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Kindle Notes & Highlights
by
Kingshuk Nag
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August 16 - August 22, 2018
Nehru once introduced Atal to the British prime minister, stating, ‘He is a young leader of the opposition who is always criticizing me, but I see in him a great future.’
Foresightedness which became a reality.
It is said that at another reception, Nehru introduced Atal as one who could be a future prime minister.
Speaking in the Lok Sabha on 8 May 1959, Atal said: ‘When we accepted the sovereignty of China on Tibet we made a mistake. That day was an unfortunate day. Where has the Panchsheel agreement gone? Those who proclaim Panchsheel say that according to Panchsheel democracy and dictatorship can live together. If for the communist imperialism the peace and religion loving people of Tibet can’t keep their way of life, then it is meaningless to say that in such a big world communism and democracy can co-exist. We don’t want to interfere in the internal affairs of Tibet. But Tibet is not an internal
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Atalji mastering external affairs.
Atal’s reign as the president of the Jana Sangh was not a bed of roses. L.K. Advani wrote many years later in his memoirs: ‘Thomas Carlyle, the great historian of the Victorian era wrote that adversity is the diamond dust that heaven polishes its jewels with. Atalji was the jewel that shone on the national scene 1968 onwards.’
raising the hackles of extreme right wingers like Madhok. However, those who knew Atal were aware that he was genuine in praising people when he thought that they deserved to be applauded. In the past he had openly admired Nehru when he thought that it was fair. It seems that one day, in the late 1950s, when the entire opposition was busy criticizing Nehru, Atal had stood up and asked whether it was mandatory for the entire opposition to criticize every move of the government just for the sake of opposition. He had said that when it came to the integrity of the nation, everybody needed to
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Atal replied in his poetic language, ‘Jhuk to sakte nahin, yun kahiye, mur gaye honge; toot sakte hain, magar jhuk nahin sakte [I can break down but never bow down].’
Hum ne dekhi hai in aankhon ki mahekti khushboo, Haath se chuke ise rishton ka ilzaam na do. Sirf ehsaas hai, yeh rooh se mehsus karo, Pyar ko pyar hi rehne do, koi naam na do.
Mere Prabhu, Mujhe itni unchai kabhi mat dena, Gairon ko gale na laga sakoo, Itni rukhai mat dena. [My Lord, Never let me climb so high that I can’t bend down to embrace another human, Deliver me from such arrogance.]
Staying true to ones roots
In yet another poem he is in an absolutely contemplative mood. ‘Kya khoya kya paya jag mein; milte aur bichadte mag mein; mujhe kisi se nahin hai shikayat; yadyapi chala gaya pag pag mein; ek dhrishti beeti paar daalein, yaadon ki potli tatoley.’
One of Atal’s best-known poems is ‘Geet Naya Gaata Hoon’ (I Sing a New Song). The poem begins with the protagonist in a crestfallen mood saying, ‘Geet nahin gaata hoon [I do not sing]’, and further, ‘Benakaab chehre hain, daag bade gehre hain; toota tilism, aaj, sach se bhaya khata hoon, geet nahin gata hoon.’ In the second stanza, the protagonist has regained his confidence and says, ‘Geet naya gata hoon; toote hue taaron se, phoote vasanti swar; paththar ki chaati mein ug aaya nav ankur.’ It ends, ‘Kaal ke kapal par likhta, mitata hoon.’
Greatness does not come from bigness of position or out of victory in wars. Greatness comes out of showing respect for others and being sensitive to their needs.’
Atalji's wisdom
eminent journalist Vinod Mehta wrote, ‘I am convinced if Vajpayee had not been the PM, India would have been sent to fight in George Bush’s Iraq invasion. He dreaded phone calls from George imploring him to send even a token force. “His soldiers are dying and now he wants my soldiers to die. I will never let that happen,”’ Mehta remembered Atal having told him.
National interest
Mehta added that Atal summoned A.B. Bardhan and Harkishan Singh Surjeet (leaders from the left whose parties were holding demonstrations against the Iraq invasion) and asked them how the demonstrations were doing. They said that they were going well. Vinod Mehta further writes, ‘Vajpayee said, “But I cannot hear anything.” The canny old fox was suggesting that they raise the decibel level of the protests so he could tell Bush that his hands were tied. Note the subtlety of his strategy,’ he adds.
