashram to ensure that Gandhi did not leave for Bombay. Nathuram and his friends began shouting slogans outside the gate “Down with this traitor of our motherland …… “ Suddenly, around one hundred workers of the Sevagram Ashram pounced on them and began beating them with sticks. Just then, the police arrived and took control of the situation. Nathuram and his colleagues were handed over to the police as Gandhi zoomed away in his car without forgiving the ‘misguided youths’ for their ‘ignorance’ as this time, the press wasn’t there to cover the incident.

The police recovered a ‘Jambhiya’ (dagger) from Nathuram’s jute bag. Nathuram told the police “Sir, I always carry a dagger in my pouch for my own security. But, till date, I have never used it on anyone”

The newly elected Congress government in Bombay led by its Prime Minister Bal Gangadhar Kher began targeting its political rivals. As most of ‘Agranee’s’ articles were anti-Congress and anti-Gandhi, the government of Bombay used their discretionary powers and stopped all advertisements to ‘Agranee’ and transferred them to ‘Lokshakti’, a Pune based ‘Pro-Congress’ newspaper. That day, Nathuram and Narayan realized that the Indian politicians were far more intolerant and venomous about their criticism than the British. Nathuram and Narayan found themselves helpless as there was nothing that they could do against these mighty politicians.

Nathuram said “Absolutely right Nana, newspapers like Tilak’s Kesari and many others, including Gandhiji’s Young India, existed for ages. They too criticized the British rule severely but, the British never used such tactics against them” Narayan said “I feel like picking up a gun and shooting these Gandhians down”

Home Minister,Sardar Vallabbhai Patel, immediately ordered the military to take action against the rioters. But, Gandhi, who was at the ‘Sevagram Ashram’ in Wardha when the riots in Calcutta and Noakhali broke out, objected to military action against the rioters. While addressing a gathering in his evening prayer meet, Gandhi said “Let us be humble and confess that we have not got the strength today to meet all the expectations that the people entertain of us…If they had realized the principles for which the ashram stood, they should have rushed into the blaze and offered the purest sacrifice which might have conceivably quenched the flames”.5 Nathuram and Narayan were in their printing press when the evening newsfeed came on their teleprinter. An outraged Nathuram said “What the hell does he mean by that? Is he saying that the Hindus should offer sacrifices just to make Muslims happy?” Narayan responded by saying “I think this man has lost his mental balance. First he agrees to the partition of the country and now he is justifying a massacre”

“By telling only half the truth, he is giving sermons of self-sacrifice to Hindus. A few years back, he had said the same to innocent Jews who were being butchered by Hitler”

One day, while Gandhi was addressing his prayer meeting, a Muslim youth arrived on the prayer grounds and screamed “Why have you hoisted the Indian flag here? Don’t you know this is Bengal, a part of Pakistan? Pull down this flag immediately” Gandhi turned around and directed his volunteer to remove the Indian flag hoisted over his house without realizing that, by doing so, he was affronting the reverential sentiments of the Hindu victims only to please an isolated Muslim fanatic.

Dixit Maharaj had seen the massacres of Hindus in Noakhali and was thirsty for the blood of Muslims. He would go out of his way to help anyone who could teach the Muslims a lesson in their own language of barbarism. Vishnu met Dixit Maharaj somewhere in the beginning of 1947. He was at his residence near the Bhuleshwar Temple in Bombay.

Lord Mountbatten met Gandhi who requested Mountbatten to disband the Central Government and invite Jinnah to form his own government at the center which can be completely Muslim.

On 9th August 1947, Gandhi arrived in Calcutta where he chose to stay at the Hydari House, an old abandoned Muslim house in the Beliaghatta area of South Bengal. But, Gandhi was not alone. He stayed there along with Hussain Ali Suharawardhy, the Chief Minister of Bengal and the mastermind behind the murder of 100000 Hindus in Noakhali. The news of Gandhi living with Suharawardhy angered the people of Bengal. By evening, thousands of Hindus gathered outside the Hydari House and began shouting slogans “Down with Gandhi ….. Gandhi go back ….. . Stop romancing with a mass murderer”

It was later disclosed that the Hindu majority Lahore was originally a part of India. But Jinnah objected to the ‘Radcliffe Line’ stating that all the four metropolitan towns of Delhi, Calcutta, Bombay and Lahore were given to India. Finally, the Indian Prime Minister Nehru was convinced by Gandhi to let go Lahore and thus, Lahore was acceded to Pakistan. The inclusion of Lahore in Pakistan sparked massive protest in Lahore. Hindus and Sikhs gathered at the Shahalmi locality and Anarkali Bazaar area in Lahore held a protest march against the accession of Lahore to Pakistan.

