Righteous Indignation: Excuse Me While I Save the World
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Read between December 5 - December 7, 2020
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My AM professors taught me to ask questions, to use the Socratic method. And I started to ask everyone around me some basic questions, but they didn’t want to engage or couldn’t engage in basic civil debate.
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The person that made this new pursuit of intellectual engagement invigorating and sexy was Camille Paglia. Her book, Sexual Personae, made me realize how little I really had learned in college. Her articles and assorted writings began to open my mind up to the fraud that is higher education in America.
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while Professor Limbaugh was focusing on the corrupt relationship between politics and the media and Professor Paglia was focusing on the corrupt relationship between politics and academia,
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Nihilism, after all, is never a comforting companion. I had known it was garbage, but I felt that I couldn’t tell a Harvard Ph.D. that I thought it was garbage. Surely my professors had known something I didn’t. Now I was realizing that just wasn’t true.
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His philosophy, his poses, his trite, utopian, disapproving pronouncements—they were just boring. I stopped calling him, actually avoided him.
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Mike’s arrogant, elitist approach toward conservatism was laziness covered in pseudo-intellectualism.
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I went to Central Market, a proto–Whole Foods on steroids—the Eighth Wonder of the World, an affirmation of capitalism deceptively marketed to guilty liberals—and bought a rotisserie chicken and a six-pack of Pilsner Urquell.
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Here was a place where freedom of speech truly existed, where you could say anything, think anything, be anything. It was no wonder that the first adopters of the Internet were the outcasts of the Complex: libertarians and conservatives.
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I signed up for his e-mail list. Every day, he would send out these massive e-mail files of articles that compiled all the data that was available about Clinton, whether related to Whitewater or Casa Grande or any of the other myriad scandals cropping up around Bill and Hillary at the time.
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The other person dropping his ideas into this alt group (and many others) was somebody named Matt Drudge. He had a news digest he called the Drudge Report.
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Maybe it was this lack of cynicism that most captured me. My generation had embraced Kurt Cobain and late-1980s stand-up comedy and Spy magazine—we’d embraced irony as our badge of hipness.
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I was sick of the same sitcoms, I was sick of the same songs, I was sick of the same cookie-cutter everything.
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Reading the Drudge Report was opening my eyes to the power of the individual to take on massive, entrenched power—in government, the media, everywhere. To borrow a phrase: Drudge was hope and change.
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Reports have surfaced that Isikoff has been in contact with a former White House staffer who may offer ‘pattern’ evidence of improper sexual conduct on the part of the President.”
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The string of successes of man vs. media was starting to add up. Tons of media began profiling Drudge, the Internet started gaining attention as something other than a hobby, and—naturally!—members of respected journalistic institutions began slandering Drudge with charges they couldn’t back up, let alone prove.
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At the time, the world was just finding out the list of favors the Clinton White House was paying out for high-end donors, including overnight stays in the Lincoln Bedroom.
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Larry Lawrence
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The more we delve into Larry Lawrence’s last years, the more he looks like the poster child of President Clinton’s Make-A-Wish Foundation for big-time donors….
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But Arianna was just getting started. She was responding to attacks on her credibility with calm and composure, knowing that she had the goods, and reacting with utter serenity as she watched a phalanx of media swarm around her, looking for their pound of flesh. She fed them the story, bit by bit.
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The house of cards that the Complex constructed for Larry Lawrence began to crumble. The same media that had attacked Arianna now began to swing behind her, calling for Lawrence’s disinterment from Arlington:
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They had put their names and credibility out there, and when caught red-handed, none of them had ever apologized. But it didn’t matter.
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They had the requisite slams, of course, posting a picture of Drudge’s website next to pictures of extreme websites, implying that the Internet was filled with crazies and white supremacists.
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For me, as a Clinton aficionado, this was a huge day—a sitting president testifying about accusations of sexual harassment.
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But at the same time, I knew that if they were going to hold Thomas to that standard, they had to hold Clinton to that standard as well. The Clinton hearings became, to me, the living embodiment of the Democrat-Media Complex—and the inherent biases of the media were multiplied when cable news came of age during this era. With an enormous dedication of resources, the Complex went to work spinning Bill Clinton out of peril.
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Clinton could attack women, use his gun-toting state troopers to recruit hand-picked groupies for him as if he were a rock star, pull down his pants and say, “Kiss it.” He could get away with it because he was a liberal, and because liberals wanted him to get away with it.
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The DRUDGE REPORT has learned that reporter Michael Isikoff developed the story of his career, only to have it spiked by top NEWSWEEK suits hours before publication. A young woman, 23, sexually involved with the love of her life, the President of the United States, since she was a 21-year-old intern at the White House.