National interest
Padmanabhaiah says that one year he was surprised and elated when he went to meet Atal to wish him on his birthday. The civil servant was accompanied by the director of the IB. The prime minister after accepting their birthday wishes, said, ‘You two are able to save three hundred to four hundred lives in Nagaland every year due to your interventions. Thanks are due to you.’
At the same time, when, on one of his visits, Padmanabhaiah recommended a Bharat Ratna for Pandit Bhimsen Joshi, Atal said, ‘For Bharat Ratna no recommendations are accepted.’ Padmanabhaiah persisted and said, ‘He is getting old and may not live much longer.’ Atal shot back, ‘About twenty days back I attended his concert in Pune. He is fine.’ There ended the conversation.
In Parliament, Atal impressed many with his oratory, which combined both thoughtful content and style of delivery. It is not that he was inhibited in his earlier years and gained confidence with time. Quite early on in his career, he had occasion to disagree with Pandit Nehru. He said on the floor of the Lok Sabha, ‘I know that Panditji practices shirshasana and is welcome to continue doing so, but this does not mean that he should look at issues with an inverted vision.’ Sometimes he would come up with memorable quips. An old diplomat remembers that once, when on a visit to Lenin’s mausoleum
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Mastering the art of thoughtful criticism
A piece by Vinod Mehta sums up Atal’s pleasant style. He wrote: ‘It was impossible not to like him. Periodically I would go to 7 Race Course Road to have tea in his genial company. We would gup-shup. I told him the latest joke doing the rounds and he would pass on whatever came his way. He is the only PM I have known who has a sense of humour and enjoyed the exchange of witticisms. Once when I went to see him, he did not seem his usual jovial self. I asked him why he was so glum. He said, “Apke baad Jayalalithaa aayengi.” Then he laughed uproariously.’
‘He had watched Nehru with great admiration ever since he entered Parliament and had been greatly influenced by him, especially on foreign policy,’ says veteran journalist Saeed Naqvi.
The assassination of Indira Gandhi, on the last day of October 1984, just ahead of the general elections, had a cataclysmic effect. It is common wisdom that the RSS worked for the Congress party in the December 1984 elections. Whatever be the case, the Congress won 414 of 545 seats in the Lok Sabha, its biggest ever win that has never been bettered. The BJP was routed as it could merely win two seats. Atal Bihari Vajpayee also lost. The BJP merely got around 7 per cent of the votes against the Congress’s 49 per cent. Reading the writing on the wall, Atal had decided to abandon New Delhi, the
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‘Ek ek kar ke sabki baari, ab ki baari Atal Bihari,’ was the slogan raised by BJP cadres.
Atal’s mentor in the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya, in the mid-1960s (in conjunction with socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia), had come up with the concept of a confederation of India and Pakistan. This concept, in a way, repudiated the one of Akhand Bharat that extreme right-wing Hindu organizations had been espousing, and paved the way for good bilateral relations between the two countries which could then present a joint front on many matters.
Once India achieved its nuclear power status as did Pakistan, Atal felt that it was time that the two countries started working towards good relations. Atal’s counterpart in Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif, also believed that the two countries should foster good relations. Sharif sent an invitation to Atal to visit Pakistan. Pakistan wanted to test the commitment of the new BJP government. Atal responded wholeheartedly and crossed the Attari–Wagah border in Punjab by bus on the afternoon of 19 February 1999. He was accompanied by twenty-two distinguished Indians who included journalists like Kuldeep
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Immediately after crossing the border, where he was received by Nawaz Sharif, Atal said, ‘This is a defining moment in South Asian history and we will have to rise to the challenge.’ Atal’s aide Sudheendra Kulkarni later recalled how Pakistani information minister Mushahid Hussain had said to him on the side...
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Atal also visited the Minar-e-Pakistan during the trip, a monument set up in 1947 to commemorate the birth of the nation. Atal said that he had been dissuaded by many from visiting the minar because it would be tantamount to giving a stamp of approval to the creation of Pakistan.
‘I insisted on coming because I saw no logic in what was being told to me and I made it loud and clear to them that Pakistan does not require my stamp for its entity. Pakistan has its own entity,’ Atal said. He added, ‘If somebody back home asks this question, this will be my answer there too.’
Incidentally, at a reception at Governor House, Atal recited his poem ‘Ab jung naa hone denge hum’. Atal was felicitated at Lahore Fort where, hinting at the common heritage of the two nations, he pointed out how Shah Jahan was born in the fort and Akbar had spent close to a decade there. The audience was so impressed by Atal’s speech that Nawaz Sharif quipped, ‘Vajpayee sahab ab toh Pakistan mein bhi election jeet sakte hain. [Mr Vajpayee can now win elections even in Pakistan.]’