Finally, on 1st September 1947, Gandhi, who had turned a blind eye to the killing of Hindus in Punjab, was furious over the killing of Muslims and immediately decided to go on an indefinite fast if the attacks on Muslims do not end. That evening, Gandhi was visited by Dr. Prafulla Chandra Ghosh, the chief of West Bengal Congress, who was also the acting Premier of the State after its partition. Ghosh told Gandhi “You have been very unfair to the Ministry in undertaking this fast without taking them into your confidence…. You have launched your fast when a section of Hindus have begun to look upon you as your enemy” Gandhi emphatically replied “The moment Hindus realize that they cannot keep me alive on any other terms, peace will return to Calcutta” 16

On 12th January 1948, Gandhi issued an ultimatum to Deputy Prime Minister Sardar Patel that all Muslim houses and mosques in Delhi, occupied by Hindu refugees should be vacated within seven days and the Hindu refugees should be sent back to Pakistan. Sardar Patel tried his best to convince Gandhi to give the government around two months to make necessary arrangements to house the refugees. But, Gandhi was unrelenting in his demands. He was hell bent on sending the Hindu refugees back to Pakistan where a certain death awaited them.

Meanwhile, at the Birla House, Prime Minister Nehru informed Gandhi "Bapu, the government has taken a decision to form a Peace Committee under the leadership of Dr. Rajendra Prasad comprising of 130 members belonging to various communities and represented by various political parties" Then, Dr. Rajendra Prasad showed Gandhi the resolution passed by the Peace Committee in which they pledged to work towards bringing peace and ensuring brotherhood and communal harmony. Gandhi expressed his satisfaction over the decision taken.

In his address, Gandhi said “Bacche hain, Abhi yeh samajhte nahin. Maroonga tab yaad karenge ke boodha theek kehta tha” (They are like children, they don’t understand. Only after I am dead, they will understand that what the old man said was right). 30

Madanlal's sexual organs were played with, abused, prodded and beaten with sticks. Then, big red ants were released on his naked body. Madanlal screamed and howled like an animal but, did not reveal the identity of his accomplices. He kept telling the police that the conspirators were speaking Marathi which he didn’t understand. However, late in the night, when the pain became unbearable, Madanlal began slowly revealing the names of his accomplices. By ranting incoherently and whispering meekly in turns, he told the police that the principal conspirators were from Poona, one was the manager and the other, the editor of a newspaper called ‘Hindu Rashtra’. Both were staying at the Marina Hotel. The third person was ‘Karkare Seth’, who was the proprietor of the Deccan Guest House. Apart forom these three, there was a ‘Maratha’ who spoke Punjabi, an arms dealer with a big beard from Poona and his servant who were all involved in this attempt on Gandhi’s life. After hearing this, the police were taken aback. Until now, they were under the impression that this was the work of some disgruntled refugees from Punjab. One officer told his subordinates "Prepare to send a team to Bombay to nab these criminals" Just then, Madanlal looked up at the officer and said “Woh phir aayega, Saheb” (They will come again). 32

Morarji told Nagarvala "A person has just given me an information that the people who tried to kill Gandhi, hail from Bombay" Nagarvala was shocked "What?" Morarji added some spice by saying "The man further told me that Savarkar had given his blessings for this mission" Thus Nagarvala, who had no idea about the nature of this conspiracy, concentrated all his energy on Savarkar. He ordered a 24 hour vigil on Savarkar’s residence and did not bother to go after Vishnu, Narayan and Nathuram. This turned out to be the first lapse that resulted in the death of the Mahatma.

Lord Mountbatten told Gandhi “Mr. Gandhi, the growing rift between Nehru and Sardar Patel was throwing the functioning of the Indian government into total disarray. At a time when the communal tensions in the country are at its peak, we can’t afford to have the Prime Minister and the Home Minister in complete discord with each other. Hence, I request you to please try and bring about a rapprochement between the two”

Gandhi told Patel that, after the talks between him and Mountbatten, he had realized that both were indispensable and requested Patel to stay in the government. However, Patel told Gandhi that it was impossible to get on with Nehru as he was impatient with criticism and intolerant with people with divergent views.

On 1st February 1948, mass anti-Brahmin massacres sponsored by the Indian National Congress engulfed many parts of Bombay Presidency. Goons hired by the followers of ‘Non-Violence’ swooped down on innocent Brahmins and burnt down their houses, offices and business establishments. In Bombay, 15 Brahmins were killed while in Poona, 55 lost their lives in this violence. The rioting was severe in the South Bombay regions of Satara, Belgaum and Kolhapur where over 3000 Brahmins were killed.

