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Kindle Notes & Highlights
by
Becky Bond
Read between
November 9 - November 11, 2017
It will be hard to dispel the myth that spending big money on advertising is the path to electoral victory, but we do know that if people organize, we can go up against big money and win.
These tactics may not be AS effective as 1-1, but they are still effective. And they can contribute to the background "facts" people believe to be true.
Even though campaigners and policy makers are the drivers of this process, they experience it as proof of the apathy of the people.
The result is that too many elected officials are basing important decisions not on what would be best for all Americans but on what they imagine would appeal to a small number of swing voters usually at the center-right of the political debate.
When organizers figure out how to integrate the huge opportunities that new, social technology provides with effective peer-to-peer organizing principles and practices as part of a smart, centralized plan—that’s big organizing.
Our struggles are all connected.
Big organizing demands a structure that scales. And this structure requires the ability to absorb and delegate work to volunteers at all management levels as the campaign grows.
The Alinsky model simply became the standard for the entire liberal and progressive world. But it’s time to move on.
The big organizing model that can fuel revolutions believes that communities are filled with talented and intelligent people who understand what is broken and, when given material and strategic resources, can wrest power from elites and make lasting change. A political revolution is different from community organizing as we know it today.
Replace the condescending "we know what you need" with focused empowerment.
Better, but still presumes to know what the problems are.
The ask should never be for volunteers to add their names to a list so that organizers might call them back later; it needs to be immediate and crucial.
The good news for organizers who want to help build the political revolution is that people really are just waiting for you to ask them to do something big.
It seemed to drive home to him and the whole campaign how big the movement really was.
If it is not led by people of color and immigrants, if it is doesn’t have fighting racism and xenophobia at its core, and if it is not mobilizing white people to lead other whites to choose multiracial solidarity over fear and hate—then it’s not a revolution.
We also need to understand that white supremacy is at the heart of the problem—not just a racially associated economic inequality.
Those are personal acts of solidarity, but they do not excuse us from the need to anchor our political analysis in a critique of structural racism.
It’s important to recognize that a revolution won’t be launched by consensus.
Create a centralized strategic plan using whatever process is right for your movement. Make sure the plan has tasks that can be repeated by volunteers that add up to progress on the plan. Then delegate chunks of work from your plan to a distributed network of volunteer leaders who can work across space and time, and in the numbers necessary, to meet concrete goals and make change possible.
The people running the nonprofits participating in the coalition are not going to support you when you try to blow everything up.
You will then have to keep changing until you connect with and finally communicate in a meaningful way with the people you are proposing to serve.
Don’t let well-intentioned but ultimately disruptive activists drive good people away from the movement!
She began by doing the work herself. Then she trained some volunteers. When the team grew to the point of becoming unwieldy, she created roles and gave volunteers responsibility and, with that responsibility, titles. The live chat team soon had live chat volunteers (LCVs) and point of contacts (PCs).
I was proud that I didn’t know what in the world she was talking about. It meant that a real organization was being built far beyond what a few of us had gotten started.
If the fossilized institutions leftover from past movements are allowed to play a key role in the new movement, then the new people will face all kinds of resistance as they enthusiastically try to get to work.