Atalji's words(gems) which try to unite people
During winters, when temperatures reached sub-zero levels, soldiers from both the sides retreated from their hilltop positions, only to return next summer. This had been the practice for many years. However, in the spring of 1999, when Indian soldiers were yet to reoccupy the heights in the Kargil region, Pakistani soldiers occupied their heights and also the Indian heights. The Kargil region is 200 km from Srinagar. The hilltops of Kargil are strategically located because they overlook the highway that runs from Srinagar to Leh and thus connects Ladakh to the Kashmir valley. Therefore, if
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A disappointed Atal, in his musings from Kumarakom (where he had gone for a New Year sojourn, at the end of 2000 and beginning of 2001) wrote, ‘India is willing and ready to seek a lasting solution to the Kashmir problem. We are prepared to recommence talks with Pakistan at any level including the highest level, provided Islamabad gives sufficient proof of its preparedness to create a conducive atmosphere. On Kashmir, we shall not traverse on [sic] the beaten path of the past.’
Atal was a peacenik. Thus, he did not give up his dream to usher in permanent peace with Pakistan. In fact, he was so resolute that those not so close to him started to snigger that the prime minister was harping on peace only with the objective of getting a Nobel Prize for peace. Insiders say that Atal heard these murmurs and apparently laughed them off, saying that he was seeking peace for India and not a Nobel Prize for himself. Accordingly Atal proposed, once again in April 2003, that India was ready to normalize relations with Pakistan on the basis of ‘trust and sincerity’. General
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The composite dialogue could, however, not get going in Atal’s tenure because elections were called early and the results pushed his government out of power. Although Atal could not achieve lasting peace with Pakistan, his intentions can never be doubted. In fact, Alex Perry wrote in TIME magazine, on 26 April 2004, that Atal’s plan to ‘visit Pakistan to talk with Musharraf in Islamabad and the agreement to end half a century of war and hostility’ had only one parallel in modern history and that was Egyptian President Anwar Sadat’s 1977 mission to Jerusalem.
Atalji's unrelenting fight for peace.
On 25 June 1956, three years after Shyama Prasad’s death, Golwalkar wrote in the Organiser, elucidating the RSS point of view, ‘I had to warn him [Shyama Prasad] that the RSS could not be drawn into politics; that it could not play second fiddle to any political or other party, since no organization devoted to the wholesale regeneration of the real, that is cultural life of a nation could ever function if it was used as a handmaid [sic] of political parties.’
The RSS was hardly amused at this open advice rendered by Atal. But what led to the beginning of the formal sidelining of the BJP president was his insistence on modelling the newly formed party on the principles of Gandhian socialism. Deoras now increasingly began to depend on the till then inert VHP to propagate the cultural objectives of the RSS. He also lent support to Indira Gandhi’s Congress, that was perceived to be furthering the Hindu cause more fervently than the BJP.
A remorseful Atal, after losing the Lok Sabha elections held after the assassination of Indira Gandhi, said in Gwalior (from where he had contested) that he wanted to clear any misgivings: ‘As a student of class X, I had written “Hindu Tan Man, Hindu Jeevan, Rag Rag Hindu Mera Parichay.” People say that Atal, who had written the poem, is not the same who does politics. There is no truth in it. I am Hindu. How can I forget that? However, my Hindutva is not constricted, it is not narrow.’
Atal's atal(unshakable) understanding of hindutva.
Every time, however, Atal rose to the defence of the RSS. For instance, on 27 May 1996, when the short-lived Atal government was sought to be replaced by Deve Gowda, Atal said on the floor of the Lok Sabha that the RSS was an organization that was wedded to the cause of the nation. He gave two examples, one of the Republic Day parade of 1963 (after the Chinese debacle) when the RSS was one of the organizations invited to send in representatives to participate in the march past to demonstrate national unity. The other one related to 1965 when, at the time of the Indo-Pak war, the government had
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Sonia Gandhi said, ‘PMji aapka waqt aa gaya hai. Aap ko kursi ki garima bachaani hogi athava Sangh Parivar ke dabaav mein kaam karna hoga. Aapki ganana ka waqt aa gaya hai [Mr PM, your time has come.