A few days before the assassination of the Mahatma, Sardar Patel had warned the Nehru faction against its efforts to crush the RSS. Patel had lauded the young RSS workers who protected Hindu women and children during the post partition riots. Nehru, in a bid to embarrass Patel, had grabbed this opportunity to attack him. Finally, Patel had no choice but to take action. On 4th February 1948, the Home Ministry banned the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha and ordered the arrest of all its leaders. On 5th February 1948, Nagarvala finally decided to go ahead with the arrests of all the persons named by Badge. He had waited for five days hoping to find some evidence or create one that could nail Savarkar.

So, the Bombay police arrested Savarkar under the Preventive Detention Act — one of the most malignant pieces of legislation with which the British had armed themselves while they ruled India. Savarkar was detained at the Arthur Road Jail in Bombay. The charges framed against Savarkar were ‘acting in a manner prejudicial to the public safety’ and blamed for the anti-Brahmin riots though the riots were sponsored by the Congress. During the freedom struggle, the Congress had persistently condemned the British for this Act. But now, they themselves were using it to settle scores over their political opponents.

Parchure was planning a revolt against the newly formed Congress government in Gwalior. The Nehru administration seized the opportunity following Gandhiji’s murder and detained him under the charge of ‘distributing sweets after Gandhiji’s death’.

In the end, Badge succumbed to pressure and gave in to the demands of Nagarvala. This was just the moment Nagarvala was waiting for. Nagarvala picked up the phone and triumphantly informed his political masters “Sir …… The big fish has finally been caught” As a token of appreciation for his glorious achievement, Nagarvala’s political masters handsomely rewarded him. On 17th February 1948, Nagarvala received an order from Delhi saying “ACP Jamshed Dorab Nagarvala is hereby appointed as the Superintendent on Special Duty, Delhi Police to conduct the investigation into the ‘Gandhi Murder Case’ in addition to his duty as the Assistant Commissioner of Police, Bombay”

Many years later, in an interview to Manohar Malgaonkar, Badge confessed that he was pressurized to say these words. He also admitted that on 17th January 1948, they never met Savarkar on our way to the airport.

On 11th May 1948, the police, who were desperate for evidence against Savarkar, took him from the Arthur Road Jail to the CID Headquarters. There, he was made to sit on a chair and was photographed along with Nathuram, Narayan, Vishnu, Gopal and Madanlal. It was a last ditch effort by the police before the trial. They had planned to use the photograph in court as concocted evidence against him.

On 13th May 1948, the Government of India issued another order under the Bombay Security Measures Act 1947 through which a spacious hall in the Red Fort, Delhi would be converted into a courtroom for conducting the ‘Gandhi Murder’ trial. Two days later another order was issued by which a specially designated area of the Red Fort would be converted into a prison to house the accused of this trial. These orders were issued because the Indian Government wanted to end the trial as quickly as possible, before the ordinance period lapsed.

On 21st June 1948, a day before the hearing, Justice Atmacharan signed on an order granting judicial pardon to Badge, under the Bombay Security Measures Act 1947. Thus, all charges levied upon Badge were dropped on the condition that he turned state witness in this case. He was no longer required to sit in the dock along with the accused. However, the police decided to keep him in custody till the end of the trial to ensure that he does not change his mind and turn hostile.

One day, Bhopatkar received a phone call in his office. The other person on the line was none other than India’s Law Minister, B.R. Ambedkar who called Bhopatkar on the Delhi Mathura road. Bhopatkar did as he was told. Ambedkar told Bhopatkar “Your client, Savarkar, is being unnecessarily dragged into this case though through fabricated evidence” Ambedkar further told Bhopatkar “Several members of the Indian cabinet, including Sardar Patel, have strongly voiced their protest against it but, they are helpless against this man’s arrogance” Bhopatkar asked Ambedkar “Who…..Jawaharlal Nehru? .....But why?” 65 Ambedkar could not answer that question. Thus, it was evident that a case was built against Savarkar only to humiliate him and destroy his political career.

The time was 10.15am. Nathuram got up and started reading a ninety page long statement in the court. At 11.00am, he began feeling dizzy and collapsed. Nathuram rested for a while and then continued reading. It took him five hours to read the statement. He took breaks in between by sipping water and resting for a few seconds. At 3.30pm, Nathuram finally ended the statement by raising the slogan ‘Akhand Bharat Amar Rahe’ (Long Live United India) and ‘Vande Mataram’ (Hail Motherland).”

But the Indian Government did not take it lying down. It did not yield to the supremacy of the judiciary. With a stranglehold of authority it banned the statement for its reproduction or publication in part or in full.

The Government's action remained unchallenged and the ban continued for years till the law was annulled. After a lapse of about five decades, in 1998, the statement finally reached the public.