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“This is what these creeps do. I’m sick of having cocktails with them. I’m now at war with them. No more cocktails.”
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My biggest experience yet with the mainstream media came after Drudge broke the Monica
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Lewinsky story.
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Stephanopoulos, by the way, has now been rewarded by ABC News, his employer, with the false label of a neutral, objective reporter—not once, but twice—for thwarting legitimate stories.
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And the next night, at 11:52, Drudge released Lewinsky’s name. And for the next day and a half, the media maintained their silence.
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REPORT: LEWINSKY OFFERED U.N. JOB; INVESTIGATORS: DNA TRAIL MAY EXIST.
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But the Democrat-Media Complex isn’t enormously powerful because they give up easily. Over the course of the next eight months, they took an open-and-shut case of sexual harassment, of perjury, of intimidation of witnesses—they took that epic slam-dunk and used a coordinated media propaganda campaign of monumental proportions to split the country apart.
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They knew that most Americans still thought that Clinton was a liar and a sexual predator, but they knew that if they could only convince Americans that “everybody lies about sex,” everything would turn out fine for their man, no matter how hypocritical and manipulative they were being to save him.
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According to Hitchens, Blumenthal told Hitchens’s wife that he only gave credence to the “stalker” account because “the President told me.”
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Apostates like Hitchens are given the most egregious treatment by the Complex; the Clintonistas labeled him a drunk and a traitor to the cause.
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Blumenthal instructed friends of Clinton’s to write long pieces that all had the same meme: that the repressed conservatives were obsessed with a president who had a “European” view of sex.
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“Toni Morrison, a Nobel Prize winner and one of the greatest writers of this dying century, sums it up in one inspired flourish. ‘They have treated Clinton as if he was a black president.’
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Another was Alan Dershowitz, who wrote an entire book defending Clinton, entitled Sexual McCarthyism.
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This had been a story about Clinton lying to the American people, forcing witnesses into silence, and breaking faith with the constitutional order. Now it was a story about evil Republican oppressors with secret sexual issues trying to drag Bill Clinton’s open-minded sex life out of the closet and thrust it upon the American people.
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Nobody in the media
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thought to ask whether it was brazen abuse to hire detectives to pressure prosecuting attorneys.
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The Clintons had at one time or another hired Terry Lenzner, private eye Jack Palladino, and private eye Anthony Pellicano to do this kind of dirty work. Pellicano had allegedly been hired by Hillary in 1992 to discredit Gennifer Flowers. Palladino had been used to silence women during the campaign; the Clinton election committee paid him $93,000 to “investigate” the women. According to Betsey Wright, one of Clinton’s aides, Palladino even went so far as to create “an affidavit or two” linking Flowers to a conservative conspiracy.
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The editors at Salon.com knew that the Hyde story was totally extraneous to the Clinton situation, and that it was a gratuitous smear designed to get Hyde and the rest of the constitutionally mandated impeachment managers to back off Clinton
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Salon’s editors explained on the site: “Aren’t we fighting fire with fire, descending to the gutter tactics of those we deplore? Frankly, yes. But ugly times call for ugly tactics.
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Flynt wrote in his autobiography, Sex, Lies & Politics: The Naked Truth. “Everybody wanted his head on a platter and I thought it was grossly unfair. He hadn’t robbed the country’s treasury. He hadn’t committed treason. At worst, he got a blow job in the Oval Office, and like any married man caught under those circumstances, he lied to cover his ass.”
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Rep. Helen Chenoweth (R-ID) admitted to the Idaho Statesman that she had had a longtime sexual relationship with an associate named Vernon Ravenscroft. For being totally unjustifiable as a news story, this was probably the most egregious of these so-called exposés. Chenoweth was single and she wasn’t a member of Congress when she had the sexual liaison. Salon.com chortled, “To her regret, she discovered that making your private morality a story by questioning the President’s is a really bad campaign idea.”
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The institutionalized conservative movement and specifically Newt Gingrich were conspicuously silent. They knew they were in no position to be going after Clinton for impeachment, even though it was on legal grounds, because they had allowed the left to turn the media narrative into one of sexual inquisition.
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This was when I recognized that the next Republican president was going to be isolated for attack. The message was that the Complex still controlled the big guns, and if you punched them, they’d punch back twice as hard. George W. Bush’s fate was preordained.
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Get close enough to Bauer to give him the flu, which, if I am successful, will lay him flat just before the New Hampshire primary. I would go to Bauer’s campaign office and cough on everything—phones and pens, staplers and staffers. I even hatched a plan to infect the candidate himself….