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by
Erik Larson
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February 8 - February 9, 2025
that strength was the best deterrent. “I need not say how anxious I am—indeed, determined, so far as honor will permit—to avoid collision with the citizens of South Carolina,” he wrote. “Nothing, however, will be better calculated to prevent bloodshed than our being found in such an attitude that it would be madness and folly to attack us.”
“What she desires,” he wrote, exercising his penchant for deploying feminine pronouns to refer to the state, “is a Southern Slaveholding Confederacy and to exemplify to the world the perfection of our civilization, the immensity of our resources and that the wonderful progress of these United States is mainly due to us.”
The fort was part of a network of large coastal fortresses meant to prevent a repeat of the humiliation inflicted on America by Britain in 1814 when its navy burned the U.S. Capitol and the “President’s House,” as the White House was known at the time. Construction began in 1829, but now, thirty years later, the fort was still far from complete.
This perplexed Buchanan. “How your state—what is it to Georgia whether a fort in Charleston harbor is abandoned?” “Sir,” Toombs answered, “the cause of Charleston is the cause of the South.” “Good God Mr. Toombs, do you mean that I am in the midst of a revolution?” “Yes Sir—more than that—you have been there for a year and have not yet found it out.”
The convention opened at noon and, after various preliminary actions, approved a motion to allow Ruffin to take a seat in the hall itself among the delegates. He was escorted to the floor by two deputies in an ostentatious manner. “I would have preferred a less ceremonious introduction,” he wrote in his diary, “but I could not avoid it.” His sincerity here is doubtful, for he loved nothing more than being the object of elaborate public attention.
“You think our system an evil—a sin, and one that, therefore, cannot last,” Hammond wrote. “We think the same precisely of yours, but while we don’t trouble ourselves about yours, you make all sorts of war on us about ours in which we see no evil, no sin, and nothing but good. We think it far better than yours—at least for us—in all respects. “Can you not let us alone?”
She vowed that she would “never be found in the same Confederacy with South Carolina…that really, for the first time in my life, I was ashamed of being a Southerner, since the whole North was crying out at the little pitiful, contemptible course his State was pursuing towards the fort in her harbor. Indeed, I said a great many very unpleasant truths, in the most pleasant manner possible.” She did hope for an amicable resolution to the crisis, she told her husband, but she added that if he and his garrison were made to abandon the fort and cede it to South Carolina, “I, for one, will not be
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Crawford expressed a degree of bitterness, leavened with pride, and made it clear that he had no illusions about the subtext of what was occurring. “We are to be left to ourselves and our own exertions as a sacrifice to turn public opinion against those who attack us, and then if possible save the border states and the Union,” he wrote.
Lincoln, he told her, “is determined that he will have a compound Cabinet; and that it shall be peaceful, and even permanent”—a reference to the fact that Lincoln’s cabinet choices not only had clashing personalities but that a number of them, including Seward himself, had competed against him for the Republican presidential nomination.
“The first notion he acquires in life is, that he was born to command, and the first habit he contracts is that of ruling without resistance. His education tends, then, to give him the character of a haughty and hasty man,—irascible, violent, ardent in his desires, impatient of obstacles but easily discouraged if he cannot succeed upon his first attempt.”