A livid Atal answered, ‘Main aisi charcha mein nahin padna chahta [I do not want to be drawn into such discussions].’ He added: It is alleged that I work under pressure. I do not work under anybody’s pressure. Your party under pressure stopped nuclear tests. The dates were ready and the preparations had been made. But under foreign pressure the tests were stopped. But we went ahead with the nuclear tests in spite of the pressures. When we were fighting in Kargil, Clinton pressured us to talk to Pakistan. But we said that so long as Pakistan holds one cent of our land we will not talk. What
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Those who have known Atal for years say that for him the RSS was his alma mater where he had learnt the lessons of life and which had made a man of him. He once wrote, ‘[the] Sangh is my soul’. But as a practical man, he was not ready to be dictated to by the Sangh on every move that he made and every step that he took.
After the Gujarat riots of 2002, however, Atal seems to have lost out to the RSS. The organization gained ascendancy with the help of hardliners in the party as also the Sangh Parivar. The first indication of this came on 4 April 2002, when Atal visited Gujarat after the bloody riots in which one thousand people lost their lives. The riots had followed the burning of the compartment of a train that was bringing back kar sevaks from Ayodhya. The incident had happened on 27 February 2002. At a press conference Atal, with the Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi by his side, said that the
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Atal, disquieted with the way the Gujarat riots had been handled, decided to get rid of Modi at the national executive of the party scheduled a week later at Goa. As per the plan, in a face saver for Modi, he would submit his resignation at Goa and would be allowed to quit. On the flight to Goa, tremendous pressure was exerted on Atal by Advani to not accept Modi’s resignation. Somehow word about the proposal for Modi to resign had leaked out. Young and mid-level leaders of the party started raising slogans, ‘Istifa mat do, istifa mat do [Don’t quit, don’t quit],’ the moment Modi stood up to
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He perceived the Gujarat riots and his failure to rein in Modi as being responsible for the BJP losing the 2004 elections. Nonetheless, looking at Atal’s career, it can safely be asserted that for most of his political life he was able to negotiate with the RSS quite ably, failing only during the last period of his tenure as prime minister.
ACCORDING TO NEWTON’S THIRD law of motion, every action has an equal and opposite reaction. This holds true for the physical sciences, but in the field of policy reforms and political moves, while every action leads to a reaction, the reaction is not equal to the action. In some cases, the reaction is greater than the action and in others it is the reverse.
Columbia University’s Arvind Panagariya, who is now the first chief executive officer (CEO) of the NITI Ayog, believe that the high rate of growth in the economy, seen in the first term of the UPA government, was largely a result of the reforms undertaken by the Atal regime. ‘In the last fiscal year of Vajpayee’s rule 2003–04, growth shifted to over 8 per cent and remained there for a decade,’ Panagariya wrote in the Times of India on 25 December 2012.
Atal’s government began with a growth rate of 6.5 per cent in 1998–99 and, with ups and downs, peaked at a growth rate of 8.5 per cent in 2003–04.
WISE MEN SAY THAT a combination of bad luck and overconfidence can lead anyone to disaster. Ask Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
The BJP is not merely a political party but a movement for social transformation. More and more classes of people are joining us. There is a debate on when to hold the polls for Lok Sabha. The party has recommended unambiguously that we should seek the people’s mandate at the earliest for completing the unaccomplished part of our mission. We should have a fresh mandate so that we can march more confidently towards our goal of making India a developed nation by 2020. The recent NDA meeting has authorized me to take a final call. Now the responsibility is on me. The NDA is ready, the BJP is
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When the election results came out, Atal was prompt in submitting his resignation. He sportingly said, ‘Dear countrymen, we have given up office but not our responsibility to serve the nation. We have lost an election but not our determination. Victory and defeat are part of life, which have to be viewed with equanimity.’
‘His statesmanship transcended politics,’ Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen said after Atal was conferred the Bharat Ratna.
Atal realized that if the Congress party was successful in hanging on to power, it was because it reflected the desires and aspirations of the citizens in some measure. The easiest course for an opposition party is to launch a course of action and espouse an ideology that is diametrically opposed to that of the ruling party. However, Atal never aspired to do so. He knew that if the Congress party was doing something right, it had to be imbibed even at the risk of being criticized.
The greatest curse, not merely of Indian politics but of national life as a whole, is the general incapacity to work together. Let’s learnt to unite, instead of dividing to create harmony where disharmony exists and to keep our self-interest and ego in leash.