Savarkar’s acquittal was a huge embarrassment to the Indian Government, which had tried every trick in the book to nail him. The celebration of Savarkar’s acquittal by his supporters was not taken lightly by the Indian Government. The Delhi District Magistrate immediately imposed a ban on Savarkar from entering Delhi and Punjab for three months under the Punjab Security Act.

T.G. Sanjeevi and U.G. Rana went on to retire honourably while Jamshed Nagarvala, whose stupidity cost Gandhi his life, went on to become India’s top cop before retiring. What was even more appalling was the fact that these officers were not even asked to give an explanation for their lackadaisical approach towards saving the life of the Mahatma. Jamshed Nagarvala was even commemorated as a hero.

Many years later, the presiding judge, G.D. Khosla, described this incident in his book ‘Murder of the Mahatma’ by writing “The audience was visibly moved. There was a deep silence when he ceased speaking. Many women were in tears amd men were coughing and searching for their handkerchiefs.” “The silence was accentuated and made deeper by the sound of an occasional subdued sniff or a muffled cough. It seemed to me that I was taking part in some kind of melodrama or in a scene out of a Hollywood feature film” “Once or twice, I had interrupted Godse and pointed out the irrelevance of what he was saying, but my colleagues seemed inclined to hear him and the audience most certainly thought that Godse’s performance was the only worthwhile part of the lengthy proceedings…..” “I have, however, no doubt that had the audience of that day been constituted into a jury and entrusted with the task of deciding Godse’s appeal, they would have brought in a verdict of not-guilty by an overwhelming majority” 66.

Justice Acchu Ram, in his judgement, set aside the indictment of the Delhi and Bombay police by the trial court and cleared them of all wrong doings. However, in the case of Parchure, Justice Acchu Ram compared the police to ‘demons from hell’ and criticized them for using inhuman means to force Parchure into signing a confession. The Judge compared the police with the ‘Nazis’ and condemned their actions. He also condemned the actions of Chief Magistrate R.B. Atal as ‘Deplorable’, ‘Absurd’ and ‘Doctored’. Justice Acchu Ram pronounced “Who will believe it, think of a magistrate who says all this?” 67

One day, while the trial was going on at the Punjab High Court, Nathuram received a letter dated 17th May 1949. It was sent by Ramdas Gandhi, the son of Mahatma Gandhi. In the letter, Ramdas Gandhi wrote “I, as a descendant of Gandhi, have pardoned you, based on the ideals passed on to me by my father. I request you to repent for your sins. It is never too late to ask for forgiveness from God” Nathuram respectfully replied to Ramdas Gandhi on 3rd June 1949 expressing his regrets as a human being for the sufferings Ramdas Gandhi had to undergo due to the death of his father. In his reply, Nathuram wrote “You have asked me to repent for the assassination of Gandhi. How did you ever think that I would question my entire belief system at this late stage in my life? A belief I had held for 20 years” Nathuram thanked Ramdas Gandhi for his mercy, but wrote that I had done this act because of his extreme national sentiment and he never regretted it. Nathuram explained to Ramdas Gandhi that he saw no reason for repentance, and that Gandhian gestures such as sparing him the death penalty would have no effect on his self-judgement. Nathuram ended his letter with “… Anyways I must request you to see me and if possible with some prominent disciples of your father, particularly those who are not interested in power politics, and to bring to my notice my most fatal mistake” “Otherwise I shall always feel that this show of mercy is nothing but eyewash. If you actually see me and have a ta...

On 5th November 1949, Nathuram’s family members filed a mercy petition with the then Governor-general C Gopalachari without informing him. They knew that Nathuram was strongly against seeking any kind of mercy. After the judgement of the High Court, Nathuram had rejected a similar offer from the Law Minister, Dr. Ambedkar and Gandhi’s son Ramdas who had had offered to commute his death sentence if he had appealed for mercy. But, as Nathuram had no regret for his actions, he never wanted mercy from anyone.

Although the police had taken every precaution not to be spotted while immersing the ashes, their entire effort would soon go in vain. One of the prison guards, after returning home from duty, mentioned this incident to a shopkeeper later in the day who in turn whispered the information to Indrasen Sharma, a local Hindu Mahasabha volunteer employed by ‘The Tribune’. Sharma, accompanied by two fellow Mahasabha activists, immediately left for the spot. They entered the river which was just six inches deep and managed to retrieve half an urn of the ashes. The urn was then handed over to Om Prakash Kohal, a lecturer in a local college, who in turn passed it on to Dr L.V. Paranjape in Nasik. There it lay in safe custody until it was handed over to Gopal after his release in 1965. It is now preserved in a silver urn and kept in Gopal’s residential flat in Pune. Every year, on 15th November, ‘Balidaan Diwas’ (Martyrdom Day) is observed in Poona and an ‘Aarti’ (Tribute) is offered to the urn.